The Collin Family at Thunder Bay: a Case Study of Métissage

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The Collin Family at Thunder Bay: a Case Study of Métissage The Collin Family at Thunder Bay: A Case Study of Métissage RUTH SWAN and EDWARD A. JEROME University ofManitoba Hallock, Minn. Antoine Collin/Colin was a canoe-maker who was mentioned exten­ sively in the fur trade joumals in the early 19th century up to the 1830s. He and his descendants are of interest for the following reasons: (1) they represent the class oflower-ranked employees ofthe Montreal-based North West Company (NWC) who made the transition to the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) and are well documented in the postjoumals and account books; (2) while sorne stayed in the Lake Superior area and moved into the Ojibwe communities after treaty, at least one son moved to the Red River valley and bec ame "Métis"; (3) Antoine was Edward Jerome' s great-great­ great-grandfather. Not a great deal is known about individual "voyageurs" who came from Quebec and settled in the Great Lakes communities, aside from the writings ofJacqueline Peterson (1978, 1981). W. J. Eccles (1987) provides useful information on the exploration of the old North West by French officiais, and studies by geographers and historians of the fur trade and native history have contributed to our understanding of French expansion into the Great Lakes basin (Ray 1974; Campbel11976; Gilman 1982, 1992; and White 1991 ). Theresa Schenck has produced a notable family study on the Cadottes of Lake Superior (Schenck 1994). Edward Jerome, a descendant of the Pembina Métis in the Red River valley, has traced his ancestry back to Antoine Collin, the canoe-maker at Grand Portage and Fort William. This microstudy of a particular family investigates the canoe-maker's origins, the place of the family in the social hierarchy of the fur trade post, and what their ethnie identity might have been. It is part of a larger study which traces another son to the Red River valley and shows how these descendants contributed to the development of the bison hunting culture at Pernbina. 1 Antoine Collin's ancestry is difficult to trace because of the paucity of records in the 18th and earl y 19th centuries. There were no church records 1 This is the Ph.D. dissertation ofRuth Swan, "A history of the Pembina Méti s". 312 RUTH SWAN and EDWARD A. JEROME for the Thunder Bay area until the late 1830s when Father Pierz, based at Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan, went around Lake Superior to visit the Ojibwe and fur trade communities.2 He listed an Antoine Collin (son of Joseph), born in 1766, and an Angelique Collin born in 1767. A Metis genealogy suggests that Antoine Collin was born in 1780.3 His son Michel swore in an affidavit in 1874 that he had been born at Fort William in 1799. Since his father worked for the North West Company and it did not move from Grand Portage to establish the new rendezvous until 1804, it seems more likely Michel was born at Grand Portage where his father was stationed (Arthur 1973:xlv, 63). Since it has not been possible to identify Antoine Collin's mother, it is difficult to say definitely that he had biracial heritage. However, Elizabeth Arthur described the Collin family as long-established residents: "The Collins were in the Fort William area from the beginning of the nineteenth century... some were half-breeds; almost all married Indian girls" (1973:xliv-xlv). Campbell (1980:40) characterized the Collin family as different from the local "Indians" because of their occupation as "freemen" within the fur trade hierarchy.4 In his affidavit for halfbreed scrip in 1878, Jean Baptiste Collin listed his mother as "Mishaha Weyers (Latour)" without an ethnic designation (NAC, Affidavits, v. 1319). This suggests she may have had a French voyageur father, but was raised by her mother's Ojibwe family.5 Since Jean-Baptiste was eligible for scrip as a "Halfbreed head of family", at least one of his parents had Aboriginal ancestry, possibly both. Tanguay's Dictionnaire genealogique (1871-90, 3:109-112) shows that the first Collin (Mathurin) married in Quebec in 1668; thereafter, there are numerous references to the name, with Antoines being baptized in 1736 2 We would like to thank Father William Maurice, St. Anne's Church, Fort William First Nation, Thunder Bay, for genealogical information and Eric Angel for his assistance. 3 Sprague and Frye (1983, Table 1) give birthdates of 1780 for Antoine and 1783 for his wife. HBCA, B.231/e/5. An 1828 census lists both Michel and Antoine Collin as "freemen". "Weyers" is not a known French voyageur name, but it might be a misspelling of "Sayer". John Sayer was a North West Company bourgeois in the Fond du Lac distnct of northern Minnesota. He was bom about 1750 and had a fur trade licence for Michilimackinac by 1780 (Wallace 1934:497); he could have had an Ojibwe daughter bom about 1783 who had a son at Grand Portage by 1799. THE COLLIN FAMILY AT THUNDER BAY 313 and 1743. There is no baptism for an Antoine in 1766 as per Father Pierz's notes (Maurice, personal communication, 1998), suggesting that Antoine the canoe-maker was born around Lake Superior. There is an Antoine Collin who had three children born 1792-94, one at Repentigny, Que., but he cannot be connected with the voyageur. Evidence from the voyageur contracts suggests that there were at least ten men by the name of Collin dit Laliberte in the Great Lakes area during the 18th century; for example, there was a Pierre Colin dit Laliberte at Detroit by 1713, an Antoine Colin at Michilimackmac by 1752 and a Claude Colin at Kaministiquia (the future site of NWC Fort William) by 1752 (MHS, QAR). They may have been the canoe-maker's grandfather, uncle, or cousins. There was a contract for Joseph Laliberte dit Colin to go to Michilimackmac in 1753 (MHS, QAR #263,12juin 1753), and contracts for Joseph Colin dit Laliberte to go to Michilimackmac in 1754 and to Grand Portage in 1758 (MHS, QAR #283, 19 mai 1754, and #361, 21 Jan­ vier 1758). Since Father Pierz listed Antoine's father as "Joseph" and his birth date as 1767, this Joseph was in the right place at the right time to be his father. The evidence is circumstantial as we did not find a contract for Antoine Colin between 1780 and 1799; nevertheless, it appears likely that he was born around Lake Superior and had an Ojibwe mother; he may have been born at Grand Portage as he worked there in 1799. Usually, the contracts lasted three to five years and the French voyageurs took native wives according to the custom of the country.6 Since many of the voyageurs listed in the genealogical dictionaries disappeared from the Quebec records and appear in Great Lakes communities, it appears that they formed the basis of mixed-blood communities around the Great Lakes, such as Detroit, La Baye (Green Bay), Chicago, Sault Ste. Mane, La Point and Grand Portage (Peterson 1978, 1981, 1985). Richard White's claim that "a separate people, the metis, ...mediated between French and Algonquians 6 "The bourgeois' control over their men was also continually limited by the latters' willingness to choose the option of remaining in the country as freemen instead of either returning to Montreal or pursuing their fur trade duties. Equipped with wilderness skills and often unwilling to return to the more constrained lite ot their home society, a considerable but undetermined number left their emp oyerto settle with their native families in the Northwest where they subsisted partially^ indep­ endently and partially by income gained from work as guides SUPP^0™^ for fur trade company men in their area" (Brown 1980^:86); see also Van Kirk (1980:28). 314 RUTH SWAN and EDWARD A. JEROME and became of critical importance to the area" is debatable because they used the term "Freemen" rather than "metis" (White 1991:74). The records of the fur trade provide the most information on the men of the Collin/Colin family. The earliest records from the North West Company show that Antoine Colin was at Grand Portage in 1799 with an annual wage of 600 livres (Masson 1889-90,1:66). The NWC Ledger Book of 1811-21 includes Antoine Colin and his sons Michel and Jean-Baptiste; most of Antoine's income derives from canoe-building. He also had an 1816 NWC account; against his annual wages (implying that he was a con­ tract employee and not a freeman), he purchased on 19 November a 3-foot gun, 95 lbs. of flour, 3 lbs. of powder, 10 lbs. of shot, 4 flints, and 1 wor­ sted belt. Against the income of a canoe on 20 November, he obtained two quarts of high wines mixed and a large horn comb. There are only four dated entries for 1816-17, suggesting that Antome's family was fairly self- sufficient. Michel only appeared in two entries for 6 and 7 September 1816, with such items as blankets, strouds, yew-handle knives, tobacco, portage strap, silk handkerchief, and six yards printed calico.8 During the Fur Trade War when the NWC and HBC were involved in fierce competition, the HBC Thunder Bay (Point de Meurons) post journal noted Antoine's unhappiness with the NWC and his offer to switch allegiances: This afternoon, Colin the Canoe Maker of Fort William came here with a Macock of Sugar to trade — he complains greatly of the usage he has met with from the Nor-Westers and has made one an offer of canoe bark which he says he will send the latter end of this month.
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