Hidden Messages, Gen Dered Interaction in Israeli Schools
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HIDDEN MESSAGES, GEN DERED INTERACTION IN ISRAELI SCHOOLS by JUDITH ABRAHAMI-EINAT Thesis submitted for the degree Doctor of Philosophy to the INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION UNIVERSITY OF LONDON February 1994 - 2 ABSTRACT Hidden messages, gendered interaction in Israeli schools This ethnographic study exposes hidden, sex differentiated messages conveyed to boys and girls in Israeli Jewish schools. The analysis of classroom interactions, the school culture, school documents, extra curricular activities, and teachers' reflections about sex roles and their pupils' sexuality, all render valuable information about the powerful undercurrents present in the Israeli educational system, that is officially committed to equal opportunities. The observations conducted over a full academic year in three schools, are read within their cultural context. References to those social constructs that both generate the subtle sexist practices observed, and explain their deeper meanings and far reaching implications, make this study significant to the understanding of the specific Israeli scene. In addition, the disparity recorded between the teachers' stated commitment to equality, and their explicit and implicit gendered expectations, suggests a line of enquiry relevant to other educational systems too. The incompatability between traditional Jewish values, social constructs of modern Israel, and recent feminist critique, results in an ambivalent attitude to sex equity. This in turn leads to the resort to the most circuitous manner of preserving traditional values, that actually contradict the egalitarian ethos of each of the schools studied. Hence, the teachers' belief in the complementarity of the sexes, their interest in the pupils' patterns of heterosexual pairing, the insensitivity noted to subtle forms of sex discrimination, to - 3 - sexual harassment and to double standards in evaluations, all suggest an agenda hidden from the teachers themselves. The gendered interactions and the hidden messages conveyed through them, are most pronounced in extra curricular activities. The conclusion is that whether or not the Israeli national curriculum contains or encourages sexist practices, the schools, in their unique ways, convey traditional messages about sex roles, in extremely subtle manners. - 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to take this opportunity to thank my advisor Dr Diana Leonard, without whose advice and assistance this work could not have been completed. My thanks to my daughters, Naomi who helped organize the data, and to Daphna. Likewise I am indebted to all my friends in Israel and abroad, whose encouragement and support is deeply appreciated. - 5 CONTENTS 1. The research issue - choosing the topic 6 2. Review of literature 19 3. The myth of equality in Israeli schools 41 4. Israeli teachers' notion of equality 56 5. The research model: research issues, population, methodology and process 65 6. Uncovering the hidden messages 110 7. Teachers speak out - the revealing interviews 132 8. Hidden gendered messages in classroom interactions 154 9. Aspects of inequitable use of language 173 10. Textual analysis - the exposure of hidden messages in report cards 190 11. Conclusions and reflections 246 12. Appendixes 255 1.Guidelines for reducing sexism in schools 255 2. Teaching packs on classroom activities 260 3. Reports on special projects 264 4. Questionnaire for teachers 267 5.Report cards 269 6.Categories for quantifying data from report cards 275 7. Changes required 278 8. Use of categories by sex 281 9. Use of categories per teacher 284 13. Bibliography 287 - 6 - Chapter 1 THE RESEARCH ISSUE: CHOOSING THE TOPIC Personal concerns and political activities Silverman (1985) points out that research begins in one of three ways: large-scale theoretical concerns, a puzzling datum or methodological problem (Ibid, p. 5-8). The definition of puzzling datum best describes my case: an investigator finds topics within the material thrown up by his/her observation, that provide an incentive for worthwhile research. A clarification of the "puzzling datum" that provided the incentive for this study, requires a biographical note. The inclusion of such information is supported by Burgess (1984; 1985a) who does the same, and rationalizes by quoting other authors of educational studies who recognize and approve of the custom of researchers nowadays to relate not only their research biographies but also their own biographies as a means of highlighting the reasons that lay behind the selection of a particular area of social investigation in sociological study. Burgess (1985a), p. 141. The puzzling datum that motivated me to conduct a systematic investigation of schools, is the unresolved contradiction between the status of women in Israel and the situation of women. The goal was the exposure of the manner in which education in its widest sense, and the process of socialization in general, condition females to abstain from making full use of the progressive legislation, and to adhere insistently to traditional gendered behaviours. - 7 Likewise, the avoidance of critique of those social constructs and customs that enable the perpetuation of sexist and discriminatory practices, even on the part of women in the professional or the political arena, puzzled me, and aroused my curiosity. The fact that gender differentiated practices prevalent in Israel, are regarded as normative, and rarely rejected, lead me to investigate the source of power of the socializing powers that stand in the way of change. The concern with the impact of formal and informal education on the formation of an individual's self image and concept of ones role in society, dawned on me in my role of mother of two daughters. The bewilderment and growing anger I experienced while watching children's programmes on Israeli Educational Television with my preschool daughters, were the driving force that set me on the path of inquiry into issues of sexism, a word I had never heard of at the time. The biased world picture presented in the local productions was the most disturbing, since the ostentible reality there was easier for the young viewers to relate to, than that portrayed in American or British programmes. The distorted imitation of Israeli life conveyed through the portrayal of polarized scenes, suggested an educational or political goal that, prior to my involvement in my own chidren's exposure to society, I had never been aware of. My professional training in literary analysis, probably facilitated the process of critical viewing, and enabled me to soon clarify and define the source of my discontent. The stereotypical portrayal of male and female figures was pathetic, and the implied characteristics, particularly of females, were offensive. In addition, the limited world of females, as - 8 - portrayed in most of the programmes, had no resemblance to my own life style, and actually contradicted the model I was endeavouring to set my daughters. The need to accumulate evidence that could substantiate a formal complaint, brought me for the first time to the Tel-Aviv feminist club (1980), where I sought women willing to collaborate in a joint effort to conduct systematic observations of locally made children's programmes. Due to ignorance of similar work conducted elsewhere, much time was spent devising our own set of criteria. In later years I discovered great similarity between the form we devised to map our observations, and forms used by more experienced researchers in other countries. Our findings, carefully processed by the statistician in our group, confirmed our worst fears: while both sexes were presented in an extremely stereotypical fashion, the occupations and mannerisms reserved for the females were limited in scope, unflattering, and at times absolutely demeaning. Ultimately, however, although our data was impressively organized, and the recommendations meticulously substantiated, the abysmal ignorance in political activism of the members of the group, left us with our papers and our pain. Resources received in 1981 from an equity specialist in Maryland, US, thanks to the initiative of a mutual friend, introduced me to the terms non-sexist education, and anti-sexist initiatives. In retrospect, this was the turning point in my professional pursuits. The following year I came across Progrebin's exhaustive book Growing Up Free (1981) and my drive to make other Israeli parents and educators aware of the issues, became acute. - 9 - Another crucial stage in this direction was a tour programme drawn up for me at my request, by the British Council, in 1983. My programme officer in London was intrigued by my novel field of interest, and was delighted when by the end of my brief stay, I could inform her of additional contacts. My visits included The Institute of Education, University of London (Valerie Walkerdine), Department of Extra Mural Studies (Jane Hoy), ILEA Publishing Centre, CUES (Sue Adler), The Open University - women's studies group, Times Educational Supplement (Hilary Wilce), PPA, DASI project (Annie Cornbleet), and Women's Education Resource Centre. The information and literature I gathered was invaluable to my education. The reports of concerned teachers, the findings of research on classroom interaction, and the classroom practices described, sounded unlike anything I had come across in Israel, despite my involvement in education in a variety of capacities. At the same time, the conversations I held confirmed my thesis that particular social constructs, built into the respective