University of Alberta
The Construction of Sport Heritage Attractions
by
Gregory Ramshaw
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation
Edmonton, Alberta Spring 2009 Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de Pedition
395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaONK1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada
Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-55599-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-55599-6
NOTICE: AVIS:
The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats.
The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission.
In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privee, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de thesis. cette these.
While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis.
1*1 Canada ABSTRACT
Sport can be heritage, and some of the most recognizable manifestations of sport heritage
are as tourist attractions. There are, however, few studies that have addressed the
construction of sport heritage as a tourist attraction. The purpose of this research was two-fold. Firstly, this study aimed to understand the ways in which sport heritage
attractions are constructed, what affects and alters the construction of sport heritage
attractions, and why particular constructions are adopted or ignored at sport heritage
attractions. Secondly, this study aimed to consider sport as a of form heritage tourism.
These purposes were addressed by examining three types of sport heritage tourist
attractions: a sport hall of fame and museum (The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum at
Canada Olympic Park in Calgary, Alberta), tours of a sports stadium (Twickenham
Stadium Tours in London, England), and a heritage-based sporting event (The Heritage
Classic in Edmonton, Alberta). Three constructions emerged from this research. Firstly,
sport heritage attractions employ a hybrid of traditional and contemporary museological
practices that create and contextualize the human dimensions of sport heritage. Secondly,
sport heritage attractions employ particular spatial and temporal constructs that
emphasize legacy rather than history, in large part because notions of crisis are a central
feature of sport heritage. Finally, globalization, particularly as manifest through global
tourist consumption, is integral to the construction of sport heritage as many sport
heritage sites are created and molded to attract international visitation. These
constructions resulted in three outcomes for sport heritage attractions. Firstly, sport
heritage attractions are meant to propagate organizational aims, goals, and visions.
Secondly, sport heritage attractions are meant to be venues of worship and pilgrimage, where tourists pay homage to their sporting heroes. Finally, sport heritage attractions are meant for cultural and commercial consumption, multi-packaged and produced for both internal and external consumers. Ultimately, sport heritage attractions reflect Graham,
Ashworth, and Tunbridge's (2000) assertion that heritage represents a duality of cultural
and economic capital. However, while Graham et al (2000) warn that there are
frequently contradictions between these forms of capital, their application at sport heritage attractions are dialectical. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
A doctoral research program is a kind-of paradox. While most of the researching and writing is done in isolation, the program is rarely, if ever, a solitary process. There have been so many people - far more than can be named here - who have helped me through this five-plus year expedition. To those many friends who have shared food, drink, shelter and (most importantly) sanity throughout the years - thank you so very much!
This journey would not have been possible without the wonderful support of my family. Mom and Dad, you have been so magnificent throughout my academic career.
Whether it was a hot meal or a plane ticket to a conference, you have always been there for me. What I am and what I will become is a testament to your love. Rob, you have been one of my most consistent cheerleaders, and have been a true big brother to me.
Thanks, bro!
I would also like to thank the many people who were instrumental in the completion of this research. In particular I wish to recognize my supervisory committee,
Tom Hinch, PearlAnn Reichwein, and Jay Scherer, for their support, patience, and guidance. I would also like to thank the rest of my examining committee for giving so freely of their time and expertise: David Mills and Stephen Boyd. I also thank Gord
Walker for chairing my candidacy examination and Elizabeth Halpenny for chairing my final examination.
There were two people who require special recognition and who I consider
"unofficial" advisors on this project. Sean Gammon of the University of Bedfordshire is not only a sounding board for all things sport heritage and a co-conspirator on several research projects, he has also been sympathetic ear and a good friend throughout. Thanks Gammers! Terry O'Riordan, in addition to being an excellent human being and my best friend, possesses some of the most acute observations about heritage theory I have yet encountered. Our many conversations, particularly while we watched games from the third base bleachers at Telus Field, were instrumental in shaping my thoughts about this project, and I thank you so much for your insight and your friendship.
Finally, I would like to thank my wife Shawna for being such a wonderful partner
and friend throughout these five years. Your support, love, patience, and compassion are
an inspiration to me, and I cannot imagine what this journey would have been like without you by my side. I owe you more than I could ever repay - thank you, my
sweetheart, and I love you. TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION 1 Rationale 2 Purpose of the Research 4 The Research Studies 8 References 13
Chapter 2: LIVING HERITAGE AND THE SPORTS MUSEUM: ATHLETES, LEGACY AND THE OLYMPIC HALL OF FAME AND MUSEUM, CANADA OLYMPIC PARK 17 Contemporary Museums and the New Museology 20 Sport and the Museum 22 Sports Museums as Zoos 26 Case Study: The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum at Canada Olympic Park 29 Methodology 36 Athletes as "Artefacts" 38 Visitors as "Athletes" 46 Discussion - Athletes at the Zoo/Athletes at the Mall 50 Conclusion 54 References 56
Chapter 3: ON HOME GROUND? TWICKENHAM STADIUM TOURS AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF SPORT HERITAGE 60 Heritage, Tourism and the Idea of Home 61 Heritage Sport Tourism and Home 64 Case Study: Twickenham Stadium Tours - "Home of English Rugby" 69 Methodology 77 Twickenham Stadium as Home 79 Twickenham Stadium as the Home of the English National Rugby Team 80 Twickenham Stadium as the Spiritual Home of Rugby 83 Twickenham Stadium and England as Home 88 Discussion: Constructing Home - Crisis and Commodification at Twickenham Stadium 91 Conclusion 96 References 97
Chapter 4: PLACE IDENTITY AND SPORT TOURISM: THE CASE OF THE HERITAGE CLASSIC ICE HOCKEY EVENT 101 Heritage, Nostalgia, Place Identity, and Outdoor Rinks in Canada 102 The Outdoor Rink and Environment 107 The Outdoor Rink and Fantasy 108 The Outdoor Rink and Canadian Nationalism 111 Case Study: The Heritage Classic 113 Methodology 115 "The World's At Our Doorstep": Local Media Perspectives 117 Rural Roots 117 Tourism 121 Community Spirit 126 "Living on Past Glories": National Media Perspectives 129 Canadiana 130 National Perceptions of Edmonton 132 "If You Build It, They' 11 be Numb": International Media Perspectives 134 Discussion 139 Conclusion 145 References 146 Chapter 5: THE CONSTRUCTION OF SPORT HERITAGE ATTRACTIONS 155 Sport as Heritage 156 The Constructions of Sport Heritage Attractions 158 The Human Dimensions of Sport Heritage Attractions 159 Case Study #1 - The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum (Calgary, Alberta, Canada) 163 Legacy, Crisis, and Sport Heritage 166 Case Study #2 - Twickenham Stadium Tours (London, England) 170 Globalization, Tourism, and Sport Heritage 172 Case Study #3 - The Heritage Classic Ice Hockey Event (Edmonton, Alberta, Canada) 177 The Outcomes of Sport Heritage Attractions 179 Sport Heritage Attractions as Venues for the Dissemination of Organizational Propaganda 180 Case Study #1 - The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum (Calgary, Alberta, Canada) 182 Sport Heritage Attractions as Venues for Secular Pilgrimage 187 Case Study #2 - Twickenham Stadium Tours (London, England) 189 Sport Heritage Attractions as Venues for Cultural and Commercial Consumption 193 Case Study #3 - The Heritage Classic Ice Hockey Event (Edmonton, Alberta, Canada) 195 Discussion 199 Conclusion 202 References 203
Chapter 6: CONCLUSION AND FUTURE RESEARCH AGENDA 211 Research Findings 212 Research Implications 216 Future Research Agenda 217 References 222
Appendix A: Preliminary Contact Letter, Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum 224
Appendix B: Interview Guide, Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum 225
Appendix C: Participant Information Letter, Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum 226 Appendix D: Informed Consent Form, Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum 228
Appendix E: Preliminary Contact Letter, Twickenham Stadium 229
Appendix F: Interview Guide, Twickenham Stadium 230
Appendix G: Participant Information Letter, Twickenham Stadium 231
Appendix H: Informed Consent Form, Twickenham Stadium 233
Appendix I: Preliminary Contact Letter, The Heritage Classic 235
Appendix J: Interview Guide, The Heritage Classic 236
Appendix K: Participant Information Letter, The Heritage Classic 237
Appendix L: Informed Consent Form, The Heritage Classic 239 LIST OF TABLES
Table 1-1: Research papers, sport heritage attractions, and topics addressed 5 LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2-1 - The main site of the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum at the Frank King Olympic Visitors Centre at Canada Olympic Park. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 30
Figure 2-2 - The results boards from all previous Winter Olympic Games displayed in the first floor of the main Hall of Fame and Museum gallery. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 31
Figure 2-3 - The replica Jamaican bobsled on display in the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 32
Figure 2-4 - The hockey exhibit on the second floor of the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, which includes the jersey of famous Canadian hockey player and Olympian Joe Sakic. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 33
Figure 2-5 - Although the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum does not enshrine athletes, the stairwell between the ground and upper floors of the main museum site did recognize Canadian medallists from the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City and also features numerous inspirational quotes from Canadian athletes, including this from Deidra Dionne, Canadian freestyle skier and bronze medallist at the Salt Lake City Olympics. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 34
Figure 2-6 - A ski jump display in the 90m ski jump tower at Canada Olympic Park. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 35
Figure 2-7 - The Ice House training facility is one of the main museum spaces. The "tourist" luge tracks - the two tracks in the foreground - run parallel to the athlete luge and bobsleigh training tracks - at the far right and in the background. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 36 Figure 3-1 - Twickenham Stadium looms over the surrounding residential community. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 70
Figure 3-2 - The Rugby Store, where Twickenham Stadium Tours begin and end. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 71
Figure 3-3 - The bird's eye view of Twickenham Stadium from the north stand. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 72
Figure 3-4 - Memorabilia displays in the Nike private suite. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw . 73
Figure 3-5 - The Second World War memorial board outside of the Council Room, which includes the name of famous England international "Prince" Alexander Obolensky. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 74
Figure 3-6 - The famous "Roses Match" painting, located in the President's suite. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 75
Figure 3-7 - Name plaque and change room stall of famous England international team player Jonny Wilkinson. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 76
Figure 3-8 - English Rose, the logo for the RFU and a powerful English national symbol, painted pitch side. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw 77 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
CBA - Collective Bargaining Agreement
CBC - Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
CODA - Calgary Olympic Development Association
COP - Canada Olympic Park
ESPN - Entertainment and Sports Broadcasting Network
FC - Football Club
GM - General Manager
LA - Los Angeles
NAIT - Northern Alberta Institute of Technology
NHL - National Hockey League
RFU - Rugby Football Union
TSN - The Sports Network
US - United States
USOC - United States Olympic Committee 1
Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION
Sport can be heritage. This has little to do with sport's role as an expression of culture and identity, or whether sport is an archaeologically, architecturally or historically relevant field of study. Heritage can be created out of most any fabric; as a resource, heritage is not finite (Howard, 2003). Sport can be heritage simply because we wish to make it heritage. This is because there is no such "thing" as heritage (Ashworth, 2008;
Smith, 2006). On the surface, this statement appears to be counterintuitive, for surely we have all taken pride in our personal or collective inheritance, be it a building, a relic, or some other tangible artefact from the past, and wished to share such "things" with others.
Many of us have no doubt been asked to donate time or money in the conservation of a heritage property or site, or perhaps been saddened when a symbol of our heritage has been destroyed, lost or vandalised. However, heritage is not a childhood toy, a photograph of great-grandparents, a medieval church at the centre of a village, Centre
Block at Parliament Hill, Machu Picchu, or the Great Wall of China. Heritage is not "an
object or a site but.. .a process and an outcome: it uses objects and sites as vehicles for the transmission of ideas in the service of a wide range of contemporary social needs"
(Ashworth, 2008, p. 25) or, as Smith (2006) contends, "heritage is...ultimately a cultural
practice, involved in the construction and regulation of a wide range of values and
understandings" (p. 11). Heritage, therefore, is a product of the present, driven by the
needs, tastes, and values of that present, which takes materials of the past, whether they
are relics, history or memory, and constructs them for the requirements of an imagined
future (Ashworth, 2008; Graham, Ashworth & Tunbridge, 2000; Lowenthal, 1998). As a
resource of the present, sport heritage has been used in everything from the design of 2
stadia (Friedman, Andrews & Silk, 2004) to legitimizing and enshrining contemporary
sporting practices (Starn, 2006). Frequently, however, sport heritage is used as a tourism resource. Sites such as sport halls of fame and museums (Adair, 2004; Gibson, 1998;
Kidd, 1996; Redmond, 1973; Springwood, 1996; Synder, 1991; Vamplew, 1998), sports
stadia and sporting venues (Friedman et al 2004; Gammon, 2004; Gammon & Fear,
2007), sport fantasy camps (Gammon, 2002; Gibson, 1998), and heritage sporting events
(Bale, 1993, 1994; Hinch & de la Barre, 2005) are but a few examples of tourist
attractions that feature sport heritage. Gibson (1998) also identifies sport-themed cruises
as another attraction based upon sport heritage, while Weed and Bull (2004) describe
attending a match at a sports "mecca" like Lord's or Yankee Stadium as culturally
significant components of a destination. However, these studies primarily focus on the
relative historical, sociological, or cultural merits of sport heritage and do not consider
these sites as part of a larger, integrated heritage and tourism milieu.
Rationale
There is little doubt that sport can be integral in the construction of a shared
heritage, in the same way that national mythologies can instil feelings of a common
legacy or inheritance. Howard (2003) explains how sport heritage could be considered a
central component of a collective identity:
(T)he (UK) House of Commons has debated which sporting events should
appear on terrestrial television because they are perceived to be part of the
national patrimony and more than merely a game. Certainly cricket is
perceived by its supporters to be a critical part of the cohesive heritage of 3
the Commonwealth, whereas the success of Euro 96 suggests that football
may perform the same role in European terms. Suggestions that the local
football team may have to be liquidated because of bankruptcy produce a
response that is clearly beyond economic considerations, (p. 89)
Tuck's (2003) exploration of rugby union in Ireland further demonstrates that sport is instrumental in forming a shared cultural heritage beyond the pitch, while Foer's (2005) description of the Rangers-Celtic football rivalry in Glasgow shows that competing notions of non-sporting heritage, such as sectarian heritage, can be practiced and ritualized through sport. However, it is within tourism where sport heritage is most
explicitly constructed and disseminated, although sport heritage attractions have garnered
little attention or research in academic fields1. Heritage fields have briefly touched on
sport (Graham et al, 2000; Howard, 2003) while tourism fields, particularly those in
sport, note that there have been few studies related to sport heritage (Hinch & Higham,
2004). This is surprising, given that there are numerous sport heritage sites that are also
significant tourist attractions. For example, Friedman (2007) notes that Fenway Park, the
historic home of the Boston Red Sox, is the most popular tourist attraction in the state of
Massachusetts, while Gammon (2002) contends that the museum at Camp Nou, home of
Barcelona FC, is the most visited attraction in the city, Tourist motivation, either to
nostalgize aspects of sport heritage (Kulczycki & Hyatt, 2007) or perform rites of secular
pilgrimage at sport heritage sites (Gammon, 2004), can also play a role in the relationship
between tourism and sport heritage. What is missing from both the heritage studies and
1 There has been some recent research in this area, in part by the author of this dissertation. For one such example, see: Gammon, S. & Ramshaw, G. (Eds.) (2007). Heritage, Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures. London: Routledge. 4 sport tourism literature is an in-depth study that not only considers sport heritage as a distinct form of tourist attraction, but also a particular type of heritage and tourism construction.
Purpose of the Research
The purpose of this research is two-fold. Firstly, this research aims to understand the ways in which sport heritage attractions are constructed, what affects and alters the construction of sport heritage attractions, and why particular constructions are adopted or ignored at sport heritage attractions. Secondly, this research aims to consider sport as a form of heritage and heritage tourism. In other words, this aim is meant to place sport within the wider heritage and tourism literature, debates, and theory. These purposes are
addressed by examining three types of sport heritage tourist attractions (a sports hall of
fame and museum, a sports stadium, and a heritage-based sporting event) with a fourth,
integrative paper that explores the common themes found across these sport heritage
attractions. See Table 1-1 for the research papers, attractions, and topics addressed in
each of the papers.
Taking Crotty's (1998) standpoint that constructionist perspectives are "the
collective generation (and transmission) of meaning" (p. 58), this research viewed the
construction of sport heritage attractions as neither inherent nor constructed solely at the
individual, cognitive (or constructivist) level. Poria, Butler and Airey (2001, 2003)
regard heritage attractions as being entirely created by and for the individual, however
Timothy and Boyd (2003) argue that such a view ignores dissonance as an intrinsic
aspect in the construction and dissemination of heritage narratives at tourist attractions. Adopting a constructionist view throughout this research study recognizes that heritage constructions and attractions can be collectively recognized, enshrined and institutionalized, while also recognizing that such constructions can be collectively altered, changed, and challenged based on contemporary contexts and circumstances.
Table 1-1: Research papers, sport heritage attractions, and topics addressed Paper Name Type of Sport Heritage Topics Addressed Attraction Living Heritage and the Sports hall of fame and Constructions of sports Sports Museum: Athletes, museum halls of fame and museums Legacy and the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, Canada Olympic Park On Home Ground? Sports stadium Constructions of stadium Twickenham Stadium Tours tours and the Construction of Sport Heritage Place Identity and Sport Heritage-based sporting Constructions of heritage- Tourism: The Case of the event based sporting events Heritage Classic Ice Hockey Event The Construction of Sport Integrative study Constructions and outcomes Heritage Attractions of sport heritage attractions
Sport heritage attractions are products of the present. Social, cultural, economic,
and political circumstances can affect and alter heritage narratives and attractions. Richter
(2005) describes some of the issues in developing heritage tourism attractions:
Perhaps because the word "heritage" sounds lofty and important, there
may be a general assumption that such tourism is, by definition, good and
its development uncontroversial. That would be wrong. All the
motivations, expectations, problems and negotiations that surround any
form of tourism development must be factored into the development of 6
heritage sites. The desire for economic growth, jobs, tax revenues, civic
pride and private benefits are all a part of the struggle for heritage
development. As such, heritage tourism is in no way immune from the
battle over power and resources, (pp. 257-258)
However, because sport has received scant attention in tourism and heritage fields, little was known about what factors create and change sport heritage attractions, let alone what role these factors have in constructing sport heritage attractions.
Graham, Ashworth and Tunbridge (2005) argue that heritage is a zero-sum game; that for every heritage narrative which is enshrined, institutionalized, and celebrated, there are innumerable others that are ignored, discarded or disenfranchised. This research seeks to uncover why particular constructions were adopted at sport heritage attractions, and to what ends. Graham et al (2000), for example, argue that heritage is created to enhance cultural and economic capital. However, because there were few research studies focusing on sport heritage attractions, why sport heritage attractions were created and maintained remained unclear. This project, therefore, also asked why and for whom sport heritage attractions exist.
Finally, this research project seeks to include sport heritage as part of the wider heritage and tourism milieu. Beyond the cultural and economic justifications for the study of sport heritage attractions, this research project was also, in part, a case to have sport considered and included as part of tourism and heritage debates. Throughout the last decade or so, I have been informed by numerous curators and heritage professionals that they "don't do sport" at their sites, regardless of public interest in the subject or relevancy to their collection, because it does not belong in a "serious" museum. I have been 7 lectured by academics that told me that sport heritage "doesn't matter" in comparison with other more important types of heritage knowledge. Sport heritage is seemingly easy to dismiss and discount as little more than tawdry nostalgia, uncritically created and consumed by a willing and partisan public.
As I write, Yankee Stadium is in the final week of its final season as the home venue of the New York Yankees baseball team. Innumerable tributes to the "House that
Ruth Built" filled the newspapers and airwaves throughout the summer, while tickets for the final game at the stadium are selling for thousands of dollars on internet auction sites.
The South Bronx in New York City may be one of the most unlikely places for a pilgrimage, but for the summer of 2008 especially, it has been a "Mecca" for sports fanatics.
I was one of the devout, or maybe the curious, that made my way to Yankee
Stadium during this final season. I am not a Yankees fan, but I felt I had to go for the first time (and, ultimately, the last time) before the old Stadium was replaced by the new
(but, ironically, old-looking) Yankee Stadium across the street. I bought the t-shirt, took photographs, and was swept up in the mere fact of "being there" to the point where I watched the stadium, and the crowd, more than the game on the field. I am still not entirely sure why I felt such a strong desire to see a game at Yankee Stadium, but it mattered enough for me to fly across the continent, and spend thousands of dollars, to do so.
I was not alone in my devotion. There were many, many others - men and women, people of all ages and, like me, clearly not New Yorkers - who had come, seemingly to pay homage. They too lined up outside the souvenir shop, buying trinkets 8 commemorating the final season at the most hallowed of baseball grounds. They also arrived at the stadium several hours before game time in order to take in the atmosphere, buy a hot dog and a beer, and just "be there." It then occurred to me that not only is sport heritage important for tourism, but that sport heritage clearly matters and that it deserves to be studied and understood. I had felt this for many years, but at that moment, sitting in the left field bleachers just behind the Yankees bullpen, the purpose of my research
seemed far clearer and more urgent than it ever had before. While my Yankee Stadium
experience was not necessarily a structured form of sport heritage attraction in the same
way that a sports museum or stadium tour is, it nevertheless further illustrated to me that
sport heritage matters to many people, that this area of research is immense and largely
untapped, and that has been ignored for far too long.
The Research Studies
Four papers were completed as part of this research study: three studies directly
related to particular types of sport heritage attractions, and a fourth paper that considered
sport heritage attractions as an integrated area of research. A multi-paper format was
chosen for this dissertation. The multi-paper format allows for wider dissemination of
research findings and provides experience in the publishing process, both of which are
vital in this field considering the lack of published research about sport heritage
attractions. The sport heritage attractions chosen for this study represented three of the
major types of sport heritage sites covered in the literature (Gibson, 1998; Hinch &
Higham, 2004), namely sports halls of fame and museums, sports stadia, and heritage
sporting events. They were situated in three different sports and geographical locations, 9 with each case representing a different level of familiarity for the author. This was
important, as a breadth of sports, locations, and personal familiarity both broadens the types of heritage studied and defends against too narrow a focus in the research.
Furthermore, these attractions were feasible to study in terms of the time and resources
available as part of a doctoral research project.
The first study, Chapter 2, addressed sports halls of fame and museums. In particular, the study examined the construction of the Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. Sport halls of fame and museums represent the
largest area of sport heritage research (Adair, 2004; Gibson, 1998; Kidd, 1996; Redmond,
1973; Springwood, 1996; Synder, 1991; Vamplew, 1998), but few studies have explored
what the role of these attractions are, and how heritage is used to promote these roles.
These sites, in particular, incorporate a number of hands-on exhibits and displays,
seemingly to address several practical and pragmatic issues, while also displaying sports
artefacts and memorabilia with little explanation or context as to their significance.
Furthermore, some of these sport "artefacts" are the athletes themselves, enshrined as
retired heroes of their sport or, as is the case at the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum,
current athletes whose training regimes are on display as part of the museum's exhibits.
Therefore, this study asked what these artefacts and methods of display revealed about
the purpose of the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, in particular how sport heritage is
used to address contemporary organizational needs and concerns.
The second study, Chapter 3, addressed the tours of Twickenham Stadium in
London, England. Stadium tours are one of the most recognizable ways in which tourists
can go "behind the scenes" at the homes of their favourite teams or sports (Gammon, 10
2004; Gammon & Fear, 2007). The notion of home is particularly powerful from both heritage and tourism perspectives, as "home" suggests a certain type of heritage precedence while also providing a competitive tourism advantage over rival locations.
Narratives at sport heritage sites may disseminate notions of home, both to create and
solidify particular heritage claims, as well as to enhance the tourism potential of a location. Therefore, this study examined constructions of "home" at Twickenham
Stadium, looking for both the cultural and economic reasons why "home narratives" may be adopted on stadium tours.
The third study, Chapter 4, addressed the Heritage Classic outdoor ice hockey
event in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. Heritage-based sporting events have received nominal research consideration (Bale, 1993, 1994; Hinch & de la Barre, 2005), with few
studies considering how notions of place might be constructed through a sport heritage
attraction. Heritage is one of the major ways in which destinations promote themselves
to external audiences, and the Heritage Classic - a large, outdoor ice-hockey event that
garnered significant national and international media attention - represented a unique
case of a sport heritage attraction creating a sense of place. In particular, this study asked
how different media perspectives (local, national, international) created a place identity
for Edmonton through this event. Furthermore, this study asked how the global
dissemination and consumption of sport heritage might shape the construction of heritage
narratives.
Each of the cases explored the "supply side" approach to the construction of sport
heritage. Mason (2005) contends that the construction of sites should be viewed as a
dialogue between the narratives created by curators and the patrons viewing and 11 interpreting those narratives. However, given the lack of research in the area, a decision was made to begin with the sites themselves, and the heritage created by managers and curators, rather than the motivations and interpretations of heritage sport tourists.
Chapters 2 and 3 employed a similar methodology, using a combination of interviews with heritage personnel, observations, and document research (see: Appendices A-H).
Chapter 4 initially employed discourse analysis of newspaper coverage only; interviews with event organizers were later added to contextualize the existing research (see:
Appendices J-L). The difference in methodologies between papers was due in large part to when the papers were drafted during the doctoral research program (Chapters 2 and 3 were drafted in 2007-2008, while Chapter 5 was drafted in 2004). A previous version of
Chapter 4 was also published in a peer-reviewed journal2 and, as such, a decision was made to use the original research paper and supplement it with interviews.
Chapter 5 integrates the findings from the case studies, and considers the construction of sport heritage attractions in general by focusing on two areas. Firstly, the paper addresses the ways in which sport heritage attractions are constructed in general, namely that sport heritage attractions employ both traditional and contemporary museological approaches in the display of athletes and athletic endeavour, that notions of legacy and crisis are central to the construction of sport heritage attractions, and that globalization and tourism are integral to the construction of sport heritage attractions.
Secondly, the study critically addresses the outcomes of these constructions, namely that sport heritage attractions are used as tools of organizational propaganda, as sites for veneration and worship, and sites for cultural and commercial consumption. As the data
2 Ramshaw, G & Hinch, T. (2006). Place Identity and Sport Tourism: The Case of the Heritage Classic Ice Hockey Event. Current Issues in Tourism, 9 (4&5), 399-418. 12 from this paper originated from the case studies, a separate methodology was not required. Finally, Chapter 6 offers some conclusions, unresolved questions, and areas for future research directions. 13'
References
Adair, D. (2004). Where the Games Never Cease: The Olympic Museum in Lausanne,
Switzerland. In B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair (Eds.), Sport Tourism:
Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 46-76). Clevedon: Channel View
Publications.
Ashworth, G.J. (2008). Paradigms and paradoxes in planning the past. In M. Smith & L.
Onderwater (Eds.), Selling or Telling? Paradoxes in tourism, culture and heritage
(pp. 23-34). Arnhem: ATLAS.
Bale, J. (1993). Sport, Space and the City. London: Routledge.
Bale, J. (1994). Landscapes of Modern Sport. Leicester: Leicester University Press.
Crotty, M. (1998). The Foundations of Social Research: Meaning and Perspective in the
Research Process. London: Sage.
Foer, F. (2005). How Soccer Explains the World: An Unlikely Theory of Globalization.
New York: Harper Collins.
Friedman, M. (2007). The Spectacle of the Past: Leveraging History in Fenway Park and
Camden Yards. In S. Gammon & G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and
Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures (pp. 103-122). London: Routledge.
Friedman, M.T., Andrews, D.L. & Silk, M.L. (2004). Sport and the Facade of
Redevelopment in the Postindustrial City. Sociology of Sport Journal, 21, 119-
139.
Gammon, S. (2002). Fantasy, Nostalgia and the Pursuit of What Never Was. In S.
Gammon & J. Kurtzman (Eds.), Sport Tourism: Principals and Practice (pp. 61-
72). Eastbourne: Leisure Studies Association. 14
Gammon, S. (2004). Secular Pilgrimage and Sport Tourism. In B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair
(Eds.), Sport Tourism: Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 30-45).
Clevedon: Channel View Publications.
Gammon, S. & Fear, V. (2007). Stadia Tours and the Power of Backstage. In S. Gammon
& G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist
Futures (pp. 23-32). London: Routledge.
Gibson, H.J. (1998) Sport tourism: A critical analysis of research. Sport Management
Review, 1(1), 45-76.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2000). A Geography of Heritage: Power,
Culture & Economy. London: Arnold.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2005). The uses and abuses of heritage.
In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 26-37). London:
Routledge.
Hewison, R. (1987). The Heritage Industry: Britain in a Climate of Decline. London:
Methuen.
Hinch, T. & de la Barre, S. (2005). Culture, sport and tourism: the case of the Arctic
Winter Games. In J. Higham (Ed.), Sport Tourism Destinations: Issues,
Opportunities, and Analysis (pp. 260-273). Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth-
Heinemann.
Hinch, T. & Higham, J. (2004). Sport Tourism Development. Clevedon: Channel View
Publications.
Howard, P. (2003). Heritage: Management, Interpretation, Identity. London: Continuum. 15
Kidd, B. (1996) The Making of a Hockey Artifact: A Review of the Hockey Hall of
Fame. Journal of Sport History, 23(3), 328-334.
Kulczycki, C. & Hyatt, C. (2007). Expanding the Conceptualization of Nostalgia Sport
Tourism: Lessons Learned from Fans Left Behind after Sport Franchise
Relocation. In S. Gammon & G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism:
Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures (pp. 52-74). London: Routledge.
Lowenthal, D. (1998). The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Mason, R. (2005). Museums, galleries and heritage: Sites of meaning-making and
communication. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 200-
214). London: Routledge.
Poria, Y, Butler, R. & Airey, D. (2001). Clarifying Heritage Tourism. Annals of Tourism
Research, 28(4), 1047 - 1049.
Poria, Y, Butler, R. & Airey, D. (2003). The Core of Heritage Tourism. Annals of
Tourism Research, 30(1), 238 - 254.
Redmond, G. (1973). A Plethora of Shrines: Sport in the Museum and Hall of Fame.
Quest, 19, 41-48.
Richter, L.K. (2005). The politics of heritage tourism development: emerging issues for
the new millennium. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp.
257-271). London: Routledge.
Smith, L. (2006). Uses of Heritage. London: Routledge.
Snyder, E. (1991). Sociology of Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame and Museums in
America. Sociology of Sport Journal, 8, 228-238. 16
Springwood, C.F. (1996). Cooperstown to Dyersville: A Geography of Baseball
Nostalgia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Starn, O. (2006). Caddying for the Dalai Lama: Golf, Heritage Tourism, and the
Pinehurst Resort. South Atlantic Quarterly, 105(2), 447-463.
Timothy, D.J. & Boyd, S. (2003). Heritage Tourism. London: Prentice Hall.
Tuck, J. (2003). Making Sense of Emerald Commotion: Rugby Union, National Identity
and Ireland. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, 10, 495-515.
Vamplew, W. (1998). Facts and Artefacts: Sport Historians and Sport Museums. Journal
of Sport History, 25(2), 268-282.
Weed, M. & Bull, C. (2004). Sports Tourism: Participants, Policy and Providers.
London: Butterworth Heinemann. 17
Chapter 2: LIVING HERITAGE AND THE SPORTS MUSEUM: ATHLETES,
LEGACY AND THE OLYMPIC HALL OF FAME AND MUSEUM, CANADA
OLYMPIC PARK
Introduction
Lowenthal (1998) contends that heritage is not about the past, but is a living construct that contextualizes our present and directs our future. Although Lowenthal was
speaking of heritage as a concept, contemporary manifestations of heritage have never been more "alive." Many heritage sites employ exhibits that are interactive and hands-
on, seemingly to have the site remain socially and economically relevant. Museums now
regularly incorporate live interpretation in their exhibit spaces, and the spate of "living
history" museums such as Beamish in England and Colonial Williamsburg in the United
States demonstrates that heritage has become an interactive endeavour.
The shift from the traditional approach to heritage, which places a real or implied
barrier between object and visitor, to a new approach that encourages interaction, reflects
several changes in heritage practice. Like other areas of the heritage industry, these
changes are, in part, economically driven. Heritage sites are widely considered another
form of leisure, and it is assumed that patrons want to "do" something at heritage sites
and not simply "gaze in awe" at objects (Prentice et al, 1998). Certainly, the
transformation of heritage sites as tourist attractions also plays a role, as the highly
competitive global tourism market demands interesting attractions for patrons to visit.
Heritage sites have also been democratized, and forms of interaction allow visitors
without the pre-requisite education or cultural capital to enjoy heritage exhibits and 18 displays. The fact that many heritage sites are also publicly supported is important as well, as heritage sites now have to cater to as broad a constituency as possible in order to receive political and financial backing. Heritage sites are also called upon as a means of public education, and interactive exhibits can potentially engage and instruct a variety of learners with varying educational experiences and backgrounds. There is, however, another "living" dimension of heritage sites that should be considered. While hands-on interactive exhibits are important from economic, educational and pragmatic standpoints, in certain cases they can also be used to facilitate part of the future collection of a heritage site. This is particularly important when the core of a site's collection is human endeavour, as is the case at contemporary sport museums.
Sport museums collect and display athletes in several ways, including enshrining athletes and athletic achievement in a hall of fame, having athletes provide talks and autograph sessions, and having athlete training sessions as part of the museum visitor
experience. Particularly in the case of the latter example, athletes at the sports museum
are placed on display much like animals at a zoo, living exhibits to be observed and
admired. Of course, athletes are not held against their will, they are not caged, and they
are free to come and go as they like, so a "zoo" analogy only goes so far. However,
positioning athletes as part of a museum's exhibits and athlete training sessions as part of
the museum visitor experience represents an interesting development in collections
management, as well as how museums are now programmed and marketed. The
employment of hands on and interactive exhibits at a sports museum, then, can take on a
very different dimension, as is the case at the Canadian Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum at Canada Olympic Park in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. While this museum is 19 used, in part, to archive and display artefacts from Canada's Olympic past, particularly from the 1988 Winter Olympics in Calgary, much of the museum space and interpretation is dedicated to explicating Canada Olympic Park's role as an international elite athlete training centre. As such, the museum not only features displays about past and current
Olympic athletes, many of whom trained or continue to train at Canada Olympic Park, it also provides opportunities for visitors to see athlete training sessions and learn about
Olympic sports and training regiments from the athletes themselves. This is done, in part, to meet the economic aims of Canada Olympic Park, as the museum spaces are meant to form an integral aspect of the overall visitor experience. However, much of the museum space is also dedicated to exhibits meant to "inspire" future athletes to get involved in winter Olympic sports, as well as providing visitors an opportunity to try simulations of various Olympic sports through numerous interactive exhibits. Therefore, this study asks what these artefacts and methods of display reveal about the Canadian
Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, particularly how sport heritage is used to address contemporary organizational needs and concerns. It is argued that interactive exhibits like those at the Canadian Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, in addition to providing a potential revenue stream, promoting Olympic sport and ideologies, and providing an enjoyable and educational museum visit, can be used to develop "new collections" of athletes that both maintain the rationale for athlete training centres like Canada Olympic
Park as well as assure the museum of future "athlete artefacts" for visitors to observe and enjoy. 20
Contemporary Museums and the New Museology
Museums have undergone an immense shift in the last generation, both in areas of representation and approaches to interpretation. No longer considered bastions of unbiased truth and scholarship created primarily for and by elites, museums now have a variety of roles to fulfil as part of their mandates, not the least of which is to provide broadly accessible leisure activities to a diverse and discerning public. Urry (2002) argues that contemporary museums reflect this shift in three ways. Firstly, museum curators have changed representations from the singular and sacred to the pluralist and popular, noting that "everyday" objects of recent pedigree have become the basis of
collections and interpretive narratives. Lowenthal (1985, 1998) contends that
contemporary heritage representations not only reproduce the very recent past, allowing
for patrons to incorporate personal memory and nostalgia into their consumption, but also
make ordinary objects and practices sacred. Urry (2002) explains that contemporary
museum practices reflect a more personal and individual approach to the past as opposed
to the meta-narratives of more traditional museums. Secondly, museum patrons are no
longer expected to simply gaze at objects without the benefit of context, interpretation
and participation in the meaning-making process. Not only are cultural objects
"translated" for a range of audiences, museum visitors are often encouraged to employ a
variety of senses when encountering museum exhibits. Finally, Urry notes that museums
often blend seamlessly with retail services, whereby museum narratives reflect
commercial spaces and museum services become a commercial product. These changes
in contemporary museums also reflect what Harrison (2005) terms the "new museology,"
whereby museum exhibits focus on the local or the individual, where narratives are 21 particularly partisan, where objects are not merely displayed but are used to support interpretive standpoints, and where the "museum" is not necessarily confined to a building, but can take on different forms and interpretations.
Much of the shift in museological focus stems from the contention that museums are "not so much places of instruction and dissemination, but spaces which facilitate communication, discussion, exchange and interaction" (Mason, 2005, p. 202). Although the move from "temple to forum" (Harrison, 2005) is, perhaps at its best, meant to democratize museums, often it is a means of making museums socially and economically relevant. As such, contemporary museums now stand along with other leisure options as forms of entertainment. Museums can no longer simply "be," they now must "do".
Whether it is creating interactive exhibits to amuse bored school children and weary tourists, or producing exhibits that meet the managerial and retail aims of a host organization, the contemporary museum's public role extends far beyond conserving and displaying objects from the past. It matters little whether museum patrons are touching a piece of Roman pottery, churning butter or making bread in a pioneer kitchen, or shopping for a commemorative tea towel in the gift shop, as long as they are "doing"
(and, ultimately, consuming) something suggests that the museum is living, breathing and, seemingly, relevant.
There is, of course, a self-serving component to the shift away from traditional modes of museological interpretation. The more interesting and relevant a museum becomes, the more support and patronage usually follows. Museum support can take on many levels, from donations and volunteerism to building emotional capital with the public that, in many cases, can ensure financial and political backing in turbulent times. 22
However, one of the most important aspects of the shift to more "living" forms of museum practice is to disseminate organizational aims or imperatives. Often, the hands- on components of museums are meant to elicit public support for corporate aspirations, and can be a key element in organizational relevance and survival. Nowhere is this more apparent than sports museums, as the creation, collection and display of new athlete
"artefacts" is imperative to the survival of these museums and their host organizations.
Sport and the Museum
Sport's role in museums has received relatively little scholarly attention, although within the sport heritage milieu sport museums and halls of fame have received the most consideration (Adair, 2004; Kidd, 1996; Redmond, 1973; Springwood, 1996; Snyder,
1991; Vamplew, 1998). Snyder (1991) notes that "sports halls of fame and museums are secular temples dedicated to the sport muses - gods and goddesses and spiritual world of sport. They are also archives of sport material culture from an earlier time" (p. 237). In other words, sports halls of fame and museums are meant to venerate and celebrate athletes, teams, or past achievements, though Redmond (1973) makes a distinction between halls of fame, which are primarily for venerating sports figures, and sports museums, which include artefacts and memorabilia. Sites such as the Negro Leagues
Baseball Museum (NLBM) in Kansas City clearly make the distinction that they are a museum, representing the whole of the Negro Leagues through the interpretation and display of artefacts, rather than just the veneration of star players (Negro Leagues
Baseball Museum, 2005). In many cases, however, there appears to be little difference between a sports hall of fame and a museum. The Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, for 23 example, features exhibits and artefacts about hockey's past as well as areas dedicated to honoured inductees (Hockey Hall of Fame, 2008). In addition, though large national museums will occasionally include sport-based exhibits (Vamplew, 1998), sports halls of fame and sports museums are typically dedicated sites in and of themselves.
The construct of sport museums reflects a strange hybrid of approaches that incorporate both passive and spectacular consumption as well as active and tactile consumption. The artefacts of the sports museum - be they trophies, equipment, or representations of inducted athletes - are presented in a way that the meanings of such artefacts are simply assumed to be understood by the museum patron. Like the collection of Roman pottery or the Van Gogh painting displayed without benefit of explanation or interpretation at a traditional museum, many sports museums simply present the relics of the sporting past for patrons to "gaze in awe," fully expecting that museum visitors will possess the requisite cultural capital to be able to comprehend an artefact's significance.
Vamplew (1998) criticises sport museums for adopting this approach:
Artefacts (at sport museums) are too often displayed without sufficient
explanation. Too frequently the academic historian is tempted to ask "so
what?" or "why did this happen?" A display of helmets and other
equipment at the Pro Football Hall of Fame provided little guidance on the
time frame of innovation or its effectiveness.. .By concentrating on the
exhibition of cups, medals, uniforms, and equipment and treating their
artefacts solely in archaeological terms, curators run the danger of
fetishizing sport history, (p.271) 24
Although Vamplew's critique is valid from a collections management perspective, it fails to recognize that sport collections and artefacts are often displayed with phenomenological consumption by sports fans in mind. In other words, the "collection of helmets" that he views as random or insignificant may indeed have particular cultural or historical significance to a museum patron with the requisite background. To a cricket fan, "The Ashes" urn at the Marylebone Cricket Club museum at Lord's is a particularly important artefact of the sport's history, and it is treated with a level of awe and reverence. To the non-cricket supporter, however, it is just a bit of pottery.
The "collection of athletes" which is a staple of halls of fame also reflects more traditional museological practices. The likenesses and accomplishments of enshrined athletes are frequently placed amongst their other honoured peers in a prominent section of the museum. When new members are enshrined, there is often a public ceremony for the athletes and, depending on the popularity of the sport and the profile of the athletes, the induction of a player can be a significant tourist attraction. The induction of Cal
Ripken Jr. and Tony Gwynn, two of the most popular baseball players of the 1980s and
1990s, into the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in 2007 attracted over
75,000 people to Cooperstown, New York to watch the ceremony (Associated Press,
2007). In many respects, enshrining athletes in the sports museum is similar to a traditional museum acquiring significant pieces for their permanent collection, and the degree to which patrons interact with these collections is also similar. In both cases,
3 "The Ashes" are a series of cricket test matches between England and Australia. In 1882, when England surprisingly lost a test series to Australia, the Sporting Times featured a mock obituary and remarked that the "ashes" of England cricket should be taken on the next tour of Australia. Since that time, the teams have played for a small urn (which remains at the Marylebone Cricket Club Museum at Lords) as a symbol of cricket supremacy between the two countries. For a more detailed explanation of the significance of "The Ashes" and its role in cricket heritage, see the Marylebone Cricket Club Museum at http://www.lords.org/history/mcc-museum/. 25 visitors come to gaze in reverential awe at the collection, although in the case of the
athletes, visitors will bring with them their impressions, memories, and nostalgia of the
athletes and their performances (Snyder, 1991).
Many sports museums will also exhibit "live" contemporary and former athletes
as well. Watching elite athletes train can be a central part of the visitor experience at
many sports museums. The Olympic Centre in Lake Placid, for example, provides patrons the opportunity to watch Olympic hockey, figure skating, and speed skating
athletes as part of the museum visit (Lake Placid Olympic Region, 2008). Often, sports
museums will have public talks or autograph sessions with famous athletes, where
visitors can listen to their sporting heroes and hear about past games and performances.
The Museum of Rugby at Twickenham Stadium, for example, hosts luncheons and tours
given by ex-England international rugby players (Museum of Rugby, 2008). Again,
museum patrons may interact with live athletes but, by and large, the experience is
primarily observational.
On the other hand, sport museums significantly reflect a more contemporary
approach to museology, particularly when it comes to hands-on engagement with
museum exhibits. Normally, interactive exhibits at sports museums provide visitors an
opportunity to "try" a particular aspect of a sport. The Museum of Rugby at Twickenham
Stadium, for example, has a scrum machine, where visitors experience something of the
sensation of what a rugby scrum might be like for an actual player (Museum of Rugby,
2008). There are numerous reasons why sports museums employ hands-on simulation
exhibits, most of which, like regular museums, are economically and politically
pragmatic, like attracting visitors and other forms of public support such as donations. 26
However, one practical consideration that sports museums must consider is their role in creating a new generation of artefacts. Not only do interactive displays introduce visitors to particular sporting practices, they may inspire some visitors to follow or even take up the sport. In understanding this process, it is useful to consider the sports museum as a kind of "athlete zoo," where living collections of athletes are placed on display for visitors to observe. By creating a zoo-like environment, sport museums not only create an interesting and engaging collection for visitors to observe and admire, but they also promote and propagate organizational aims, including the "conservation and protection" of the next generation of athletes.
Sports Museums as Zoos
It seems a strange comparison to link the construction of contemporary sports museums and zoos together. Indeed, on the surface, they appear to be very different, and would seemingly have quite different aims and concerns. However, if we consider where they might possess similarities in terms of structure and outcomes, there are a number of parallels. Hansen (2002), Denning (2008) and Mason (1999) all note that museums and zoos bear a strong resemblance. Hansen and Denning argue that both museums and zoos have been used as tools of imperial domination and control, noting that the organization of collections were often similar both in representation and layout, although at times collections were placed in certain ways for practical and economic reasons. Perhaps more pertinent for sports museums is Mason's contention that "zoos are a form of museum.
The main difference between zoos and other forms of museum is that zoos exhibit living objects" (p. 193). As noted, a key feature of the contemporary sport museum are the 27 presence of athletes, either in describing their athletic achievements or, in the case of some sport museums, actually plying their trade. Of course, being able to see animals in their "natural" environment is also a key feature of the zoo that has a parallel in the contemporary sport museum. As Spotte (2006) notes, "(z)oos are for people. We go there to gawk at the animals and ponder, if briefly, what their world might be like (p. 13).
Spotte's contention is that zoos are purely spectacular, that zoo-goers are passive watchers, and that zoos are strictly modernist because there is little interaction between collection and visitor. Although there may be limited interaction between athletes and visitors at sports museums (e.g., two-way gazes), the process is largely observational.
Having visitors watch actual athlete training sessions as part of their visit provides a parallel "authentic" experience to watching, for example, a giraffe feeding in a simulated environment. Similarly, zoos and sports museums exhibit facts and figures about their collections that are meant to be passively consumed "in awe," be they the records and achievements of a famous athlete or the life expectancy and hunting prowess of a particular animal. Again, the zoo analogy can only go so far, as there are some quite clear and obvious differences between zoos and sports museums, however, there are some parallels worthy of consideration both from a collections standpoint and from a perspective which considers the role and purpose of the contemporary sports museum.
From a collections standpoint, exhibiting living artefacts is somewhat unique.
Other than zoos, few museum spaces include live exhibits, particularly humans. One may consider heritage interpreters at living history museums as the main exception to this assertion; however, these interpreters are self-aware that their role and purpose is that of an artefact or set piece in a broader museum collection. Athletes being included in 28
museum settings are largely external to the reason why they are in the collection. In
other words, from their perspective they are not primarily there to be part of a collection.
The reason they are at the site is to train for competition, not necessarily to be a museum
artefact. This speaks to one of the reasons why sport museums include athletes as part of their collection namely, that like zoos, some sports sites that include museum spaces have
broader legacy mandates. Indeed, watching athletes, like watching animals, is part of the
visitor experience, but for the host organization that is not an end in and of itself. Rather,
the end is "breeding" the next generation to replace the last, particularly if certain
"species" are endangered or under threat. Both Hansen (2002) and Mason (1999) note
that the purposes of the zoo range from education and species conservation to amusement
and entertainment. While many visitors may wish to simply watch world-class athletes
train as a diversion or a form of entertainment, the contemporary sports museum can
advocate notions of a "living conservancy," where visitors are asked to empathize with
the athletes, understand what sort of training their sports require (and, by extension, what
sort of dedication and sacrifice goes into being an elite athlete), and provide some sort of
support, be it emotional (become a fan of the athlete or sport), financial (such as
sponsoring an athlete), or political (writing to politician to increase support for athletes or
for athlete training centres). In creating the next generation of athlete, particularly in
sports that are not widely popular and where there is a constant battle for attention,
interest, and funding, the sports museum offers an intriguing parallel to the role and
purpose of a zoo. Furthermore, the focus on this form of legacy also speaks to the role of
the sports museum in the community. Rather than being simply a repository for artefacts,
narratives, and achievements rooted firmly in the past, the purpose of this "athlete zoo" 29 makes the museum living and breathing, with practical, applied implications for the present and future. This is particularly the case when we consider sites like the Olympic
Hall of Fame and Museum, part of the Canada Olympic Park facility which was one of the key legacy projects from the 1988 Winter Olympic Games. This museum offers a clear example of how notions of legacy, particularly when as they concern the current and future development of elite athletes, are integral in the creation, construction, and promotion of the site.
Case Study: The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum at Canada Olympic Park
The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum in Calgary is part of Canada Olympic
Park (COP), a site developed for the luge, ski jump, skeleton, and bobsleigh competitions of the 1988 Winter Olympics. Wamsley and Heine (1996) contend that Calgary's
Olympic sites such as COP were, in part, developed and maintained as a "permanent
'legacy' to be utilized by Calgarians and admired by visitors" (p. 84) and, as such, COP remains a year-round competition, tourism, recreation and, most importantly, athlete training facility over two decades after the Calgary Olympics. When at COP, visitors can participate in a number of seasonal activities including skiing, playing minigolf, mountain biking, and watching international competitions as well as a number of year- round activities such as shopping, dining, taking site tours, watching athletes train and, of
course, exploring the museum. Access to COP is free, although almost all activities
require some sort of fee. Admission to the museum proper is $6 (CAD) for adults,
although the museum admission is frequently embedded in combination packages that
include access to other areas of COP. Between 2002 and 2006, an average of 42,000 30 admission packages were sold per year that included admittance to the museum (S.
Palmer, personal communication, October 14, 2007).
Collections and interpretation for the museum are located in three locations throughout the COP site. The main site is in the Frank King Olympic Visitors Centre
(Figure 2-1), with smaller museum displays in the ski jump tower and the "Ice House" athlete training facility.
«Hi£P
tp1- Si
ss?w llpf rzr~mnnnw mm !i v ft.. :• •! ' •' A
(Figure 2-1 - The main site of the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum at the Frank King Olympic Visitors
Centre at Canada Olympic Park. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw)
The primary site for the hall of fame and museum features two floors of exhibits,
audio/visual presentations, and interactive displays. Although the collections are almost
exclusively focused on the winter Olympics, there are a few artefacts that are from
summer Olympic games. The first floor of the main site includes a short film about 31 activities at the site, its history (focusing in particular on the 1988 Winter Olympics) and the legacy and success of Canadian athletes who trained at COP. Exhibits on the first floor include costumes from various opening ceremonies of winter Olympic games, a board listing all of the winners from every sport at all winter Olympics (Figure 2-2), and a display related to Canadian athletes who have carried the national flag at Olympic ceremonies.
(Figure 2-2 - The results boards from all previous Winter Olympic Games displayed in the first floor of the
main Hall of Fame and Museum gallery. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw)
There is also a results board highlighting the performances of COP athletes in current
competitions, Olympic torches from both summer and winter Olympics, an interactive
skiing display, a photo-op podium where visitors can have their picture taken with the 32
Calgary Olympic torch, and paraphernalia related to the 1988 Winter Olympics including medals and a replica bobsled from the Jamaican team4 (Figure 2-3).
(Figure 2-3 - The replica Jamaican bobsled on display in the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum.
Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw)
The second floor features displays related to the sports at the 2006 Winter Olympics in
Turin, with the exhibits focusing on particularly notable Canadian athletes (Figure 2-4).
Members of the Jamaican Bobsled team were some of the most popular athletes at the Calgary Olympics, mainly because of the novelty of having a Caribbean team participate in such an unusual winter sport. The sled displayed at the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum is a prop from the film Cool Runnings, a Disney motion picture dramatizing the team's participation at the 1988 Games. 33
(Figure 2-4 - The hockey exhibit on the second floor of the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, which includes the jersey of famous Canadian hockey player and Olympian Joe Sakic. Photograph by Gregory
Ramshaw)
There is also a large hockey simulator display, where visitors can shoot hockey pucks at a virtual hockey goalie. There is no prescribed route through the museum, although visitors are encouraged to view the short film first, which is normally followed by a museum overview provided by one of the volunteer interpreters. The museum also frequently recruits athletes training at COP for interpretive or educational programs, autograph sessions, as well as evening talks and question and answer sessions. Although the site is referred to as a "hall of fame," there is not a traditional "wall of heroes" of enshrined athletes as exists at traditional halls of fame (Figure 2-5). 34
(Figure 2-5 - Although the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum does not enshrine athletes, the stairwell between the ground and upper floors of the main museum site did recognize Canadian medallists from the
2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City and also features numerous inspirational quotes from Canadian athletes, including this from Deidra Dionne, Canadian freestyle skier and bronze medallist at the Salt Lake
City Olympics. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw) Interestingly, there is a Canadian Olympic Hall of Fame that recognizes the achievements of Canadian Olympic athletes, although it is a virtual hall of fame with no physical site or location and does not appear to be directly affiliated with the site at COP (Canadian
Olympic Committee, 2008).
The ski jump tower also houses a small museum display, primarily related to the two most famous ski jumpers at the Calgary Olympics: Matti Nykanen5 of Finland and
Nykanen won three gold medals at the Calgary Olympics. 35
Eddie "The Eagle" Edwards6 of Great Britain. While in the tower, volunteer interpreters also provide a type of "athlete experience" by conducting interpretive talks at the start gate and inviting visitors to imagine themselves as ski jumpers while gazing into the spectator bowl and landing area below. Interestingly, the tower has become a museum artefact in and of itself, as advances in ski jump technology have meant that the landing area is too short for most elite ski jump competitors (Figure 2-6).
W-. •
3Htai
mmm &
(Figure 2.6 - A ski jump display in the 90m ski jump tower at Canada Olympic Park. Photograph by
Gregory Ramshaw)
The final museum area is in the Ice House athlete training facility. The facility is primarily used by sled-sport (i.e., bobsleigh and luge) athletes from around the world to
Like the Jamaican Bobsled team, Edwards was a novelty at the Calgary Olympics as he managed to qualify for the Games despite having little ski jump experience. Despite finishing last in the competition, he became a folk hero because he was an "average person," and not an elite athlete, competing in the Olympic Games. 36 help improve their start times. Visitors can view exhibits related to sliding sports, try
"living the Olympic dream" by sliding themselves at an interactive exhibit, and watch athletes train from an observation deck (Figure 2-7).
(Figure 2.7 - The Ice House training facility is one of the main museum spaces. The "tourist" luge tracks
- the two tracks in the foreground - run parallel to the athlete luge and bobsleigh training tracks - at the far
right and in the background. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw)
Methodology
Three research methods were adopted for this study: in-depth interviews (Veal,
2006) textual/material analysis (Silverman, 2001; Slater, 2006; Veal, 2006) and
observations (Patton, 2002; Veal, 2006). According to Patton (2002), "using a 37
combination of observations, interviewing, and document analysis, the fieldworker is
able to use different data sources to validate and crosscheck findings" (p. 306). Contact with COP managers was initially made in June 2007 (Appendix A), with data collection taking place in August 2007. Ethics approval from the Research Ethics Board of the
Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation at the University of Alberta was secured in
June 2007. Five in-depth interviews with personnel involved in hall of fame and museum content and marketing took place in person at COP (Appendix B). Each interview lasted approximately thirty minutes. A snowball sampling approach was adopted (Patton, 2002) to secure appropriate interviewees. In order to maintain interviewee confidentiality, pseudonyms are used when directly quoting from an interview (Appendices C, D).
Several different types of texts were used, including documents such as the Canada
Olympic Park Volunteer Training Manual, the Youth Volunteer manual for the hall of
fame and museum, and marketing materials such as the Canada Olympic Park website
copy and tourist lure brochures. Analyses of these written texts served several purposes
including background and contextualization for observations and interviews, and to
provide corroboration and comparison with other forms of data (Silverman, 2001).
Observations of museum exhibits and interpretive programs were also used. Bailey's
(2007) observation guidelines were used to record fieldnotes. Since the observations
were based upon examining museum exhibits and interpretive talks led by museum
volunteers and personnel, and not the actions or impressions of museum patrons, my
presence was not overtly revealed to visitors. Volunteer interpreters and museum
personnel were made aware of my presence in the exhibit spaces and at interpretive talks.
Although the revelation of my presence at interpretive talks could have affected the 38 narrative, volunteers and museum personnel did not single me out when delivering their talks. As this research study focused entirely on the supply-side of the museum narrative, the views and actions of museum patrons were not recorded nor solicited. Data from this study was coded manually, as the amount of raw data was manageable enough to not require a software programme. Open coding, using a word processing program and coloured flags on data sources, grouped the data into manageable segments. Following the open coding, themes were developed for analysis and informed more focused coding of the data (Bailey, 2007).
Athletes as "Artefacts"
Athletes are artefacts in several different ways at the Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum. Dana was quick to point out that the site is not a traditional sports hall of fame:
You know, I know we're called the hall of fame but we honestly don't
have a hall of fame. We don't have people that are inducted into our hall
of fame. That is something that we talked about but it has never, ever
happened.
This is not to suggest that the museum does not enshrine or recognize particular athletes, particularly those associated with the Calgary Olympics and COP in particular. Museum
displays about the Jamaican bobsled team, Eddie "The Eagle" Edwards, and Matti
Nykanen all recognize athletic achievements at COP, although only Nykanen is
recognized for success in the traditional sense. Other athletes from the Calgary
Olympics, such as Elizabeth Manley and Brain Orser7, are also recognized and their
Manley and Orser were both Canadian figure skaters and silver medallists at the Calgary Olympics. 39
costumes from their competition at the Calgary Olympics are displayed. Each of these
displays represent the most famous or notable athletes from the Calgary Olympics, though the inclusion of both the Jamaican bobsled team and Eddie "The Eagle" Edwards appear to be monuments both to the amateur ideals of the Olympics as well as the
seemingly inclusive personality of the Calgary Olympics. The museum also features displays about other athletes as well, including one display featuring Olympians from the province of Alberta in addition to display cases that are ostensibly meant to introduce and
explain winter Olympic sport for visitors while also recognizing athletic achievement,
such as a display about long track speed skating that features Canadian athlete and
Olympic 5000 metre champion Clara Hughes. More contemporary athletes, such as
Canadian skier Thomas Grandi are recognized in the museum both for their athletic
achievement and for their contributions to their sport. However, Glenda explained that
they would like to incorporate some way of tangibly acknowledging Canadian Olympic
athlete success:
Our hall of fame at the moment consists of some panels that show all the
winter medalists who've won, and we're certainly looking at a stronger
means of identifying a hall of fame aspect. One idea that has come out is
a walk of fame, and we think that could be a lot of fun if we could get that
thing going. And I know the athletes would love it. We've had comments
from our past athletes who are not medalists who have come in and say we
want more recognition in here, and we're very much aware of that and are
working on how to bring that out. 40
Although the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum does not formally recognize Olympic athletes and their achievements, there is certainly an element of enshrining famous (or infamous, in the case of Eddie "The Eagle" Edwards) athletes. In this way, the museum does follow elements of more traditional sports halls of fame where past athletes are, in a sense, part of the collection. The desire of past athletes to be included, particularly those who were not Olympic medallists, also speaks to the wider mandate of the Museum as a space for recognizing the legacy of COP both as an athlete training centre as well as a conduit for future athlete development.
The museum also places current athletes on display. The first way is that information and results of current athletes are incorporated into museum exhibits, as
Glenda explains:
(W)e have an interesting position because we exist within CODA ,
so the hall of fame must meet the mandate of CODA which is to
support winter sport, and our role within that is to try and educate
the public about winter sport and Canadian athletes, in particular
our Winter Olympic athletes, and to also help the athletes promote
themselves, and we do that of course by featuring them in exhibits
and other programs and things like that.
Visitors are encouraged to meet athletes if they see them at the site, while corporations
and businesses can "rent" out an athlete for luncheons or functions. Paul explained how
putting athletes on display enhances their future prospects:
CODA stands for the Calgary Olympic Development Association 41
For corporations that book out the museum we do offer athlete speakers at
all levels. So, depending on what the corporations are looking to do. Its
not something we make any money off of, but gives the athlete an
opportunity to gain exposure to potentially look at these corporations for
sponsorship down the road, make some money. You know, athletes make
no money generally, and live below the poverty rate. So, those are some
of the things we connect with our users of the museum also.
Glenda also proposed having a type-of "athlete day," where the public could meet the athletes, see sport-related paraphernalia, (re)visit the museum and see the collections:
(M)aybe we could borrow the Stanley Cup or certainly we could get the
curling trophies in again and have a day where people could come in and
meet the curlers. There's all sorts of ideas out there. Certainly something
at the end of each World Cup season where we could do something to
acknowledge what our athletes have done and celebrate their success and
then get the public in to meet them. And then, they happen to be in the
museum so they just get to see all this good stuff.
At the museum sites, biographical information about current athletes, race results, and
World Cup standings are part of the exhibits, which also emphasizes the site's role as a training centre. Paul also noted that athlete stories, told by the athletes themselves, can be a powerful interpretive tool:
(I)t was two years ago when we went to an audio head-set in multiple
languages to just be one step ahead of other museums or tourist
attractions. It's been fairly successful because in the audio you can have 42
the athletes telling the tour, telling their stories. You can hear the cheers
of the crowd, so you're sharing the history but you're putting the life-body
to it rather than just reading some information or viewing an artefact.
Having current athletes tell their stories positions COP as a living, breathing, and relevant
site and not just a relic of the Calgary Olympics, in addition to providing a first-person,
"authentic" and multi-layered heritage narrative for site visitors to consume. It also
generates forward-looking legacy-based functions of heritage, promoting (or, perhaps,
foreshadowing) future Canadian success. Furthermore, it personalizes the experience of
the athlete both as a means of soliciting support and as a seemingly unique consumable
service in a competitive tourist market.
Interviewees were quite adamant that the COP is, first and foremost, an elite
athlete training centre and that all site operations, including the hall of fame and museum,
are meant to aid and benefit Olympic sport and athletes. Providing a venue where the
public can witness winter sports and athletes is, ostensibly, meant to be a win-win
scenario for both CODA (though dissemination of its roles and mandate) and athletes
(who may receive support - be it emotional or financial - through exposure in the
museum). Both scenarios, however, appear to indicate that each is in need of some form
of assistance, and suggests that the training and support of Olympic athletes is not a
strong public or governmental priority. Although Sport Canada provides some financial
support programs for elite athletes (Sport Canada, 2008), the numerous corporate
sponsorship programs available, from Petro-Canada to Visa, suggests that athletes have
to "top-up" their income in order to train at elite levels. Furthermore, CODA's use of
platforms like the hall of fame and museum to disseminate its mandate suggests that 43 awareness about particular winter sports and athletes is somewhat minimal. This is particularly interesting, given that the 2010 Olympic Winter Games will be held in
Vancouver and Canadian success, particularly at the podium, would seemingly be a major public initiative.
However, museum visitors are encouraged to not just read about current athletes, but to watch those athletes train as well. Dana explained that watching athletes train is a central component in attracting visitors to COP, noting that "(W)e do promote ourselves as a training facility, so we like our visitors to understand that, number one, you come here and you're going to see athletes." Volunteer interpreters in the museum instruct visitors to "look out" for Olympic athletes as a part of their museum overview. The "Ice
House" section of the museum, for example, has a long walkway where visitors can watch bobsleigh and luge athletes practice their starts. Marketing brochures also note that COP is "a truly unique attraction for both athletes pushing the limits of today's sports, and tourists experiencing Olympic history," (Calgary Olympic Development
Association, 2007) suggesting that watching athletes train is a central component of the heritage attraction. Watching "live people" is not unique at heritage sites, as many different forms of heritage product incorporate costumed interpreters as part of their site experience. However, the athletes at COP are not representations of athletes in the same way that historical interpreters might represent people and professions of the past.
Rather, because COP has real and authentic athletes, and because watching the athletes' train is marketed as a central part of COP's core product, the heritage experience is,
seemingly, more real and authentic as well. 44
Interaction with athletes is also a key feature of the museum visit. These interactions take on two different forms. The first is to make the athlete into an added
attraction in the museum. Dana explained that athletes are frequently used in the museum as lure for international tourists:
(M)any people love to see athletes and if we happen to have.. .an athlete
for a day in the hall of fame and museum and then people can come in and
they can speak to them, they can see, you know, we'll have a luge athlete
with their equipment, they can talk to them, get an autograph, find out
exactly what their sport is all about. So, that's a good draw for
international visitors. And, depending where their country is, so, you
know like I said Germany, lots of German visitors who love the sliding
sports, bobsleigh, luge, skeleton, so that's always really a highlight for
them if they are in the museum.
Paul also explained that athletes are "labelled" so that they are easily identifiable for
tourists:
(W)e have the athletes training here a fair bit so it might be, so (tourists)
could be walking down the corridor or in the museum and see the
athletes...So we'll try and (identify athletes) via name badge. We'll try
and have their name, what languages they speak, and what sport. "I'm an
athlete, skeleton" or whatever is the case.
Interaction with athletes is also important for getting young visitors interested in the
winter Olympic sport, explained Linda: 45
What do you need to be a skier? What do you need to be a luge athlete
and then talk about the equipment. We have found that using our athletes
for that type of thing is much better suited and keeps kids more interested
than just to come out and look at artefacts.
In having visitors interact with athletes, COP can both enhance its value as a tourist destination as well as meet CODA's mandate of developing future Olympic athletes. The experience becomes real and personalized from a tourism perspective which, again, can give COP a competitive advantage over rival attractions. Similarly, by personalizing the experience, there is seemingly a benefit to COP, winter sport and Olympic athletes by demonstrating the value of each. Beyond these benefits, however, there exists interesting global and local dynamics. From a global perspective, there is recognition that Calgary in general, and COP in particular, are international tourism destinations. Personalizing the experience, in particular by highlighting the international training cohort for key tourist demographics (i.e., emphasizing the sliding sports and athletes for German visitors), is seemingly beneficial for attracting and retaining particular types of international tourism. COP managers also recognize the importance of international tourism for the site, as demonstrated by publishing brochures in several languages and distributing brochures aimed at attracting the international bus/coach tour market. At the same time, COP has to "sell" itself locally, a point emphasised by several interviewees.
Although part of this "selling" is clearly aimed at having Calgarians visit the site, perhaps with visitors in tow, personalizing the experience is aimed at attracting recognition and support of the site at the local level as well as promoting both CODA's mandate and the site's role in constructing an important component of Calgary's civic identity and 46
Canada's national identity. Promoting the site as a type of "factory," both where athletes and national pride are "made" enhances the site's reputation locally and nationally as well as providing CODA a forum to disseminate corporate goals and visions.
Visitors as "Athletes"
Giving visitors an opportunity to "try" particular sports through the interactive exhibits at the museum meets several different aims for COP. From an educational perspective, interviewees noted that many visitors are unfamiliar with many of the
Olympic sports, and the simulators provide an opportunity to try a sport without having to acquire the knowledge and skill to play. Glenda provided one such example of an
i interactive exhibit helping visitors try a particular sport:
.. .(o)ur interactive exhibits.. .are giving people who never picked up a
hockey stick a taste of what its like to play hockey. So, we're educating
them in a subtle way but in a way that people really enjoy. And, I think
that's a big role in the museum that we do educate and it's a very subtle
role and we're not a playground.
The example of the hockey simulator is interesting, as most Canadian visitors would
certainly be familiar with the sport, while many would have actually played hockey and,
as such, the educational role of a simulator would be based more upon enhancing
performance than awareness of the sport. However, a visitor from a country where
hockey is not as predominant may view "trying" hockey as a Canadian cultural
experience. 47
The luge simulator would probably provide a unique experience for most visitors, while also providing awareness for the sport as an Olympic event as well as offering a sample of the athlete experience. Dana described the purpose of the luge ride:
So, we're hoping by having some unique activities, for instance luge rides
in the ice house, people will come here. Not only will they get to try luge
in the ice house, but they'll get to see some athletes training which may
help us in the long run educate people about an Olympic sport.
Dana also noted that the interactive exhibits provide visitors, particularly young visitors, a taste of the physical rigours of competition:
(Visitors) could stand on skis, you could sit in a bobsleigh and do a
simulation ride, you could.. .push on a pad that would emulate holding a
pairs skater in the air and see what the pressure would feel like.
The educational component of the interactive exhibits, then, goes beyond the cultural awareness aspects of the sport and attempts to inform visitors of the purpose of COP and the mandate of CODA in terms of developing world-class Olympic athletes, although it also promotes COP as a supporter of healthy, active lifestyles. Most interviewees noted that the purpose of COP, first and foremost, is an athlete training facility, and the museum spaces (particularly the ice house) had numerous posters encouraging young visitors to enrol in beginner training courses, particularly for non-traditional sports like luge and bobsleigh. Furthermore, several interviewees noted that the museum is, in part, meant to inspire both current and future athletes. Bill described the educational component of one of the former interactive exhibits vis-a-vis inspiring "future
Olympians": 48
(0)ne was for the kids, and that was the challenge gallery we had on the
third floor which meant that they could try the various/they could sit on
the bottom and run around the bobsled, they could fire a gun.. .It was five
different events they could do then they could stand on a podium and as a
winner, as a gold, silver or bronze winner.
Visitors at the museum are also allowed to handle the Calgary Olympic torch, which is meant in part to inspire patrons to imagine being an Olympic athlete, as well as enhancing the tourist experience by creating a memorable photo opportunity. Marketing of the museum, particularly the audio-visual presentation, also utilizes inspiration as a key component, promising visitors that they will:
(b)e inspired by the athletes, venues and events that have shaped (COP).
Relive the the roar of the crowd, the rush of adrenaline and the thrill of
competing (sic)...(Canada Olympic Park, 2007)
Thus, the interactive exhibits are developed and maintained partly as an educational tool
for locals and tourists, partly as a means of getting visitors to learn about the raison d'etre
of COP, and partly to have visitors, particularly young people, to be inspired, interested
and involved in winter Olympic sports (many of which fall outside of mainstream sport).
Beyond the instructional and awareness aspects, the interactive exhibits are also
meant to be part of a fun "day out" at COP which meets the business mandate of the site.
Dana explained the relationship between the educational and the business aspects of COP
when it comes to creating and supporting interactive exhibits, noting that, "COP.. ..is the
only revenue-generating property that CODA owns, so this is where we can educate the
public about the sports, what we're doing, and also give them something to participate in 49 when they're here." She also explained that participation is the key to the success of
COP, explaining that, "we found that the actual tours are on a decline but the experience is on the incline. So, people want to participate. They really don't just want to go on a tour."
Several interviewees noted that the interactive exhibits are of most interest to visitors, and that many seek them out and request them prior to their visit. Dana further explained that the loss of particular interactive exhibits has harmed the overall business of the museum:
Interestingly, the groups who used to come here specifically for that
(interactive exhibit) floor, because you could bring your whole bus load of
kids in here and they could do inter-actives, they're still calling, we would
like to come and do the third floor of the hall of fame and its no longer
here. So, I think we've lost some of the market because people don't want
to just walk around and read signs on an exhibit. They want to participate.
Now we're trying to build that up again.
Marketing for the museum also highlights the experiential aspects of the exhibits rather
than the importance or breadth of the collection or the educational aspects available at the
museum. Website advertising, for example, emphasizes the "experience" of the hands-on
hockey and ski simulators, noting that these will provide a "magical" and memorable
experience (Canada Olympic Park, 2007). In addition, because the museum is part of a
larger complex, museum admission can be combined with other COP "experiences" like
a site tour, while much of the interpretation at the museum highlights other COP 50 activities like minigolf, skiing, mountain-biking, and shopping. In this regard, the experiences at the Hall of Fame are another consumable product to be purchased at COP.
Urry's (2002) conceptualization of the post-modern museum is integral in contextualizing the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum's place at COP. Because the hall of fame is meant to generate revenue as part of its mandate, it has to appeal to a broad range of visitors in addition to fulfilling its role in educating and, perhaps, informing and inspiring the public when it comes to winter Olympic sport and athletes. Providing visitors the opportunity to "try" winter Olympic sport as a key part of their visit reflects
Pine and Gilmore's (1998) assertion that the experience, and not the tangible good, is the driving force behind the new leisure economy. As the Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum is one of many retail services the visitor can choose from while visiting COP, from adventure sports like skiing and mountain biking to more leisurely pursuits like mini-golf and dining, in many respects the hall of fame is relegated to simply another service, or shop, within the COP "mall." This is not necessarily exceptional, as heritage sites often prominently feature retail services and vice-versa (Hewison, 1987; Wall,
1998), although at the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum such experiences are meant to meet a dual mandate of both educational and economic ends.
Discussion - Athletes at the Zoo/Athletes at the Mall
There are undoubtedly many reasons why the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum use interactive exhibits and athlete displays. Having sport simulators and elite athletes as part of the collection makes for an interesting and unique tourist attraction for a vibrant and internationally recognized city like Calgary. COP also provides a venue for local 51
fieldtrips, and the hands-on exhibits and international contingent of athletes makes for a distinctive educational experience. However, the fact that the site is positioned, first and foremost, as an athlete training centre places both the interactive simulators and the
athlete displays in a different context. COP's function is as an athlete training centre and, without the influx of a new generation of athletes, both the museum and the site as a whole become a relic to an Olympic Games of the distant past.
It is telling that some of the sport museums that employ a zoo-like approach are
Olympic-based training venues. Some sites, like COP and the Lake Placid locations, play
off of their Olympic hosting legacy as a means of generating both cultural and economic
capital. The spatial/temporal aspect of "visiting" the Olympics not only creates a tourism
legacy but demonstrates relevance, primarily through activities like elite athlete training,
decades after the Games have ceased. This is particularly relevant when these sites have
been usurped by other, more recent, Olympic venues within the same region of a
continent, such as Vancouver and Salt Lake City. Other Olympic training centres, such
as those in Colorado Springs (USOC, 2008b) and Chula Vista, California (USOC, 2008a)
do not have Olympic hosting legacies and, as such, are almost exclusively centred on
athlete training. In the post-Cold War steroid era of sport, whether the Olympics carry the
same cache as in previous generations is open to debate. Many Olympic sports have to justify their existence outside of the four-year Olympic cycle, and placing athletes on
display can demonstrate to a discerning public that elite competitors do not simply "wait
around" for the next Olympics to come along, as well as justify why these athletes require
ongoing funding. Additionally, inspiring young visitors to eschew more mainstream
sports (many of which provide substantial financial rewards at the professional level) to 52 get involved in Olympic sports (most of which offer little in the way of remuneration and celebrity by comparison) is a challenge that Olympic sport providers face. Although each of the sites referenced feature museum and hall of fame exhibits, the key selling point to visitors appears to be the opportunity to watch elite athletes train in their "natural" environment. As a case in point, the facilities have raised walkways, a feature commonly used in zoo displays, where visitors can gaze down onto the training athletes below. This
"naturalization" of the training environment, while appearing to be a normal part of an athlete's environment and regime, could be viewed as turning the museum into a type of factory space. In this "factory," the athletes' labour not only produces a heritage
spectacle for public consumption, it also manufactures ambition, inspiration, and national pride out of the "Olympic Dream." Although it is tempting to position the Hall of Fame
as entirely encapsulating the factory metaphor, ultimately the main product of the Hall of
Fame are the athletes themselves, thus the zoo analogy of "species conservation" appears
to be a more appropriate comparison.
It is quite obvious that few people will ever get to be elite Olympic athletes, let
alone experience the sensation of something like a luge or bobsleigh ride at an Olympic
facility. Beyond the wider mandate of exposing and educating the public about winter
Olympic sport, the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum is, frankly, meant to be a fun day
out for visitors. While ostensibly an educational experience, in many respects COP
represents a cornucopia of consumptive sport experiences for the visitor, in large part by
objectifying and commodifying elite athletes and the sports they play. The mixture of
retail services, interactive activities, and spectacular displays of living objects places the
Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum as a significant service at the COP "zoo/mall." 53
However, as Vamplew (1998) argues, critical approaches at sports museums are often eschewed in favour of commercial prerogatives. This is not particular to sport museums, and is a common outcome in most any form of heritage (Graham et al, 2000).
Vamplew's assertion, however, raises an intriguing point, namely that the cultural and commercial aims of a museum cannot be reconciled. While there is little doubt that the commercial and the cultural affect one another, the suggestion that the commercial makes the cultural somehow inauthentic seems to miss the point of what heritage represents, particularly at the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum. Heritage is not about authentic representation of the past, but the needs and concerns of the present. Maintaining COP as an elite athlete training centre and key tourist attraction for visitors to Calgary appear to be the current concerns of COP mangers, which can be seen through the heritage construction of the Hall of Fame. This is not to suggest that the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum should abandon its multiple mandates in order to critically assess winter
Olympic sport, unless critical assessment should become part of its mandate and raison d'etre. Rather, it is to suggest that the experience at the hall of fame is the message, which ultimately addresses both the cultural and economic aims of the facility. In other words, by providing a series of experiences to the public, the Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum addresses its educational mandate (be it about winter Olympic sport, winter
Olympic athletes, or the role of CODA) and its role as tourism facility.
However, sites like the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum at COP offer an intriguing twist for the heritage field. They are not necessarily only hands-on playgrounds nor are they strictly spectacular venues, allowing intellectual access for only those with the requisite cultural or intellectual background. Rather, they employ a 54 curious hybrid in traditional and contemporary modes of presentation and representation, at least in terms of their approach to displaying and interpreting collections. Lowenthal
(1998) contends that "past" and "present" in many heritage exhibits are virtually indistinguishable. By putting on display the fruits of its legacy, sites such as the Olympic
Hall of Fame and Museum close the temporal gap even further, virtually avoiding the past unless there is a direct and tangible connection to present aims and concerns. That heritage is about the present is not a new concept and has been repeatedly raised in heritage literature (Graham etal, 2000; Howard, 2003; Lowenthal, 1998). However, what is being displayed at sites like the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum demonstrates that the past, at least explicitly raised, need not be a central feature to a museum's social and cultural construction. What the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum reveals is that a key heritage output is legacy, where the site's historical past is only relevant as it relates to the present and future. While it is difficult to imagine a sport museum not incorporating the past into exhibits, the fact that sport museums have marginalized displays about the past in order to exhibit the present and develop the future requires some consideration in wider heritage circles.
Conclusion
Contemporary museums are called upon to do much more than simply collect and display artefacts from the past. The museum has become a place for debate, discussion, education and entertainment and, as such, has become far more interactive and "alive" for a variety of pragmatic reasons. The contemporary sports museum shares comparable challenges with other museums in that there are political, financial, and social reasons for 55 adopting a more "living" and interactive approach. However, where sports museums differ is that they are in part responsible for inspiring not only their consumers, but also recruiting their next generation of "artefacts" - essentially, the assets of their cultural capital. Without new athletes to take the place of the current athletic cohort, the sport museum is placed in stasis. Displaying athletes and providing interactive exhibits is done, in part, as a collections succession strategy as well as a marketing tactic, particularly to lure out-of-town visitors. However, the modes and methods of exhibit display at some contemporary sport museums may hold ramifications for the wider heritage field.
The fact that the case study is Olympic-based should not be ignored, as there are clearly specific considerations that apply to Olympic venues that may not be relevant to more popular sport museums. Baseball, soccer, and ice hockey museums may employ interactive exhibits or place athletes on display more to encourage continued fan loyalty and consumption, as well as to attract and maintain site visitation, than as a mode of
collections management. However, should these more traditional sports find that participation levels plateau or begin to wane, or find that they require a "marketing" hook to attract visitors, they may very well also employ the "athlete zoo" approach. 56
References
Adair, D. (2004). Where the Games Never Cease: The Olympic Museum in Lausanne,
Switzerland. In B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair (Eds.), Sport Tourism:
Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 46-76). Clevedon: Channel View
Publications.
Associated Press, (2007). Record crowd attends Gwynn, Ripken induction (July 29).
Retrieved April 9, 2008 from http://nbcsports.msnbc.com/id/20023223/.
Bailey, C.A. (2007). A Guide to Qualitative Research (2nd ed.). London: Sage.
Calgary Olympic Development Association. (2007). CODA's Canada Olympic Park
[Brochure]. Calgary: CODA.
Canadian Olympic Committee (2008). Canadian Olympic Hall of Fame. Retrieved April
14, 2008 from http://www.olympic.ca/EN/hof/index.shtml.
Canada Olympic Park (2007). Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum. Retrieved October 2,
2007 from http://www.canadaolympicpark.ca/.
Denning, K. (2008). Regarding the Zoo: On the Development of a Metaphor.
Inter nationalJour nal of Heritage Studies, 14(1), 60-73.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2000). A Geography of Heritage: Power,
Culture & Economy. London: Arnold.
Hansen, E. (2002). Animal Attractions: Nature on Display in American Zoos. Princeton
University Press.
Harrison, J.D. (2005). Ideas of museums in the 1990s. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage,
Museums and Galleries (pp. 38-53). London: Routledge. 57
Hewison, R. (1987). The Heritage Industry: Britain in a Climate of Decline. London:
Methuen.
Hockey Hall of Fame (2008). Exhibits tour. Retrieved April 8, 2008 from
http://www.hhof.com/html/ex00.shtml.
Howard, P. (2003). Heritage: Management, Interpretation, Identity. London: Continuum.
Kidd, B. (1996). The Making of a Hockey Artifact: A Review of the Hockey Hall of
Fame. Journal of Sport History, 23(3), 328-334.
Lake Placid Olympic Region (2008). The Olympic Centre. Retrieved April 24, 2008 from
http://www.orda.org/newsite/togo/olympiccenter.php.
Lowenthal, D. (1985). The Past is a Foreign Country. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Lowenthal, D. (1998). The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Mason, P. (1999). Zoos as heritage tourism attractions: A neglected area of research?
InternationalJournal of Heritage Studies, 5(3 &4), 193-202.
Mason, R. (2005). Museums, galleries and heritage: Sites of meaning-making and
communication. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 200-
214). London: Routledge.
Museum of Rugby (2008). Welcome to the Museum of Rugby & Twickenham Stadium
Tours. Retrieved April 8, 2008 from http://www.rfu.com/microsites/museum/.
Negro Leagues Baseball Museum (2005). Visit NLBM. Retrieved November 3, 2005
from http://www.nlbm.eom/s/visit.htm. 58
Patton, M.Q. (2002). Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods (3rd ed.). Sage:
Thousand Oaks.
Pine II, B.J. & Gilmore, J.H. (1998). Welcome to the Experience Economy. Harvard
Business Review. July-August, pp. 97-105.
Prentice, R.C., Witt, S.F, & Hamer, C. (1998). Tourism as Experience: The Case of
Heritage Parks. Annals of Tourism Research, 25(1), 1-24.
Redmond, G. (1973). A Plethora of Shrines: Sport in the Museum and Hall of Fame.
Quest, 19, 41-48.
Silverman, D. (2001). Interpreting Qualitative Data (2nd ed.). London: Sage.
Slater, D. (2006). Analysis Cultural Objects: Content Analysis and Semiotics. In J. Scott
(Ed.), Documentary Research: Volume I (pp. 119-134). London: Sage.
Sport Canada (2008). Funding Programs Overview. Retrieved July 21, 2008 from
http://www.pch.gc.ca/progs/sc/prog/index_e.cfm.
Spotte, S. (2006). Zoos in Postmodernism: Signs and Simulation. Madison: Fairleigh
Dickinson University Press.
Springwood, C.F. (1996). Cooperstown to Dyersville: A Geography of Baseball
Nostalgia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Snyder, E. (1991). Sociology of Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame and Museums in
America. Sociology of Sport Journal, 8, 228-238.
Vamplew, W. (1998). Facts and Artefacts: Sport Historians and Sport Museums. Journal
of Sport History, 25(2), 268-282.
Veal, A.J. (2006). Research Methods for Leisure and Tourism (2nd ed.). London:
Prentice Hall. 59
Wall, K. (1998). Fort Edmonton Mall: Heritage, Community and Commerce.
Unpublished doctoral thesis. Edmonton: University of Alberta.
Wamsley, K.B. and Heine, M.K. (1996). Tradition, Modernity, and the Construction of
Civic Identity: The Calgary Olympics. OLYMPIKA: The International Journal of
Olympic Studies, V, 81-90.
Urry, J. (2002). The Tourist Gaze (2nd ed.). London: Sage.
USOC (2008a). US Olympic Training Centre - Chula Vista. Retrieved April 28, 2008
from http://www.usoc.org/12181_19097.htm.
USOC (2008b). US Olympic Training Centre - Colorado Springs. Retrieved April 28,
2008 from http://www.usoc.org/12181_19096.htm. 60
Chapter 3: ON HOME GROUND? TWICKENHAM STADIUM TOURS AND
THE CONSTRUCTION OF SPORT HERITAGE9
Introduction
Graham et al (2000) argue that heritage can be seen as a duality, a resource of both cultural and economic capital. Viewed through the lens of heritage tourism, designating a location as the "home" of a particular event or person carries considerable weight both in legitimizing and reinforcing the truth claims of heritage as well as boosting the tourism profile of a destination. The heritage of home is particularly powerful from both personal and collective perspectives, as the sites, artefacts, rituals and traditions associated with home construct notions of continuity and identity. For heritage tourism, notions of home are important in legitimizing particular heritage narratives, as well as in acquiring a competitive advantage over rival sites.
The construct of home is particularly predominant in sport. "Home field advantage" is one of the perceived truisms about sport, the home of a particular athlete or sport is a common element of sport history and discourse, while the home stadium of a sports team can generate strong emotional ties for spectators. Bale (2000) contends that the home of a particular team, for example, is intricately tied to notions of fan identity, and the loss or change of home is akin to losing part of oneself. Given the importance of home(s) in sport, it is no surprise that they have now become part of the heritage and tourism landscapes. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the case of stadium tours, whereby tour patrons are provided backstage access to a venue whilst listening to
Co-authored with Dr. Sean Gammon, University of Bedfordshire (U.K.) 61 historical and technical narratives about the site (Gammon & Fear, 2007). However, despite the predominance of stadia as the "sleeping giants" of tourism (John, Sheared &
Vickery, 2007), with tours being the most obvious and structured ways in which visitors engage with these venues, few research studies have explicitly addressed stadia sites as either tourism or heritage locations. The aim of this study is therefore to better understand the construction of stadium tours, in particular how these tours create and contextualize notions of home, by analysing the tours of a globally recognized sports venue: Twickenham Stadium in London.
Heritage, Tourism and the Idea of Home
Notions of home are particularly powerful in heritage, and can take on many different meanings. The physical residence is often the primary location for personal or
family heritage. Family traditions and the meanings imbued by particular spaces within the residence are given heritage values and meanings over time. A childhood room, for
example, can become a space for a personal heritage, particularly when it is visited again
in adulthood. The home also becomes the repository for family heirlooms and family
photographs, often displayed in prominent locations. Howard (2003) describes heritage
value of the residence in terms of a lineage of occupants. This is particularly significant
if the home is of a noteworthy age, enabling the residents to place themselves within the
legacy of both the physical structure and the previous tenants.
While the family home provides many with the main heritage setting in their
lives, the notion of home in heritage extends beyond the backyard. Most notably, the
quest for individual or communal identity is frequently linked to the heritage of a 62 homeland or region. Graham et al (2005) note that heritage representations are key facets in establishing, legitimizing and maintaining national identities, or, as Laurajane Smith
(2006) argues:
Material culture as heritage is assumed to provide a physical
representation and reality to the ephemeral and slippery concept of
'identity'...it fosters the feelings of belonging and continuity... while its
physicality give these feelings an added sense of material reality, (p. 48)
At a national level, a common or shared heritage, such as notions of patriotism, is often fostered through the establishment of national museums, public support of national historic properties or national parks. It is assumed that these physical properties create mythologizing heritage narratives that provide the domestic populace with a sense of their collective past while also projecting those narratives of nation to external or visiting audiences (Howard, 2003).
Intangible heritage, such as stories, language, and song, also construct the heritage of home, be it at the personal or collective level. Laurajane Smith (2006) contends that all heritage is ultimately intangible, as it is values and meanings, and not physical representations, that create heritage. At the personal level, family traditions such as those related with special occasions like birthdays or Christmas, become associated with the home, particularly if ritualized on an annual basis. At the collective level, national anthems and mythologies about the founding of the nation are integral in creating a sense of home. Lowenthal (1998) argues that continuity is one of the fundamental characteristics of heritage, noting that: 63
(h)eritage pride inheres not less in precedence than in perpetuity -
unbroken connections, permanent traits and institutions. Maintaining or
restoring such links confirms that the groups we belong to are not
ephemeral but enduring organisms, (p. 184)
Intangible heritage provides layers of meaning to the physical home that can provide both depth and continuity.
The home designation also transfers readily to the tourism industry. The search
for authenticity and identity through travel can be one of the key facets of tourism
(MacCannell, 1976) and in a globally competitive tourism market, being recognized as an
authentic representation of "home" can be a significant advantage particularly, as is the
case in heritage tourism, when many different locations often compete for the home
designation. Lowenthal (1998) describes the potency of being designated "first" or the
"birthplace" of a particular heritage character or event. The numerous home sites
associated with particular historical figures, such as Abraham Lincoln, or literary figures,
such as Jane Austen, demonstrate the tourism appeal of this designation, as the tourism
industry attempts to commodify these claims of lineage into competitive advantages over
rival claimants. The home designation can also enshrine and legitimize particular truth
claims about a destination vis-a-vis its place identity for tourists. A destination being
labelled as the birthplace or home of a particular historical figure or historical event can
be a very potent branding mechanism. MacCannell's (1976) argument about tourists
seeking authentic spaces is particularly compelling in this case, as the symbolic power of
visiting the "real" birthplace of Lincoln or the "real" location where Jane Austen wrote
her novels can influence both the construction of the location, particularly as a form of 64 heritage and as a tourist attraction, as well as the choices and motivations of tourists.
Timothy (2007) notes that "homes" of fictitious places or characters, such as Dorothy's home from The Wizard ofOz and the hobbit homes from The Lord of the Rings, can be powerful tourist locations and are often the source of competition between "authentic"
sites.
Returning to a homeland, even one never experienced firsthand, can also be a powerful heritage journey. Lowenthal (1998) notes that journeys associated with
diasporas account for much of the contemporary appetite for heritage, and many
destinations are consciously constructed for this form of heritage tourism. Sites of
pilgrimage can also be considered a form of "home," although they are often constructed
differently, both in-situ and phenomenologically, for the devout or the merely curious
(Cohen, 1992). According to Howard (2003) and Corsane (2005), we often hold multiple
identities, each with its own, and often distinct, heritage. As such, someone of Irish
descent who is Catholic and a Manchester United football fan may see Ireland, Vatican
City and Old Trafford as forms of home and places of pilgrimage for travel.
Heritage Sport Tourism and Home
The notion of home is both powerful and widespread in sport. For example, Ken
Burns' landmark documentary Baseball employs the metaphor of home plate as both the
beginning and the end of one's journey. "Home", in Burns' estimation, "brings us back
to where we're safe, and where we care, where we're cared about, and where we're
loved." Burns further contends that a sport allows the individual to be connected to a
place, which is important as contemporary life becomes more mobile. In other words, 65
sport can in many cases provide roots and a sense of home, particularly in an increasingly
fractured society (Burns & Novick, 1994).
Homes can take on many different forms in sport. The birthplace of a sport is a particularly common notion of home. Normally, the home-as-birthplace narrative follows particular mythological tropes, many of which are difficult to historically verify, that involve a particular person or group spontaneously "inventing" a sport at a particular
location, such as the Doubleday myth at Cooperstown for baseball (Springwood, 1996)
and the Webb Ellis myth at Rugby for rugby football (J. Smith, 2006). These proprietary
claims of lineage are frequently legitimized and enshrined through the physical
representation and commodification of the "birthplace," often through a heritage
attraction such as a museum or hall of fame. In the case of Co.operstown, the Doubleday
myth has long since been exposed as false, although this has not diminished the symbolic
power of the site and has actually enhanced the mythos of the location (Springwood,
1996). The home of a world-renowned athlete, whether it is the actual birthplace or
adopted home, is also frequently recognized through the establishment of a sport heritage
attraction. The AH Centre (boxing) in Louisville, Kentucky, and the Bobby Orr Hall of
Fame (ice hockey) in Perry Sound, Ontario, are both examples of the commodification of
the home-as-birthplace.
Self-proclaimed "spiritual homes" are powerful representations of sport and
home. These locations are not the actual birthplaces of the sport but are the "keepers of
the flame;" the protectors and interpreters of the traditions and values of particular sports.
For example, cricket was not invented at Lord's Cricket Ground, but the codification of
the sport and its contemporary laws and "spirit" are governed by the Marylebone Cricket 66
Club which is based out of Lord's and, as such, the ground is self-proclaimed as the
"home of cricket" (Lord's,. 2008). Similarly, the Edmonton Oilers ice hockey club solidified their claim that Edmonton is the spiritual "heartland of hockey" by staging the
Heritage Classic, a massive outdoor ice hockey game that reflected many of the mythological features of hockey's rural, outdoor origins, despite the fact that the sport's historical roots lie in the Victorian-era Montreal (Ramshaw & Hinch, 2006). Spiritual homes of sport may even have fictitious roots based on film and literature, as is the case with Dyersville, Iowa, where the film set of Field of Dreams has been maintained for tourists (Mosher, 1991; Springwood, 1996).
However, the most common and obvious representation of home for many sports is the stadium. Beyond the apparent advantages that the stadium can provide the home side, including crowd support, rule advantages, and familiarity with the playing surface,
(Carmichael & Thomas, 2005), the sports stadium often combines both the literal and the spiritual home as it is a tangible location where rituals and traditions are practiced. Most frequently, the stadium is the home of a particular team, such as Yankee Stadium
(baseball) for the New York Yankees or St. James' Park (soccer) for Newcastle United.
The intangible heritage practiced at the stadium, such as particular chants, are normally specific to the home team and its supporters, although certain rituals, such as the traditions of the seventh inning stretch in baseball, are ritualized throughout a sport's many venues. Wembley and Millennium Stadiums host national team competitions and have become sites for displays of national pride. At another level, fan groups also often refer to themselves as "nations," such as the case with the fans of "Red Sox Nation" 67 where Fenway Park becomes the symbolic space where rituals and traditions are maintained and practiced (Friedman, 2007).
The social and cultural construction of home through the stadium not only legitimizes particular heritage narratives but also is very important for the commercial
success of the venue. Strong place attachments are often developed by fans for their home stadium in a way that Tuan (1990) described as topophilia. Bale (2000) describes the home stadium as the "focal point for location pride and awareness and a source of dynamic geographic memories" and that moving to a new ground, for many supporters, would be akin to losing a family member (p. 92). Belanger's (2000) study of the
Montreal Canadiens moving from the beloved Montreal Forum, a location with a strong heritage value as a defacto "cathedral" of ice hockey, to the new Molson Centre required the public to accept the new home as legitimate and authentic in order for the project to
succeed.
Visiting the home venue of a favourite team or seeing the symbolic birthplace of a
particular sport can be a very powerful tourism experience. Gammon and Fear (2007)
argue that stadia can be iconic symbols of place, and that sport venues attract tourists in a
similar fashion to other more conventional tourist attractions, largely because of the
global consumption of sport. Ramshaw (2007) contends that fandom is no longer
restricted to the local squad as many teams boast worldwide support, and that home
stadiums as the focal point for team support attract visitors throughout the year. In
addition, John et al (2007) argue that stadia represent the "sleeping giants" of tourism as
they have the potential for year-round visitation, shape urban regeneration projects, and
enhance team and stadium revenues by exposing visitors to products and services. As 68
such, team and stadium managers have commodified the home identity of the stadium and the notion of authentically experiencing the venue through the stadium tour.
Gammon and Fear (2007) argue that stadium tours offer a deeper familiarity with the venue than experienced during an event, as they cross the boundary between front and back stages. They allow both the deeply committed fan and the nominal observer the
opportunity to see parts of the stadium not normally accessible to the general public, hear particular stories and narratives about the stadium (from technical features to stories
about particular players or matches), as well as see some of the same spaces that their
favourite athletes and teams occupy when playing at the venue. Tours vary between
venues but will normally feature visits to the dressing room area, the luxury suites and
media areas, and a view from beside the playing surface (though rarely, if ever, on the
playing surface itself). Tours are almost always combined with other tourism
infrastructure, such as a museum, gift shop, and/or a cafe that create a sport retail
experience for the visitor. Obviously, certain areas of a stadium will have more
importance than others depending on the sport and the heritage value of the location. The
home dugout at a baseball stadium, for example, may have more importance than the
team benches at a football stadium and, as such, be a central component of the tour
because of the unique features of the home dugouts, particularly the individual
characteristics embedded into the location's fabric (e.g., player-scrawled graffiti in the
dugout). Similarly, if a location in a stadium has a particular historical significance (e.g.,
location in a baseball stadium where a record-breaking home run ball landed) it may be
included on a tour of that venue. Notwithstanding these minor idiosyncrasies, many
stadium tours tend to follow a similar pattern and aim for similar outcomes. 69
Despite the predominance of stadia as tourist attractions and social/spatial focal points for particular heritage narratives, few research studies have explicitly addressed these sites as either tourism or heritage venues. Given the importance of the home designation imparted to these venues, the aim of this study is to analyse the construction of the stadium as a representation of home, from both heritage and tourism perspectives.
The construction of venues as both heritage and tourism most directly occurs during stadium tours, as these are the means by which stadia are structured and displayed as heritage tourism venues (unlike during matches themselves, whereby the competition and not the heritage or tourism value of the venue is the primary focus).
Case Study: Twickenham Stadium Tours - "Home of English Rugby"
Located on the western edge of metropolitan London, Twickenham Stadium is the home of both the English national rugby team as well as the Rugby Football Union
(RFU), the governing body for rugby union in England (Figure 3-1). The RFU purchased the land at Twickenham in 1907, after the RFU determined the need for a national stadium for rugby. The venue hosted its first match in 1909, and its first international test in 1910 (J. Smith, 2006). The stadium has undergone numerous structural changes since its first match (Dinning & Sheard, 2005; Richards, 2006) and, other than the pitch itself which has remained in the exact same location, the contemporary version of the stadium is aesthetically and practically a twenty-first century venue and bears little resemblance to previous incarnations. The stadium continues to develop and expand, including a recent capacity expansion to 82,500 seats as well as the development of a hotel complex at the south stand. (Figure 3-1 - Twickenham Stadium looms over the surrounding residential community. Photograph by
Gregory Ramshaw)
Tours of Twickenham Stadium are offered year-round, four times per day
Tuesdays through Saturdays and twice on Sundays. Tours are not offered on Mondays or on match or event days. The cost of the tour is £10 for adults, £7 for concessions
(students/seniors), and includes a one hour, fifteen minute tour of the stadium, admission to the Museum of Rugby (also located at the stadium) and a souvenir stadium pass. The
stadium has a cadre of volunteer guides, many of whom are retired and most of whom have some form of rugby background as players and/or administrators. Tour sizes vary, but most tours have twenty to twenty-five participants and during peak periods, such as
school term holidays, advance bookings are often required. Between 2005 and 2007, 71 approximately 21,000 visitors per year took the stadium tour (L. Simmons, personal communication, November 26, 2008).
Six tours were observed during data collection, and the description of the tour format at Twickenham Stadium below represents a composite as to how the general structure of the tour, including the route and the information provided, remained relatively consistent between guides. The tour began at the reception area of the Rugby
Store, a large souvenir shop at the stadium (Figure 3-2).
(Figure 3-2 - The Rugby Store, where Twickenham Stadium Tours begin and end. Photograph by Gregory
Ramshaw)
The guide led the group into an adjacent room that has two pictures of Twickenham
Stadium, one from 1950 and the other from 1991. The guide introduced himself (all
guides on observed tours were male) and welcomed patrons to the "home of English 72 rugby" or the "home of rugby," depending on the guide. He then asked where tour patrons were from, perhaps provided a bit of banter depending on if there had been a recent match or if the patron was from a rival rugby country, and outlined the rules and safety regulations of the tour. Many guides also compared and contrasted the two photographs of the stadium, as well as described the changes that have happened at the stadium since the 1991 photograph. Following the introduction, the guide led visitors to the top of the north stand to provide the bird's-eye view of the stadium (Figure 3-
(Figure 3-3 - The bird's eye view of Twickenham Stadium from the north stand. Photograph by Gregory
Ramshaw)
This is normally where the guide provided historical information about the stadium, as well as any technical details (e.g. pitch maintenance). The guide then took the tour to the 73
Nike private suite, and outlined the information about the suites including price, which companies have suites, and how the suites are decorated (Figure 3-4).
(Figure 3-4 - Memorabilia displays in the Nike private suite. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw)
Following the stop at the suite, the guide took the tour to three sections related to the
RFU and the administration of rugby. The first section was the Members' Lounge, where
rugby administrators would socialize and view the game. Most guides would also
describe the numerous photographs of royalty that decorated part of the lounge. The
second section was the Council Room, where several key aspects were explained to tour
patrons, including the memorial boards honouring players lost in the first and second
wars (Figure 3-5), the photographs of past RFU presidents, and the main gates to the 74 stadium that can be viewed from the room.
(Figure 3-5 - The Second World War memorial board outside of the Council Room, which includes the name of famous England international "Prince" Alexander Obolensky. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw)
The final section was the President's Suite, where guides normally discussed the composition of invitees in the suite for a typical match. Guides also interpreted the numerous works of art in the suite, not the least of which was the famous "Roses Match"
(Figure 3-6) painting, a powerful artefact in the construction of the mythology 75 surrounding the split in rugby codes between rugby "league" and rugby "union" (Collins,
1996).
Mat.*. ^^^^^JrfsKlIlHW
Wmm v ' '!m&8S>M
(Figure 3-6 - The famous "Roses Match" painting, located in the President's suite. Photograph by Gregory
Ramshaw)
The guide then proceeded to the Royal Box, explaining the typical guest list, dress codes and etiquette for the Box. The group then followed the guide into the change room area 76 that included the medical room as well as the England team change room (Figure 3-
7).
£>'OLAIW il
J *Wi*m H*« *•-» *Utr 4,r- mmmmm
(Figure 3-7 - Name plaque and change room stall of famous England international team player Jonny
Wilkinson. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw)
Finally, patrons are taken pitch side (although, not on the pitch itself), and are eventually 77 guided back to the Rugby Store where the tour began (Figure 3-
8). m
(Figure 3-8 - English Rose, the logo for the RFU and a powerful English national symbol, painted pitch side. Photograph by Gregory Ramshaw)
Methodology
Three research methods were adopted for this study: in-depth interviews (Veal,
2006) textual/material analysis (Silverman, 2001; Slater, 2006; Veal, 2006) and observations (Patton, 2002; Veal, 2006). According to Patton (2002), "using a combination of observations, interviewing, and document analysis, the fieldworker is
able to use different data sources to validateand crosscheck findings" (p. 306). Contact
with Twickenham Stadium managers was initially made in April 2007 (Appendix E), 78 with data collection taking place in October 2007. Ethics approval from the Research
Ethics Board of the Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation at the University of
Alberta was secured in June 2007. Four in-depth interviews with personnel involved in stadium tour content and marketing took place in person at Twickenham Stadium
(Appendix F). Three interviews were with paid stadium personnel, and one interview was with a volunteer tour guide. Each interview lasted approximately forty-five minutes.
Interviews were conducted by Gregory Ramshaw. In order to maintain interviewee confidentiality, pseudonyms are used when directly quoting from an interview
(Appendices G, H). A snowball sampling approach was adopted (Patton, 2002) to secure appropriate interviewees. Several different types of texts were used, including documents such as the tour-guide training manual, tour-guide journals, and marketing material such as website copy and tourist pamphlets. Analyses of these written texts served several purposes, including background for observations and interviews and to corroborate other forms of data (Silverman, 2001). Observations were also used to gain insight about stadium tours. Six tours were observed: five by Gregory Ramshaw and one by Gregory
Ramshaw and Sean Gammon. Bailey's (2007) observation guidelines were used to record fieldnotes. Since the observations were based upon the construction of stadium tours by the tour provider and not the actions or impressions of tour patrons, our presence on the tours was not overtly revealed to visitors. Tour administrators informed guides that we would be observing tours. We also alerted guides to our presence on the tour at a convenient opportunity, normally at or near the beginning of the tour. Although the revelation of our presence on the tour could have affected tour narratives, guides did not
single us out from the tour group when delivering their tour narratives. As this research 79 study focused entirely on the supply-side of the tour narrative, the views and actions of tour patrons were not recorded nor solicited. Data from this study was coded manually, as the amount of raw data was manageable enough to not require a software programme.
Open coding, using a word processing program and coloured flags on data sources, grouped the data into manageable segments. Following the open coding, themes were developed for analysis and informed more focused coding of the data (Bailey, 2007).
When addressing particular forms of heritage, particularly sport heritage that so often can be intricately linked to notions of personal and collective identity, it is worth noting the perspectives of the researchers involved in the study. One researcher is not an
English national, has had little experience with the sport of rugby, having never played a game and only having seen a few games live or on television, and had his first view of
Twickenham Stadium on the initial day of data collection. The other researcher is
English, did play the game, has been to Twickenham Stadium on numerous occasions, and is a follower of the national team. The study was lead by the "outsider," which we felt provided an advantage in that he did not carry extensive cultural baggage when approaching the tours, while the "insider" provided cultural context and knowledge that would only be known by a follower of the sport who has a familiarity with the venue.
Twickenham Stadium as Home
The study of Twickenham Stadium Tours demonstrated that the venue is
constructed as "home" in three different ways: as the literal home of the English national rugby team, as the spiritual home of rugby both domestically and internationally, and as
the home of a particular representation of England and Englishness. 80
Twickenham Stadium as the Home of the English National Rugby Team
Tours of Twickenham Stadium construct and re-enforce the venue as the home of the English national rugby team in two ways. Firstly, by emphasizing the legacy of the venue as the home of English national teams, visitors need not have an intimate knowledge of the current squad, or perhaps any England side, in order to understand and enjoy the tour. Secondly, the tour provides a sense of intimacy and an "authentic" experience, particularly for those visitors who are fans of recent England teams.
Since 1910, Twickenham has been the home stadium for English national rugby
squads (J. Smith, 2006), although in its current form the venue is defacto a twenty-first- century entertainment complex and bears little resemblance to its many previous
incarnations. However, tour commentaries point out that the primary tangible and
enduring legacy of the stadium is the pitch itself. In his interview, Craig described the
importance of the pitch to the heritage fabric of Twickenham Stadium, particularly in
comparison with other rugby nations' home venues:
Well, you think of the national stadium in Wales, the Millennium Stadium,
they turned their pitch around 90 degrees, so they're not actually playing
on the pitch where their players of yesteryear used to play. But you think
of that first match in 1909 when Harlequins played Richmond, that's the
same pitch. Obviously the aesthetics of the ground have changed, but it's
the same pitch where the players of yesteryear actually played. Obolensky
scored his try in that corner, you know, it's exactly where Obolensky
scored his try.
"Prince" Alexander Obolensky is a legend in English rugby primarily due to his first try for England in 1936 against the New Zealand All Blacks. His try is considered to be one of the best ever to be scored at 81
The spaces shared between past and present squads not only creates connections between different eras of teams, but also suggests that tour narratives are created with different visitor ages and visitor levels of team familiarity in mind. Artefacts similarly re-enforce the connections between past and present squads. Photographs of past England matches and victories, most famously at the 2003 World Cup, are part of the tour, although recent changes to the dressing room area removed plaques commemorating "England's Greatest
Victories" at Twickenham. Tour narratives explained that these plaques were removed as it was felt it might "inspire" visiting teams more than the English team. Stadium tours are also occasionally offered with "living" artefacts, such as ex-England international
Brian Moore , as a guest tour guide. Tour narratives emphasize continuity by highlighting the history of the stadium to its present incarnation. Narratives place little emphasis on particular players, teams or performances from the past, with the only exception being "Prince" Obolensky, a famous England international who was killed in the Second World War and who is one of the war dead memorialized on a plaque outside of the council room (see Figure 3-5). In this way, the tour gives Twickenham Stadium a sense of timelessness; that it is not just the home of the current squad or a particularly successful side from the past, but of all England teams for all time. Interestingly, data collection at Twickenham Stadium took place during England's surprising run to the final of the 2007 World Cup in France and, aside from a brief mention of England's success by guides at the beginning of tours, tour commentaries remained constant and made little
Twickenham. His legendary status was galvanised when he lost his life in a training exercise in the Royal Air Force (RAF) during the Second Word War. See Figure 3-5 for a photograph of Obolensky's commemoration plaque. Brian Moore is a famous ex professional player who played for England between 1987 and 1995 and was known for his patriotic fervour and uncompromising play which earned him the name "Pitbull". He now writes and commentates about the sport. 82
mention of the team's fortunes. Interviewees noted that tour commentaries do not deviate
based on England's on-field performance.
Tours also provide fans a sense of intimacy with the current squad, despite the tour narratives emphasizing the timeless qualities of the venue. Gammon and Fear
(2007) argue that allowing visitors into the "authentic" backstage is the principal lure of
the stadium tour. Twickenham Stadium tours provide a sense of authenticity by taking
visitors into the spaces normally only occupied by players and administration, such as the
dressing rooms, council chambers and the president's suite. Further, they advertise the
tours as a tactile experience, as patrons are told that they will "(follow) in the footsteps of
rugby heroes" (Rugby Football Union, 2007) by sitting in the dressing room stall of their
favourite player, having the chance to run out of the dressing room tunnel to the pitchside
area, and even seeing the medical, training, and bathing facilities for the team. Although
the tour narratives rarely singled-out individual players, they provided a sense of
intimacy with the England team as a whole by sharing inside stories about players such as
some of the practical jokes past and current squads played on each other, as well as
describing the coaches' and players' minute-by-minute preparation before games.
Furthermore, guides encourage tour patrons to sit in the dressing room stalls of their
favourite player, or imagine themselves as their favourite player walking through the
dressing room tunnel and on to the pitch. By creating and nurturing a sense of fandom,
the tours not only provide a one-off fan experience but they also can pay dividends down
the road. John noted that the tours are integral to the commercial success of the stadium:
(W)e only have about fifteen, sixteen, seventeen major event days a year,
and so the concept behind supporting the tours, not developing but 83
supporting them, is that people coming to the stadium are likely, very
likely, to buy things in the shop, spend money on catering, potentially
come back because they want to see a match here and therefore spend
more money on match tickets.
The power of the home venue, in the case of Twickenham, is seemingly therefore meant to pull at both the heart and purse strings. However, as Mason (2005) contends, interpretation of heritage narratives is not a one-way street; visitors will create their own meanings within their own experiences. It may simply be assumed that visitors will be familiar with the current side and, as such, guides do not familiarize visitors with the current players or spend much time during the tour discussing recent results. The connection with the current squad, then, seems to be more tactile and phenomenological than aural.
Twickenham Stadium as the Spiritual Home of Rugby
Tours of Twickenham Stadium construct the venue as both the spiritual home of rugby in England, as opposed to the sport's "birthplace" at Rugby School, as well as the
defacto home of the sport internationally. Tour narratives are particularly important in
constructing Twickenham as the home of rugby in England. Most tour narratives began
with Twickenham being declared the "home of English Rugby." Typically, they also
described in detail the formation of the RFU, and their subsequent codification and
dissemination of the sport throughout the British Isles. Furthermore, much of the tour
focuses on the history of the RFU, its past and current governance, and the administration
of the sport by the RFU in England. The RFU offices are located at Twickenham 84
Stadium and, following Richards's (2006) argument that a sport's "birth" takes place when it is codified and played by others using the same rules, there is an implicit claim in the tour narrative that the organization is the true inventor of the sport and, by extension,
Twickenham Stadium as the organization's headquarters is the sport's symbolic birthplace. More importantly, however, tour narratives debunk well-known rival claims, particularly the so-called "Webb Ellis Myth" that the sport was invented by a boy,
William Webb Ellis, at Rugby School (Richards, 2006). Tour narratives largely ignore this famous story, although if guides address the Webb Ellis story at all, they quickly dismiss it and, instead, explain the formation of the RFU and the sport's codification. As
John explained:
The problem we have with Rugby School is a political problem. No it's
not, it's not a political problem, it's a historical problem. They go to great
lengths to publicize and promote William Webb Ellis creationist myth,
which really offends us.
Craig also addressed the Webb Ellis story, implying that Twickenham, as the home of the
RFU, is the symbolic home of rugby in England:
Again, rugby originated in England. This is the home of rugby. I mean,
there's the Rugby School, but whether it happened there or not is a
different issue. But, you know, rugby originated here. The Rugby
Football Union was the first football union, and it's just the heritage of it,
the whole place.
The idea of a mythology, particularly one based around the creation and traditions of the
sport, can be very powerful. For example, Gammon (2004) argues that sites of sporting 85
significance, such as the home of a sport, can be focal points for forms of secular pilgrimage for dedicated fans. A debate over the origins of the sport, and what represents
a sport's "true" home, has serious cultural and tourism implications as the institutionalization of particular heritage narratives can enhance the historical assertions
of heritage managers (e.g., which narratives to privilege and how traditions are maintained and ritualized) and economic objectives of sport organizations (e.g., marketing a site as the "real" or "authentic" home for tourists to visit).
Many of the artefacts and spaces described on the tour also gave legitimacy to hereditary claims. The aforementioned continuity of the playing area at Twickenham
Stadium, where rugby has been played for nearly a century, was a key aspect for John
(although it is worth noting that though there is continuity of the space of the pitch at the
stadium, the authenticity of pitch itself- that is, the grass - must be questioned as the
tour narratives explain that the pitch is under constant change and maintenance):
The benefit we have is that the pitch, the rectangle of grass, has always
been exactly that rectangle of grass... it's one of the only surviving bits of
grass from that period where you can say rugby's been played here for a
hundred years.
The fidelity of the playing area entrenches the tour commentary's spiritual home
narrative. Twickenham Stadium also houses many of the significant artefacts of the sport
in England, such as the "Roses Match" painting and the first England jersey, which are
either part of the tour or in the museum and part of the tour admission package. Such
spaces and artefacts re-enforce ideas of legacy, continuity and tradition, as well as truth
claims of Twickenham as the "keeper" of the rugby flame. 86
Tour narratives are also constructed with the explicit recognition that
Twickenham Stadium is a globally recognized venue, particularly by rugby fans from other countries. Gammon's (2004) notion of sport sites as centres of pilgrimage is also important here, particularly when sites have become globally recognized and attract international tourist visitation. Twickenham Stadium is one such site that is not only internationally recognized, its tourist visitation confirms its role as a globally significant sport site. As John explained:
In terms of the southern hemisphere visitors you referred to, it's not
anecdotal, we've seen people come straight from Heathrow Airport, they
arrive here on a two-year tourist visa or on a holiday, and they come
directly to the stadium. It's got that, and I hate to say it because of the
religious connotations, the quasi-religious stuff is pretty embarrassing, its
got that Mecca-appeal in terms of "I have to go and look at this place", in
the same way that Lord's has, in the same way, to an extent, Wimbledon
has. It's got that universal appeal. It's a well-known name.
The marketing of the tours is particularly indicative of the global consumption of
Twickenham. Pamphlet texts declare Twickenham as the world's most famous rugby stadium, while one interviewee explained that the venue is undergoing a re-branding where the attraction package for the tour and the rugby museum will emphasize the global significance of the location and the museum collection. Beyond the marketing, tour narratives also emphasize Twickenham's role as maintaining the norms and traditions for the sport globally. John explained that the RFU sees tours of Twickenham
Stadium as a means of spreading global interest about the sport: 87
Yeah, look, I mean the RFU's objective isn't just England and
Twickenham, it's the whole game and its development. You could even
say there's an intangible benefit if a French group come here and decide to
go home and support their local French club, because that builds revenue
for the game globally because there would be better standards of facilities
and amenities. So, it's a global game and it's being perceived as such.
John notes that tour narratives explicitly acknowledge, recognize and practice particular rugby norms and values, specifically in the treatment of rival supporters:
Again, its this rugby family concept. We want them all to feel included. I
would hate to go around a stadium in France and every three minutes it
would be, "Remember when we beat England, ha, ha, ha!" You know,
I've come to see the stadium. And, I can remember these things on this
pitch. I don't need you to hammer it home that we lost the final here.
They've come to see the stadium, and we have to remember that, and that
kind of informs that aspect.
There is, of course, a commercial imperative to treating visitors properly. However,
Twickenham tour narratives seem to emphasize the rugby family concept, and are quick to construct narratives that maintain their role as the protectors of the rugby ethos, although the narratives occasionally lapse into jingoistic nationalism, particularly against some of England's main rivals such as Wales and Australia. Artefacts described on the tour also solidify the claim of global propriety, in particular the array of gifts displayed at
Twickenham Stadium that were given by rugby-playing nations on the one hundredth anniversary of the founding of the RFU. The gifts, and their inclusion as part of the 88 narrative, demonstrate that other nations also recognize the RFU as the founders of the
game and Twickenham as the sport's home base.
Twickenham Stadium and England as Home
Twickenham Stadium tours construct national identity and a sense of Englishness
in two ways. Firstly, tours emphasize aspects of rugby that reflect romanticised notions
of national identity. Secondly, tours are consciously constructed to welcome
international patrons, most of whom are from former colonies, "home to England."
Hewison (1987) argues that heritage, particularly in England, is most potent
during times of crisis, especially when well-entrenched notions of identity are challenged.
Although Hewison's polemic was written at a time when England's national identity was
challenged by rapid economic changes, particularly in traditional industries such as
mining and agriculture, there are arguably large-scale challenges to entrenched notions of
identity in early twenty-first century England as well, not the least of which is a much
more pluralized population than in previous generations. Such notions of Englishness
have been further compounded by some of the home nations' (Scotland and Wales)
desire for political and economic autonomy and, from some quarters, for the dissolution
of the United Kingdom (Tuck, 2003). The patriotic songs sung by English rugby fans
such as Blake's Jerusalem, with its emotive connotations reflecting upon an idealised
past, resonates as potently with many English people today as it did when first put to
music at the beginning of the twentieth century. Not only is it accepted as an English
anthem in general nationalistic terms but it also reinforces and supports the argument of
Twickenham being representative of home; as being perhaps the Jerusalem of rugby. It is 89 therefore unsurprising that the tours at Twickenham Stadium reflect romanticised notions of an England from a far more comfortable (though historically indeterminate) past. The aesthetics of tour locations are certainly part of this construction. The tour spends a great deal of time in rooms that reflect rugby's public school roots, such as the wood-panelled
Council Room or the English Rose-adorned President's Suite, which self-consciously flaunt the class-based heritage of the sport despite being in, for all intents and purposes, a contemporary stadium. Guides also explicitly drew parallels in their tour narrative between the behaviour of rugby fans and the camaraderie rugby culture as being reflective of the true reflection of English spirit and identity, as opposed to the much
more antagonistic and violent soccer fans (and almost all tour narratives referred to the rival sport as "soccer" rather than "football," although during interviews, interviewees
often used the more common "football"). Craig summed up the difference between the
two types of supporters:
Rugby's a far more social side than football. I mean, you'd never go into
the pub with the opposition fans at a football match because of the
potential trouble there. But as I said in my talk, you sit next to an
opposing fan, you have a chat with him, you have a bit of banter, a bit of
fun, making a mockery of his team and vice-versa... I mean, this used to
happen when I'd play rugby. One of my very good friends now, I met him
because he played for an opposing team and he played in the same
position as me. You know, we have a rivalry during the game, then shook
hands at the end of the game, have a beer, got talking, saw him a couple of 90
months later at the next game, and now we're very good friends, our wives
are friends, our children are friends, and we've been friends for 35 years.
Such sentiments link the notion of the "rugby family" with ideas of behaviour and national identity. Other more tangible symbols of national identity, such as the St.
George's Cross in the dressing room area and the tour commentary during the Members'
Lounge and at the Royal Box tour stops where the Royal Family's spectatorship at
Twickenham and their patronage of the sport is explained, also play significant roles in the stadium tour. Tour narratives also occasionally referred to amateurism in rugby, romantically describing, as one interviewee described it, "when they (the players) were,
say, a doctor in the hospital in the morning and they came to play for England in the
afternoon, walked or came on their bicycle," thus reiterating the class-based ethic of the
sport and well as the sport's link to a certain type of English identity. All of these
constructions are meant to, in some respect, counteract the rapid changes taking place in
English society, particularly in the face of twenty-first century globalization. This
"older" brand of nationalism is seemingly meant to comfort and console while also
asserting that, despite these perceived societal changes, rugby has endured and represents
a pure form of English culture and identity.
The construction of a certain romanticised brand of Englishness is not only for
domestic audiences. Interviewees uniformly expressed the notion that Twickenham
Stadium reflected something about English culture and identity, whilst also
acknowledging that a good portion of their audience came from other rugby-playing
nations, most of which were former colonies (e.g., South Africa, Australia). Several
interviewees also noted that there are several venues in the London-area that offer tours 91 and can claim to present similar forms of English national identity, most notably
Wimbledon, Lord's and Stamford Bridge (Chelsea Football Club). Two of the interviewees, Jenna and Linda, expressed the opinion that Twickenham tour attendance had probably benefited from Wembley Stadium, the English national venue, being unable to offer tours for several years. In the case of Twickenham, the selling of Englishness through the stadium tour fits a certain post-colonial mode, inviting visitors to come
"home to England", even if they have never been. This is particularly the case with rugby, a sport that was disseminated globally through British colonization, and continues to circulate globally through the broadcast of matches. Several key artefacts that are featured on the tour re-enforce the post-colonial nature of visitation, including a Nike advertisement that had a map of Australia with English Roses on each of the sites of
England's 2003 World Cup victories and that had the caption "The Empire Strikes Back" as well as a Springbok Head, the symbol of the South African rugby team. While the
ethos of rugby camaraderie is a central feature of tour narratives, artefacts such as these re-enforce the colonial heritage of the sport and the contemporary post-colonial
consumption of the tour.
Discussion: Constructing Home - Crisis and Commodification at Twickenham Stadium
Heritage representations are often employed to counteract real or perceived
notions of decline, particularly in England (Hewison, 1987; Lumley, 2005; Morley &
Robins, 1995). It is often easier and more comforting to remember and romanticize a
stable, unchanging, and uncomplicated past, particularly when present or future prospects
seem daunting and threatening by comparison. On the surface, Twickenham Stadium 92 hardly seems to be a symbol of decline. After all, it has recently undergone extensive renovations, it is full to capacity for England matches, and it is home to a national side that has seen a great deal of success in recent years. Thus, the employment of the
"home" discourse as part of the stadium tours is curious, as creating a sense of stability and safety or, in other words, a sense of home. However, the three discussed manifestations of home, namely Twickenham as home of the national squad, the sport,
and a type of Englishness, attempt to buffer or counteract, both culturally and
commercially, notions of decline.
Espousing Twickenham Stadium as the home of the national team is obvious;
the venue is the literal home of the squad, it is likely that many tour patrons are fans of
the current side and are keen to see the home venue from the vantage point of their rugby
heroes. It is telling, however, that tours adopted a legacy narrative rather than focusing
exclusively on the current team, despite England's recent successes at World Cup
competitions. Lowenthal (1998) contends that "the worth of many legacies is weighed by
their durability" (p. 184) and, as such, though the fortunes of the English team may rise
and fall, Twickenham will always be the home of all national sides for all time. This is
not to say that contemporary narratives are never included as part of tours. Indeed,
several guides made passing mention of Jonny Wilkinson, the current "poster boy" of
England Rugby. However, as Mason (2005) argues, heritage audiences are rarely "blank
slates" and are active in the meaning-making of sites. Tour patrons may bring with them
their own memories, nostalgia, and history and will interpret sites outside of the paradigm
of the tour narrative. It may simply be that guides need not include the significance of a
player like Wilkinson in the tour narrative, as it is assumed that patrons will already 93
possess this knowledge. Nevertheless, by embracing a more generalized tour narrative that does not rely on a defined time period, the success of the tour (and the subsequent
gift shop visit) is not dependent on the fortunes of the current squad, as the past, particularly one infused with nostalgia, is a much more stable, and bankable, narrative.
Although rugby was not "invented" at Twickenham, tour narratives go to great
lengths to support Twickenham as the symbolic home of the sport. In doing so, tour narratives reflect Graham et al's (2000) position that heritage is a duality of cultural and
economic capital. Culturally, the RFU is positioned as codifying the sport, disseminating
it globally, and being responsible for "spreading the rugby gospel" as well as for being
chief protectorate of the sport's norms, traditions and values. Furthermore, as the sport
was created in England, and because Twickenham is the epicentre of rugby in England,
tour narratives adopt Twickenham as the symbolic capital of the sport. Economically,
placing Twickenham as the global home of the sport not only provides the venue year-
round tourist visitation, it also positions the venue as a centre of pilgrimage for rugby
fans of all stripes and not just for supporters of England, thereby marketing the stadium to
a broader audience. Needless to say, there are other rugby-playing nations, such as
Wales, where the sport is much more culturally significant than it is in England, and
which could rightly lay claim to being the sport's spiritual home. Similarly, there are
competing tourist venues, not the least of which being Rugby School, which can claim to
be the sport's authentic home. However, by enshrining assertions of precedence through
a heritage medium, rival claimants can be contextualized, ignored, or dismissed and, in
doing so, Twickenham is able to maintain and validate particular heritage and tourism
objectives. For Twickenham Stadium, tours enshrine and heritage perspectives about the 94 venue, the RFU, and the cultural value of rugby in England that may be romantic at best, while creating a social-spatial venue to lure interested tourists.
The relationship between the heritage narratives promoted at Twickenham
Stadium and notions of decline are most evident in the tour narrative's construction of
Englishness. Tours adopt a romantic vision of a temporally indeterminate England of a previous era as an antidote to a rapidly changing and more egalitarian England of the present. For example, tour narratives frequently compare the fans, the atmosphere, and the security at "soccer" (never football) matches in comparison with rugby events at
Twickenham. While there is little doubt that by adopting such a narrative is due, in part, to the popularity of "soccer" in comparison to rugby in England, there appears to be a larger discourse which sees rugby as representative of class distinctions that have, in recent generations, largely deteriorated. Similarly, tours take patrons through areas of the stadium that espouse the sport's public school roots, and are made even more self- conscious by the fact that Twickenham Stadium is, for all intents and purposes, a twenty- first century venue. Tour narratives also represent the post-colonial tourism consumption of the stadium, where tour commentaries, in effect, welcome subjects "home" to England.
It is interesting, however, that the contemporary England is a multi-racial and multi-faith mosaic, while the sport, long a space of a certain type of masculinity (Dunning & Sheard,
2005) is now widely played by women - an aspect that the tour narrative, with a decidedly masculine perspective in term of content and delivery, largely ignored.
Although adopting representations of Englishness for tour narratives is predominantly
cultural, there is a strong suggestion that such representations are also good for business.
Beyond attracting the international rugby supporters, constructing Twickenham Stadium 95 as a representation of English culture can attract the non-rugby supporter away from rival sites, as several famous London-based sport venues (e.g., Lord's and Wimbledon) offer venue tours and are also representative of a certain form of English identity.
Hewison (1987) warns that using heritage, particularly adopting overly romanticised pasts, as a coping mechanism during periods of decline can lead to an inability to cope with current problems and future issues. Furthermore, Graham et al
(2000) argue that "the past validates the present through the idea of timeless values and lineages, and by restoring what are held to be lost or subverted values" (p. 40). By adopting the home narratives, tours of Twickenham Stadium run the risk of championing a heritage for the venue, and the sport, that is both inflexible and hostile to change. If the heritage narrative of the tour promotes both stability and timelessness, there is very little room for modification or dissonant perspectives. On the other hand, home narratives are clearly beneficial from a tourism perspective, if for no other reason than the site can be positioned as authentic vis-a-vis rival sites. What results is Vamplew's (1998) assertion that sport-based heritage sites may have to sacrifice veracity for commercial viability.
However, Twickenham Stadium is in a unique position in that as a tourist attraction the site includes both the venue tour and the Museum of Rugby. Thus, in the case of
Twickenham Stadium, there is room for both the commercial and the historical to be addressed, as clustering the attraction package provides venues for both the commemorative and the critical aspects of the heritage narrative. As Howard (2003) contends, "the idea that we only inherit good things from the past is nonsense.. .not all heritage is pleasant" (p. 6). If Twickenham is truly the "home" of rugby, then there is perhaps a duty for the RFU to also explore some of the negative legacies of the sport 96 through other spaces and mediums, particularly with regards to the heritage of race, gender, and class in the sport.
Conclusion
Notions of home are important from both heritage and tourism perspectives. The idea of home suggests precedence, stability and authenticity, all of which are valuable attributes for heritage tourism sites. However, by constructing and entrenching notions of home, heritage narratives can become resistant to change, although such narratives can also be beneficial in culturally and economically sustaining tourist attractions. The narrative adopted on the tour, together with its carefully designed route, promotes
Twickenham's home status on a number of levels - as" the home of English Rugby, as the spiritual home of rugby, and more abstractly as the symbolic home of England and
Englishness. Tour guides seamlessly conjoin the stadium's history and heritage with its present modern design and commercial activities in a Janus-headed approach that looks both forward and backward. The stories told and information imparted on the tour reaffirm England's great deeds and influence on the game which may play on the pride of domestic visitors whilst reinforcing English stereotypes for international patrons.
Although adopting home narratives can attract tourist visitation and secure competitive advantages over rival tourist attractions, the tours could be both inflexible to change and unable to meet the issues and challenges that contemporary sport heritage sites encounter.
Thus, the home narratives that culturally and economically enable sport heritage organizations in the present could also constrain and limit those organizations when dealing with the issues and challenges of the future. 97
References
Bailey, C.A. (2007). A Guide to Qualitative Research (2nd ed.). London: Sage.
Bale, J. (2000). The Changing Face of Football: Stadiums and Community. Soccer &
Society, 7(1), 91-101
Belanger, A. (2000). Sport Venues and the Spectacularization of Urban Spaces in North
America: The Case of the Molson Centre in Montreal. International Review for
the Sociology of Sport, 35(3), 378-397.
Burns, K. (director/producer) & Novick, L. (producer) (1994). Baseball: A Film by Ken
Burns, The Ninth Inning: Home 1970-1994 [motion picture]. United States: PBS
Home Video.
Carmichael, F. & Thomas, D. (2005). Home-Field Effect and Team Performance -
Evidence from English Premiership Football. Journal of Sports Economics, 6(3),
264-281.
Cohen, E. (1992). Pilgrimage Centers: Concentric and Excentric. Annals of Tourism
Research, 19, 33-50.
Collins, T. (1996). Myth and Reality in the 1895 Rugby Split. The Sports Historian, 16,
33-41.
Corsane, G. (2005). Issues in heritage, museums and galleries: A brief introduction. In G.
Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries: An Introductory Reader (pp. 1-
12). London: Routledge.
Dunning, E. & Sheard, K. (2005). Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players: A Sociological
Study of the Development of Rugby Football (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. 98
Friedman, M. (2007). The Spectacle of the Past: Leveraging History in Fenway Park and
Camden Yards. In S. Gammon & G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and
Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures (pp. 103-122). London: Routledge.
Gammon, S. (2004). Secular Pilgrimage and Sport Tourism. In B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair
(Eds.), Sport Tourism: Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 30-45).
Clevedon: Channel View Publications.
Gammon, S. & Fear, V. (2007). Stadia Tours and the Power of Backstage. In S. Gammon
& G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist
Futures (pp. 23-32). London: Routledge.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2000). A Geography of Heritage: Power,
Culture & Economy. London: Arnold.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2005). The uses and abuses of heritage.
In Corsane, G. (ed.) Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 26-37): London:
Routledge.
Hewison, R. (1987). The Heritage Industry: Britain in a Climate of Decline. London:
Methuen.
Howard, P. (2003). Heritage: Management, Interpretation, Identity. London: Continuum.
John, G., Sheard, R., & Vickery, B. (2007). Stadia: A Design and Development Guide
(4th ed.). Oxford: Elsevier.
Lord's (2008). About Lord's. Retrieved January 16, 2008 from
http://www.lords.org/lords-ground/about-lords/.
Lowenthal, D. (1998). The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. 99
Lumley, R. (2005). The debate on heritage reviewed. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage,
Museums and Galleries (pp. 15-25). London: Routledge.
MacCannell, D. (1976). The Tourist. New York: Shocken Books.
Mason, R. (2005). Museums, galleries and heritage: Sites of meaning-making and
communication. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 200-
214). London: Routledge.
Morley, D. & Robins, K. (1995). Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic
Landscapes and Cultural Boundaries. London: Routledge.
Mosher, S.D. (1991). Fielding our Dreams: Rounding Third in Dyersville. Sociology of
Sport Journal, 8(3), 272-280.
Patton, M.Q. (2002). Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods (3rd ed.). Sage:
Thousand Oaks.
Ramshaw, G. (2007). The Future of the Sporting Past. In S. Gammon & G. Ramshaw
(Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures (pp. 141-
148). London: Routledge.
Ramshaw, G & Hinch, T. (2006). Place Identity and Sport Tourism: The Case of the
Heritage Classic Ice Hockey Event. Current Issues in Tourism, 9 (4&5), 399-418.
Richards, H. (2006). A Game for Hooligans: A History of Rugby Union. Edinburgh:
Mainstream Publishing.
Rugby Football Union. (2007). Love Rugby! Discover a Whole World of Rugby at
Twickenham [Brochure]. Twickenham: RFU.
Silverman, D. (2001). Interpreting Qualitative Data (2nd Ed.). London: Sage. 100
Slater, D. (2006). Analysis Cultural Objects: Content Analysis and Semiotics. In J. Scott
(Ed.), Documentary Research: Volume /(pp. 119-134). London: Sage.
Smith, J. (2006). The Little Book of English Rugby. United Kingdom: Green Umbrella
Publishing.
Smith, L. (2006). Uses of Heritage. London: Routledge.
Springwood, C.F. (1996). Cooperstown to Dyersville: A Geography of Baseball
Nostalgia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Timothy, D. (2007). Introduction. In D. Timothy (Ed.), The Political Nature of Cultural
Heritage Tourism (pp. ix-xviii). Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing.
Tuan, Y. (1990). Topophila: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values.
New York: Columbia University Press.
Tuck, J. (2003) The Men in White: Reflections on Rugby Union, the Media and
Englishness. International Review for Sociology of Sport, 38, pp 177-199
Vamplew, W. (1998). Facts and Artefacts: Sport Historians and Sport Museums. Journal
of Sport History, 25(2), 268-282.
Veal, A.J. (2006). Research Methods for Leisure and Tourism (3rd ed.). London: Prentice
Hall. 101
Chapter 4: PLACE IDENTITY AND SPORT TOURISM: THE CASE OF THE
HERITAGE CLASSIC ICE HOCKEY EVENT12
Introduction
Sport is an important factor in the construction of place identity. Media depictions and images of sporting events, as communicated by the press, television, radio, and popular literature, can play a major role in the construction of a place's identity (Bale,
2003; McGuirk & Rowe, 2001). This characteristic of sport is valued as a way to construct tourism destination images as evident in the stiff competition between cities to host major events like the Olympics (Whitson & Macintosh, 1996). A further dimension of this phenomenon is that popular media often portray sporting events and locations in a nostalgic fashion, espousing a spatially and temporally indeterminate heritage. Bale's
(2003) discussion of the "imaginative geographies of sport" makes this point. He notes that "little has been done.. .to examine the strength of regional sports imagery or of the degree of congruence between the sports images people have of places and the sporting reality" (p. 161). An overly nostalgic media may, in fact, present "a home [or destination] that no longer exists, or never existed'' (Legg, 2004, p. 100).
Sporting pasts represent a commodity, whether they take the form of a "retro" jersey, heritage facility, or rebroadcast and repackaging of a "classic" match. Heritage sport tourism represents one of the many ways that sport has been commodified. The desire to visit representations of the sporting past may be driven by individual memory,
12 Revision of previously published work. Ramshaw, G & Hinch, T. (2006). Place Identity and Sport Tourism: The Case of the Heritage Classic Ice Hockey Event. Current Issues in Tourism, 9 (4&5), 399- 418. 102 televised rebroadcasts of famous matches, re-creations of famous sports moments on film, descriptions of classic sport achievements in books, or even artwork displaying images of past sport's moments (Snyder, 1991). In re-creating sporting pasts for a tourist audience, heritage based depictions serve to articulate what people in a region believe is important about the region's sporting past. In doing so, destinations construct place identity. However, the role of heritage is the least researched and understood component of sport tourism (Gibson, 2003; Hinch & Higham, 2004; Ritchie & Adair, 2004).
This paper examines the way that place identity is constructed by local, national, and international media sources in the case of the Heritage Classic - an outdoor professional hockey game played in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada on November 22, 2003.
The media constructions are contextualized through interviews with key personnel from the Edmonton Oliers Hockey Club, the organizers of the Heritage Classic. The first part of the paper examines heritage and nostalgia as a sport tourist attraction and its role in terms of place identity; and the heritage associated with outdoor ice rinks in a Canadian context while the second part focuses on organizational aims and subsequent media views
of the Heritage Classic hockey game.
Heritage, Nostalgia, Place Identity, and Outdoor Rinks in Canada
Heritage is a difficult concept to identify and categorize, although the use of the
term seems to be ubiquitous. Almost any type of physical structure, cultural
performance, or artefact that makes reference to the past or a previous way of life could
conceivably be described as heritage. Hewison (1989) argues that heritage can be
"almost anything," while Lowenthal (1998) contends that "heritage today all but defies 103 definition" (p. 95). Although heritage literally means an inheritance (Howard, 2003;
Lowenthal, 1998), it is often described as the contemporary use of the past (Graham et al,
2000; Howard, 2003; Lowenthal, 1998).
Ramshaw and Gammon (2007) identify four different classifications of sport- related heritage: 1) tangible immovable (e.g., landscapes, buildings); 2) tangible moveable (e.g., objects, art, events); 3) intangibles (e.g., memories, rituals); and 4) goods and services (e.g., "retro" apparel). These classifications of sport heritage are not necessarily mutually exclusive. For example, an historic stadium is tangible and immovable, though it may contain artefacts and exhibits which are tangible and movable, rituals and traditions that are intangible, and may host heritage-based "services" such as a sport fantasy camp. Ramshaw (2006) further argues that there are four predominant forms of sport heritage attractions: 1) sport halls of fame and museums (Adair, 2004;
Gibson, 1998; Kidd,1996; Redmond, 1973; Springwood, 1996; Synder, 1991; Vamplew,
1998), 2) sports stadia and sporting venues (Friedman et al, 2004; Gammon, 2004;
Gammon & Fear, 2007), 3) sport fantasy camps (Gammon, 2002; Gibson, 1998), and 4) heritage sporting events (Bale, 1993, 1994; Hinch & de la Barre, 2005). Gibson (1998) also identifies sport-themed cruises as another attraction based on the sporting past, while
Weed and Bull (2004) describe attending a match at a sports "mecca" like Lords or
Yankee Stadium as culturally significant components of a destination.
Nostalgia and tourism are also closely connected, not only for travellers seeking artefacts or experiences from yesteryear, but for tourism suppliers seeking to profit from sites and events which evoke strong sensations of an ideal past. At its foundation, nostalgia is "a remembrance of the past, a past that is imbued with special qualities" 104
(Synder, 1991, p. 229), Dann (1994) warns that "nostalgia is not simply an antiquarian feeling or mindless yearning" but rather "relates to and is grounded in dissatisfaction with current social arrangements and concern over their continuation into the future" (p. 65).
Tourism can "ward off, albeit palliatively, the negative feelings associated with both the present and future", while tourism providers offer experiences, items, and exhibits which
"are carefully designed and targeted at the hopeless nostalgic" (Fairley & Gammon,
2005, p. 186). Although Ramshaw and Gammon (2007) argue that heritage and nostalgia are not synonymous terms and should not be used interchangeably when describing this type of sport tourism, they concede that nostalgia is an integral component in the construction of sport heritage attractions.
Leiper (1990) defines a tourist attraction as:
... a system comprising of three elements: a tourist or human element, a
nucleus or central element, and a marker or informative element. A tourist
attraction comes into existence when the three elements are connected, (p.
371)
In the context of sport heritage, the human element includes travellers who are involved in sport heritage activities while on their travels. These travellers range from sport fanatics undertaking a pilgrimage to visit the shrines of their sporting heroes to "weekend warriors" chasing their youth through participation in various "old timer" or "masters" sporting events.
Markers are "items of information, about any phenomenon that is a potential nuclear element in a tourist attraction" (Lieper, 1990, p. 377). For heritage based sport attractions, such markers could range from explicit advertisements that encourage travel 105 to specific events and places associated with past sporting achievements to the more subtle but also the more pervasive sport nostalgia markers found in the popular media such as sentimental sport movies.
Finally, the nucleus of the attraction is where the tourist experience is manufactured and consumed therefore making it the focal point of tourism. Leiper describes the nucleus as any feature or characteristic of a place that a traveller contemplates visiting or actually visits. This nucleus may take the very tangible form of a sport hall of fame or the stadium in which a sporting dynasty played. A more intangible form of this nucleus relates to personal destinations associated with one's sporting youth.
While there may be symbolic features that exist on touristic landscapes that aid in this journey such as a childhood sports haunt, the journey itself may involve as much mental travel as it does physical travel. Sport heritage events such as "old timers games",
"masters competitions", and "fantasy camps" represent but a few examples.
Nauright (1996) argues that sport:
...is one of the most significant shapers of collective or group identity in
the contemporary world. In many cases, sporting events and people's
reaction to them are the clearest public manifestations of culture and
collective identities in a given society, (p. 69)
These manifestations of sporting culture combine with an assortment of other symbols of culture to produce place identities. A nostalgic perspective of sport allows places to construct a favourable identity, with which its residents are comfortable and which provides an anchor in a turbulent and constantly changing world. In a Canadian context, the "outdoor ice rink" has been viewed through these nostalgic lenses for some time. 106
The heritage of the outdoor rink has much to do with its historical link to non- codified or amateur sport. Hockey's transition in the late nineteenth century from
amateur to professional provided an opportunity for the game to become a commercial
spectator sport (Mason, 1998). Despite hockey being a winter activity, the necessity for revenue generation meant that hockey's professional roots lie largely indoors (Metcalfe,
1987; Gruneau & Whitson, 1994; McKinley, 2000). However, most youth and amateur hockey, not to mention unorganized and unregulated hockey known as "shinny", remained an outdoor pursuit in many Canadian communities. By the late 1960s, many cities and towns began to construct indoor arenas in order to meet the demands of burgeoning youth hockey leagues. A large amount of major Canadian municipalities now operate dozens of indoor hockey arenas, and communities with modest populations will often have at least one indoor arena. While outdoor rinks are still a staple of community life in Canada, they are rarely used for structured hockey games or practices
and tend to host "shinny" hockey only.
Nostalgia based heritage depictions of outdoor hockey are extremely prevalent,
particularly in Canada. Depictions of rosy-cheeked children skating long into the winter
evening tend to be a common motif of winter sport. The outdoor rink, whether it is a
rural frozen pond, a backyard rink, or a community league recreation facility, has become
a "facet of northern recreational heritage" (Falla, 2000, p. 54). These rinks are often not
fixed in space as the words "outdoor rink" conjure up images, emotions and sensations
that are not unique to a specific Canadian location. As such, three dominant forms of
outdoor rink discourse involve : 1) the environment, 2) fantasy, and 3) and Canadian
nationalism. 107
The Outdoor Rink and Environment
Winter climatic conditions play a vital role in the imagery of the outdoor rink.
The juxtaposition of the biting cold temperatures at the rink and the welcoming warmth of the home upon the return from the rink is one of the most common motifs of outdoor hockey:
By Christmas the pond was frozen with hard, thick, rough ice, not just a
skim coat...Leaving your warm house, stepping outside, the sharp cold
burned the inside of your nose and it ached a tight pain that made your
nose run and your eyes water. (Springer, 1999, p. 153)
There is a strong romanticization of the bitter cold. Despite the harsh conditions, there is an element of revelry regarding winter weather. In the shared heritage of Canadians, the young, male hockey players who used these rinks thrived in the freezing temperatures:
.. .back then my life was governed by the weather, the beginning and the
end of the season dictated by the mercury alone. I not only lived with
cold, I welcomed it." (Jacobs, 1999, p. v)
The ritualistic element of the cold is part of the collective memory associated with the start of the outdoor hockey season. For many young Canadian males this involved the close monitoring of temperatures and the search for telltale signs that the outdoor rink was about to become alive again for another winter:
They always came at midnight. It was as mysterious to us as Santa Claus.
As kids, and later as teenagers, we'd wait with rising anticipation and
increasing tension as November drew near. Each day it grew colder.
We'd walk our regular route to school, then suddenly detour the necessary 108
few blocks to see if the municipal employees we called "park workies"
had put up the boards and strung the lights. Each night, on the pretence of
phoning one another to discuss a problem in our algebra homework, a
two-word message, indecipherable to parents, was whispered as a sign off:
"Not yet." (Beardsley, 2003, p. 14)
Perhaps it is not surprising that these images are attached to childhood, and often turn up in adult reminiscences. Chase and Shaw (1989) argue that children are more aware of their natural environment and, as such, recollections of weather are much stronger from childhood than from any other period of the lifespan. The juxtaposition of the warmth of home and the cold of the rink, as well as the childhood anticipation of the opening of the rink, creates a strong memory that is recalled in adulthood. This creates a particular identity and image of the outdoor rink; it must be cold to be authentic.
The Outdoor Rink and Fantasy
Heritage imagery of outdoor hockey usually have a strong connection with family and friends. Like the recollection of the cold environment, this is frequently articulated through memories of childhood. Chase and Shaw (1989) argue that a linear and secular sense of time, a malaise about the present, and tangible material culture from the past, present fertile grounds for nostalgia. Longing for not only a time and place, but for loved ones as well, contributes to the desire to recreate and relive the past. The past is forever gone, but the markers that define and characterize those pasts are still present. The outdoor rink is one of those few places where the past can, if ever so briefly, come alive again. 109
Fantasy is frequently associated with the outdoor rink. The fantasy of playing with, or against, one's hockey heroes in a pivotal game is a prevalent flight of imagination in outdoor hockey. Carrier (2003) perhaps articulated this fantasy best in his short story titled The Hockey Sweater.
The winters of my childhood were long, long seasons. We lived in three
places - the school, the church and the skating-rink - but our real life was
on the skating-rink. Real battles were won on the skating-rink. Real
strength appeared on the skating-rink. The real leaders showed
themselves on the skating-rink.. .On the ice, when the referee blew his
whistle the two teams would rush at the puck: we were five Maurice
Richards against five other Maurice Richards, throwing themselves on the
puck. We were ten players all wearing the uniform of the Montreal
Canadiens, all with the same burning enthusiasm. We all wore the famous
number 9 on our backs.. .How could we forget that! (p. 47)
Notwithstanding the links between Carrier's depiction of the outdoor rink and its social
ties to the French Canadian nationalism of the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, the fantasy of
boys becoming men to compete against their idols is interesting to juxtapose with the
nostalgic use of the outdoor rink, where men become boys again and, for a passing
moment, the only "real battles" that matter are indeed on the rink. Fantasy is permissible
and even encouraged at the outdoor rink.
The outdoor rink perpetuates this fantasy by reviving the memory of loved ones,
particularly those who are gone: 110
Driving past that pond and recalling that day I skated with my mother, I
thought how good it is that we cannot see beyond the present. I also
thought how skating and hockey helped me through the dark decade after
my mother's death. That what she had set in motion that day on the pond
would remain in motion until today, when I have a wife, children,
grandchildren, home and a small homemade skating pond of my own.
(Falla, 2000, p. 185)
There seems to be a mysticism with outdoor rinks in Canada that either reawaken memories, or allow the participants to relate to one another. Falla (2000) writes:
I talk easily about the game, and hockey, for me, has been the entering
wedge in many an enduring friendship.. .we never had a problem or spoke
an angry word (on) a hockey rink. (p. 83)
The rink creates an emotional bridge, helps to maintain memories, and provides a place for wounds to heal. Sports venues have often played this role as a location for bonding and remembering, most notably for baseball with W.P. Kinsella's (1982) Shoeless Joe and football with Hornby's (1996) Fever Pitch. The outdoor rink for hockey, like
Kinsella's Iowa cornfield and Hornby's Highbury Stadium, offers loved ones a place to both play and communicate. Synder (1991) argues that this is a common characteristic with particular forms of sport nostalgia, as the collective memory is reshaped by individualistic memories. In the case of both Kinsella and Hornby, the places of their stories are spatially rooted, though one need only have their 'own' baseball diamond or stadium stand to relate. Ill
The Outdoor Rink and Canadian Nationalism
Hockey is undoubtedly a central element of Canadian national identity (Jackson
& Ponic, 2001). This is in part because of the rapid "Americanization" of professional hockey (Mason, 2002; Moore, 2002) that, in some Canadian circles, has come to be seen as an expatriation of national identity. Richler (2003) explains:
Once hockey was ours, its nuances an enigma to most Americans and just
about everybody British. When Canadians ran into each other in New
York or London, cities rumoured to have other things going for them, we
could talk about hockey, our joy, our secret idiom, excluding sniffy
superior foreigners, much as my parents used to lapse into Yiddish on a
bus when they didn't want them (author's italics) to know what they were
going on about, (p. 65)
Callaghan (2003) expands on the relation of hockey to Canadian cultural identity and how losing hockey would be like losing part of one's soul:
So I went on my way thinking how important it was in the coming year
with the nation geared up a little tighter for total war, that hockey should
not die. If we get around to the point where we decided that it wasn't
useful, it would mean that we have got around to the point of looking at all
of life from Nazi eyes. Hockey is our winter ballet and in many ways our
only national drama. When the Germans were at the gates of Moscow the
Russians were still listening to the plays of their classic dramatists,
weren't they? (p.26) 112
Callaghan's depiction is interesting, as he links a typically "lowbrow" cultural form like sport with a "highbrow" art form like ballet, suggesting the role of hockey in Canada is decidedly high culture. Within these discourses, hockey is portrayed as more than a national passion; it is an essential part of being Canadian, a cultural identifier that separates Canadians from all others.
If hockey is a Canadian religion, then the outdoor rink is often situated as the church. While the rink was a coping mechanism for harsh winters, as well as a place of fantasy and mysticism, it was also distinctly Canadian. Beardsley (2003) explains:
The freezing days of early winter were welcomed with a conviction that
could only come from winter people. How many mornings did our skates
and sticks become a team of makeshift shovels scraping and flaying the
protective snow to reveal the mirror-like surface beneath? (p. 15)
The modern nationalism of the outdoor rink also has much to do with Wayne Gretzky, arguably Canada's most famous hockey player, who learned to first play hockey on the backyard rink his father constructed. The Gretzky rink in Brantford, Ontario is the stuff
of legend (Gretzky, 1990; Falla, 2000), and his trade to the Los Angeles Kings from the
Edmonton Oilers in 1988 was seen as a significant blow to the Canadian national identity
(Jackson & Ponic, 2001).
The image of the outdoor rink and outdoor hockey is made possible by dozens of
heritage markers. These descriptions also play strongly into the expectations for the
Heritage Classic; the game would not have been judged authentic if it did not have these
elements. The memory of what outdoor hockey "was like" was as much a part of the
attraction nucleus as any material element of the Heritage Classic. These images of 113 outdoor hockey were also so pervasive that they significantly determined the manner in which the event was covered by local, national, and international media outlets. These media descriptions will be explored in detail, with particular note of how these well- circulated images of outdoor hockey were recapitulated by media, as well as what effect this has on the creation of place identity.
Case Study: The Heritage Classic
The Heritage Classic was a sports event, which was consciously positioned to evoke images of the heritage and nostalgic pasts of the NHL and the "purity" of hockey in the outdoors. The event featured "two of Canada's premier 'heritage' teams, the
Edmonton Oilers with five Stanley Cup Championships, and the Montreal Canadiens with 24 Stanley Cup Championships" (Heritage Hockey Classic, 2003). Two games were played during the event, the first being a match between star players from past
Edmonton and Montreal teams, and the second being a regular season game between the current squads of the Oilers and Canadiens. Played in the outdoor venue of
Commonwealth Stadium in Edmonton, rather than the normal indoor setting, the game had been billed as a revisiting of hockey's greatest teams in a "natural environment," evoking images of hockey's outdoor past:
The Heritage Classic is what playing in the Heartland of Hockey1 is all
about - pulling on a toque, bundling up, and getting out into the great
outdoors. (The teams are) turning back the clock for the Heritage Classic,
"Heartland of Hockey" was the Edmonton Oilers marketing slogan for the 2003 - 2004 season. 114
and giving fans the chance to relive hockey's golden heritage. (Heritage
Hockey Classic, 2003)
The Heritage Classic festivities, which took place over a four-day period, also included several associated events such as team rallies, civic lunches, and displays of hockey memorabilia, making the Heritage Classic a civic-wide sport heritage weekend.
Borrowing from the 1989 film Field of Dreams and W.P. Kinsella's (1982) baseball focused novel, Shoeless Joe, the tag line "If you freeze it, they will come" (Heritage
Hockey Classic, 2003) was used to promote the event. This was accomplished by evoking images of players and sports landscapes from the past "appearing" in the present.
This tag-line also suggests that travel is necessary to experience the event, however the journey is more about a pilgrimage to a celebrated past, as it was in Kinsella's novel and the subsequent film (Mosher, 1991), rather than simply a trip to see a sporting event.14
Several major markers also added to the event's mythology. Despite the
"heritage" moniker of the event, the Heritage Classic was the first regular season outdoor game in the history of the NHL. The attendance for the Heritage Classic was 57,167 fans, the largest crowd in NHL history at the time and nearly three and a half times the attendance of an indoor game in Edmonton. Approximately 50,000 tickets were allocated to Edmonton Oiler season ticket holders, sponsors, and league officials, leaving a little over 7,000 seats available to casual ticket buyers. The Edmonton Oilers held a draw, allowing the 1,750 "winners" the right to purchase up to four tickets to the event.
According to Edmonton Oilers Heritage (2005), "the team received 750,000 entries,
For the relationship between sport and pilgrimage, see Gammon, S. (2004). Secular Pilgrimage and Sport Tourism. In Ritchie, B.W. & Adair, D. (eds.) Sport Tourism: Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 30 - 45). Clevedon: Channel View Publications. 115 representing a demand of 3 million tickets, and over three times the population of the city itself. The Oilers drew winners from as far as Fairbanks, Alaska and Leeds, England."
Tickets were in such heavy demand that in the weeks leading up to the event, internet auction sites regularly listed tickets at over $1,500 US each.
Cold weather also played a major role, as temperatures hovered around the minus
20 degree Celsius mark during the event. This was unusually cold for Edmonton in
November, but added (particularly in retrospect) to the mythology of the event. Despite the fact that many fans arrived in the early afternoon and, by the time the event finished, had spent over seven hours in such frigid temperatures, the vast majority of fans stayed right until the very end. Many of the post-event souvenirs, several of which listed the temperature at the event, espoused the hardiness of the fans and marked the cold as one of the event's main features.
Methodology
The methodology employed for this paper was discourse analysis, which examines the "description of topics in media texts, through consistency and connection of words to theme analysis of content.. .(and) aims at typifying media representations"
(Neuendorf, 2002, pp. 5-6). For the purposes of this study, print and internet-based media from local, national, and international perspectives were examined for the period of
Wednesday, November 19, 2003 to Tuesday, November 25, 2003. This period was selected as the vast majority of media coverage for the event appeared during these dates.
Local media perspectives featured the two daily newspapers in Edmonton, The Edmonton
Journal and The Edmonton Sun. National media perspectives featured the two national 116 daily newspapers (both published in Toronto), The Globe and Mail and The National
Post, as well as the newspaper with the largest circulation, The Toronto Star, and the only
Montreal-based English language newspaper, The Montreal Gazette. International media coverage was almost entirely US-based. A diversity of publications were examined, including USA Today, The Washington Post, The Boston Globe, and Sports Illustrated.
Interviews with key personnel of the Edmonton Oilers Hockey Club, the organizers of the Heritage Classic, took place in November and December, 2007. Ethics approval from the Research Ethics Board of the Faculty of Physical Education and
Recreation at the University of Alberta was secured in June 2007. Interview participants were contacted in July 2007 by formal letter as to their willingness to participate
(Appendix I). Five interviews in total were conducted, specifically focusing on personnel directly connected with the planning and staging of the Heritage Classic (Appendix J).
The interviews were conducted in order to provide context for both the media discourse and to gain insight into the Heritage Classic from the creators' perspectives, particularly as they related to the heritage and tourism dimensions of the event. A snowball sampling approach was adopted (Patton, 2002) focusing on personnel who were most directly involved in the creation, presentation, and promotion of the Heritage Classic. The interviews lasted approximately forty-five minutes and employed the interview guide approach, where topics and issues are chosen before hand, but interviews can remain conversational and situational (Pattom, 2002, Veal, 2006). In order to maintain interviewee confidentiality, pseudonyms are used when directly quoting from an interview (Appendices K, L). Howell and Prevenier (2001) argue that although interviewing can be very beneficial in aiding document-based research, it must be treated 117 with caution as, in and of itself, it is an interpretation based upon imperfect recollection.
Although interviewees may have contextualized the Heritage Classic in terms of the successes and failures of the organization in the four years between the event and the interviews, each interviewee stressed that the Heritage Classic was one of the major highlights - if not the primary highlight - of their professional lives and, as such, each
J possessed very vivid recollections of the event during the interview process.
"The World's At Our Doorstep": Local Media Perspectives
Local media perspectives of the Heritage Classic were overwhelmingly supportive of the event. This study examined the coverage from the two Edmonton daily newspapers {Edmonton Journal and Edmonton Sun). Each paper featured dozens of stories about the Heritage Classic in the days leading up to the event, while the weekend of the event featured extensive coverage in the newspapers, including several special pullout sections. Although there were many different types of articles about the event, ranging from features on the arrival of players to the scarcity of tickets, most of the articles relevant to place identity focused on three major themes: the rural prairie roots of outdoor hockey as a form of Canadian nationalism, the tourism potential and benefits of the event, and the hardy fans and community spirit of Edmonton.
Rural Roots
Interviewees noted that demonstrating pride in the rural roots of hockey in
Canada, and particularly in Edmonton and Alberta, was a key aspect in planning the
Heritage Classic. Although the initial plan for the Heritage Classic was to have the NHL 118
All Star Game outdoors, Peter explained that having the event convey a sense of rural identity was always an intention:
So, what is the greatest thing that can happen? That led us to the greatest
thing that can happen is the All Stars playing outdoors on an outdoor sheet
of ice with toques on or just their hair flying in the wind in front of a huge
crowd of prairie people, hockey fans. That in and of itself would make it
the greatest All Star Game to have ever been played.
Alex explained that an outdoor All Star Game in a prairie setting would give the event a sense of gravitas that is missing in host other locations:
If we ever got an All Star Game in Edmonton, it would be good because
the All Star Game is in January so you'd see white and you'd feel the cold,
and you'd feel the roots of why hockey is so important to us here, because
it's dark at eight in the morning when you leave for work and its dark at
four when you go home again, and so that's why we go to hockey games
in big numbers because there's not much more to do in Calmar on a
Thursday night. So, that's the same thing in Riverbend and same thing no
matter where we live.
In the days leading up to the event, media coverage also espoused the rural prairie roots
of outdoor hockey. The rural theme was specifically articulated in media sources by the
event organizers as a way of making the location a winter "wonderland":
.. .we're trying to make sure that people's experiences (at the Heritage
Classic) are magical - that they come in here and the first thing they do is
drop their jaw and go, 'Wow.' It's going to look like a farmyard with a 119
pond in the middle... a magical wonderland. It's kind of what brings us
back to where it all belongs. (Howell, 2003, p. Bl)
Simmons (2003) argued that a return to the rural roots of the game not only would repatriate it as a distinctly Canadian activity, but would redeem the sport from its elitist, corporatist, and professional present as well:
(The Heritage Classic) returns hockey, our game, to its primal, Canadian
roots. It doesn't just put the stars of our youth back on the ice. It takes us
back to the days when hockey wasn't an elite caviar entertainment for
overpaid adults, but a rough-and-tumble winter sport, something any kid
with a pair of skates could play. Is there anything more absurdly,
quintessentially Canadian than the idea of sitting outside in the cold and
snow of November to watch a hockey game?.. .But, today isn't just a
couple of games. It's the repatriation, the redemption, of our national
sport, (pp. B1-B2)
The physical components of the rural environment were not the only elements to bear a rural stamp. The associated values of the rural environment, such as a close bond and kinship with the community, were also symbolized in the outdoor rink:
There is a bond, frozen in time, between all of those who have even played
or watched hockey on outdoor ice.. ..It was an age of the shack where,
every Saturday morning, we put on our skates next to a roaring, wood-
burning stove. Then we skated a couple of hundred yards to the actual
rink.. .We played until we couldn't feel our toes anymore, and then we
took our skates off and walked home... It is just the ice and sky and wind 120
and the cold and the puck. The eternal elements of the fellowship.
(Kubish, 2003, p. B4)
Barnes (2003) argues that this nostalgic viewpoint of the rural outdoor rink is false, but that the nostalgic memory is ultimately more interesting and fulfilling than reality and also reinforces the widely accepted cliches of growing up on the prairies:
We walked five miles through the snow to get home from school, scarfed
down all our vegetables, did our homework and still found time to play
shinny in shirt sleeves in 20 below zero until our ears froze solid and our
feet went numb. These blatant lies, excuse me, tall Prairie tales, have
passed along to stiffen the backbones of our progeny. But they have also
propagated the romantic myth that provides the heartbeat of.. .the Heritage
Classic.. .Sure, we all skated outdoors as kids, whenever the sun came out
and the wind wasn't blowing the freckles off our faces. Hardy doesn't
mean stupid. For the past couple of days, the harsh reality of Prairie
winter has tried to break through the warm and fuzzy fantasy with a one-
two punch of icy cold and biting wind.. .(however, it is) just another
element of Mother Nature's attack on crazy old Uncle Nostalgia. But it's
all in vain because She is going to lose this game of chicken, (p. Al)
Alex noted that creating the proper "set design," incorporating markers and traditions of rural, amateur outdoor hockey, was vital in the creation of the event:
We had other guys like me who said, "Is there a way we could flood the
ice with those big barrels with the gunny sacks? Could we get it out there
and drag it around and they leave their micky in the back for once?" I 121
said, "Well, I don't think we could do that but what about scrapers? You
know when you're a kid and you go to the community rink and you skate
and you have to scrape, and everybody helps to scrape." So they said,
"Well, let's get some shovels in there and let the players do it." They
loved it. You can't do that for the NHL game. So there were all these
little magical moments.
If nostalgia is, as Hewison (1987) argues, "the deep links that identify a particular generation; nationally it is the source of binding social myths" (p. 46), then the Heritage
Classic articulated an identity that prairie-based Canadians desired. The mythology of an egalitarian, rural society where magical games on the frozen pond were played long into the evening is a "warm, fuzzy fantasy", and perhaps a benign one despite the complex historical transition from outdoor to indoor hockey in Canada (McKinley, 2000).
However, it does create a particular place identity, one that reflects as much on the society beyond the rink as much as at the rink itself. It also gives root to the heritage of the outdoor rink, placing these locations as distinct aspects of the Canadian prairie identity.
Tourism
Tourism was a significant consideration in the planning of the Heritage Classic in two ways - in situ tourism and creating a "name" for the city through the event. Peter explained that the initial concern for organizers was in situ tourism, as they expected that they would have to attract visitors from outside of Edmonton in order to fill the stadium: 122
(Selling tickets) was a large concern when we got started. It wasn't a
concern when we had business models moving in and out all the time, and
so there was the warm weather business model which was October, you
have to wear a jacket and its like playing a fall football game at
Commonwealth which is a no brainer for here, people know that. But as
you got into November, yeah, more attractive in terms of a media sense,
but who's going to pay to sit outside for a full day, like six hours, of
hockey? So yeah, our business model did not have a sell-out.
Peter also noted that organizers worked with tourism officials in planning the infrastructure, such as hotel room allocations, for the event:
When we were going through ideas, we had to pitch it to the city, to
downtown hotels. We had events down at City Hall. We knew that
people were coming from, I'll say all over the world, definitely North
America to be a part of this, and that's got to have a huge impact on our
economy at the time.
However, once it became apparent that the event would be successful from an attendance perspective, Neil explained that the shift changed to creating a global identity for the city:
We realized that this was a huge thing for this island called Edmonton.
This was a real connection to North America and the world. We had
people contacting us from everywhere saying, "This is unreal. What is
this thing?" Afterwards, of course, just a flood of people saying it was
unreal. I mean, people saying, "I was in Finland and I saw that thing"... 123
This (event) was about us, all of us together, putting Edmonton on the
map, globally.
Peter noted that broadcasting Edmonton to the world was done, in part, as a way of creating emotional capital with their season ticket holders and local fans:
Some of the hooks we had put into it, one, it had to be the greatest
celebration of hockey that had ever happened. So, to do that it had to be
continental, it had to make the news in New York, it had to make the news
in LA, it had to make the news in Toronto and Montreal and Vancouver
and all over the place. People had to talk about it in the sporting
community. We weren't going to make any money from that, but the
notoriety of doing it for all the people involved and the city of Edmonton,
that was important. It came back to, the Oilers need a (shot in the arm).
Peter also explained that part of constructing the Heritage Classic as a global event meant that globally recognized teams, such as the New York Rangers and Montreal Canadiens, would be favoured as opponents rather that relying on traditional rivals, such as the
Calgary Flames and Dallas Stars, who have limited appeal and recognition outside of
their home markets:
Calgary, everybody thought Calgary was automatic, Battle of Alberta, and
I kept saying that our committee had ruled out Calgary for now because it
won't become continental... We could do anything in Alberta, and it's
happened over the years, as an Albertan I've seen all kinds of things
happen here that don't even make the news in Toronto. None of us here 124
were prepared to go through all the angst and hard work that we were
going to put into doing this...
Alex concurred, noting that the wrong opponent would give the Heritage Classic a limited reach:
The magic of out outdoor game was when Kevin Lowe said, "This can't
be Edmonton playing Dallas." We wanted at first to be playing Calgary,
and then we thought that's really important to Edmonton and Calgary and
somewhat important to Hockey Night in Canada and a little bit important
in Cornerbrook, Newfoundland and not very important in Manhattan and,
for sure, it's not important in Dallas or Phoenix or Houston or wherever.
There's no "huh?" factor to it.
Both Peter and Alex explained that the organizers settled on the Montreal
Canadiens as opponents, given that the Oilers and Canadiens share some common history,15 there existed a strong working relationship between the two organizations, and the Montreal Canadiens were both a strong heritage franchise, being one of the so-called "Original Six" franchises in the NHL, and an internationally recognized brand.
Media picked up on the tourism potential and benefits (both real and perceived) of the event as a way of creating place identity. Some of these benefits were seen as transitory, tied specifically to the event itself. Edmonton's city centre during the Heritage
Classic events, particularly the area surrounding City Hall, was compared to Times
15 The Oilers defeated the Canadiens in the opening round of 1981 playoffs. The Canadiens were overwhelming favourites, but the Oilers defeated them three games to zero in the best of five series. In addition, many of the players who competed at the oldtimers "Mega Stars" game at the Heritage Classic - including Wayne Gretzky for the Oilers and Guy LaFleur for the Canadiens - were a part of the 1981 series. 125
Square in New York in terms of its activity focus (Markusoff, 2003). Numerous media reports touted the number of international celebrities, including Michael J. Fox, Cuba
Gooding, Jr., Keanu Reeves, and Tom Cruise, who were expected to attend the Heritage
Classic (Lees, 2003a, p. A3; Ireland, 2003, p. 12), though none actually did (Lees, 2003b, p. Al 1). The event also reportedly attracted 14,000 visitors, some coming from as far away as Finland and Norway, specifically to see the game (Cormier, 2003 a; Cormier,
2003b; Stock, 2003). Edmonton had the world at its doorstep for one night at least.
The event also had media speculating on the long-term impact of the Heritage
Classic on tourism in Edmonton. An annual winter carnival was the most commonly referenced legacy, tapping into the identity of a northern city:
We are a city ashamed of our essential winter-ness. Saturday proved that
our snow and cold can be an asset. Being North America's most northern
major city is something to boast about, not apologize for. Yes, we can
party in the cold. We can continue to invite others to the party and to
celebrate a place where fans aren't frightened by the idea of an old-
fashioned outdoor hockey game. (McKeen, 2003, p. A15)
Media also reported that several film producers, convention planners and corporate
location consultants were in Edmonton during the event (Hicks, 2003). Using
Edmonton's northern-ness to position it as a tourism destination, spurred on by the
success of the Heritage Classic, is a rather unique stance for a city generally "ashamed of
its winter-ness." However, since the event, there have been no public plans released to
have a winter carnival that incorporates an outdoor NHL game, nor have there been any 126 direct linkages suggested between the Heritage Classic and an increase in film, convention, or corporate investment.
Community Spirit
Building and fostering community spirit around the Heritage Classic was also factored into the creation process. Interviewees noted that Edmontonians love their team
and see it as an integral aspect in the community spirit and cohesion, but at the time of the Heritage Classic, Alex explained, the organization needed to rebuild the sense of
attachment for the team, particularly after several years of ownership turmoil (including threats to move the team to the United States), numerous seasons of poor play, and loss or trade of most of the key, and beloved, players:
You're sitting in front of a picture that has Glenn Anderson, Wayne
Gretzky, Kevin Lowe, Grant Fuhr, Mark Messier, Paul Coffey, Jari Kurri,
all gone. There's no reason that they had to leave. In today's economy,
those guys would still be here, some of them would be (career Oilers).
They were all gone. So the fans had been beaten up, people who weren't
fans but knew the Oilers and knew that their dad cheered for them, they'd
been beaten up (by years of poor play).
Interviewees also explained that the community's love for the team and its track record
for supporting large scale sporting events would make the event a financial success.
Peter described his conversation with Wayne Gretzky where the feasibility of the event in
Edmonton was discussed: 127
I said, "I have an idea." I went through it - outdoor game, alumni, you.
(Gretzky) said, "Wow. Commonwealth will sell out. Edmonton may be
the only place in the world that could draw a huge crowd, fill a sixty
thousand seat stadium." I said, "I think you're right. I've looked at every
other market, I've done tons of homework." He said, "No question, no
question."
Peter further explained that creating a sense of pride in both the event and the community would have benefits for the organization in the long term:
In the end, Sports Illustrated and the magazines and all the study groups
were here trying to figure out, "What is it about these northern prairie
people that would cause them to celebrate this way their winter
wonderland?" So, for the whole world and all Canadians to think that that
was about the best way that Canadians could ever show themselves off as
a country. And then, "Why do they live here? Why are you guys living
here? What's going on with you people anyway? You could live some
other place." There was a lot of writers, there was a lot of books and
storytellers that were around, media types, trying to figure that out... The
prestige for the city and for the club and for Edmonton fans, that was
important, that Edmonton Oiler hockey fans can go wherever they went
and say either, "I was at the game," or, "Have you seen what our city did
lately?" That means a lot to people, and that got us a lot of the Stanley 128
Cup-type of loyalty to say, "Damn rights, when the (Collective Bargaining
Agreement1 ) is negotiated we're coming back."
Local media coverage of the Heritage Classic also espoused the hardy people of
Edmonton and their community spirit in making the event a success despite the cold conditions. Haskins (2003) extolled the virtues of Edmonton and its people in holding such an event:
Take a bow, Edmonton. Wow! Again!...It's days like this that make me
proud to say that this is my town, my home. Who knows what we'll do
next. Whatever it is, you can be sure we'll do it right, (p. 10)
Jones (2003) used Edmonton's self-proclaimed title of "City of Champions" to describe the city's population during the Heritage Classic:
City of Champions isn't just about championships. It's a definition of the
populace. Edmonton was never more City of Champions than it was in
the freezing cold on November 22, 2003. (Heritage Hockey p. 3)
Several articles tried to explain what makes Edmontonians so hardy as to sit in cold temperatures for hours and watch a hockey game. Most cited an external source marvelling at Edmonton's ability to hold such events:
"I don't know what it is about Edmonton," said Sports Illustrated writer
Michael Farber, who was blown away again by this city's ability to
organize and support big events. "Is it that Edmontonians simply love
16 The Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA) is the working agreement between the NHL and the National Hockey League Players Association (NHLPA), the NHL players' union. The failure to negotiate this agreement caused the NHL to cancel the entire 2004-2005 hockey season. In the years leading up to this negotiation, so-called "small-market" franchises like the Edmonton Oilers argued that they would require "cost-certainty" clauses, such as cap on players' salaries, in order to compete and survive. 129
sport? Is it the isolation? Is it the community spirit? I can't say I
completely understand." (Haskins, 2003, p. 10)
Bale (2003) argues that place pride has a strong connection with place identity, arguing that "sport-induced tokens of localism seem frequently to be spontaneous and unforced, though this is not to say that they are totally unattached to, and discouraged by, commercial as well as municipal interests" (pp. 15, 17). The hardy, community-minded
Edmontonians described by local media coverage illustrate a particular element of place identity. While organizational and municipal interests were certainly well served by having a full stadium for the event, the Edmonton media reflected what much of the populace see as a cornerstone of their civic identity, that is, when there is a major event where enthusiastic public support will enhance civic identity, Edmontonians will rally around it.
"Living on Past Glories": National Media Perspectives
The Heritage Classic was a major Canadian event and, for several days, was the main news story for the national media. However, national media coverage of the
Heritage Classic was, at best, mixed, particularly in four major Canadian daily newspapers {Globe & Mail, National Post, Toronto Star, Montreal Gazette). While there was a general embracing of the event concept, particularly as it related to Canadian identity, there was a common critique of the event itself, particularly in terms of its location. 130
Canadiana
Fostering popular notions of Canadiana, be they from common images of
"shinny" or drawing from individual memories and nostalgia about outdoor rinks, was clearly part of the planning process for organizers. Alex drew upon personal memories in contextualizing the shared meaning of outdoor hockey for many Canadians:
.. .1 rode to games in the back of my dad's car with my overshoes on, but
the rest of my equipment on, and so did the kid down the block. When it
wasn't my dad's turn, it was another guy from down the block. But there
we were, it was dads driving. Then he'd run home and get my mom and
then come back for the game, and then we'd all figure out a way to get
back home again. I coached hockey where I would go to Al's IGA in my
car and five kids would come running out and jump in. You wouldn't
dream of doing that now, just the insurance alone, and being left
alone.. .taking your Bantam-aged kids and leaving them alone with a
twenty-year-old student at NAIT, driving down Whyte Avenue chewing
grape gum and spitting sunflower seeds out the window, not a seatbelt in
sight? But, for those kids in that era that was what the coaches did. So,
when you're saying you're playing an outdoor game in the NHL...
Alex also explained that organizers understood that the Edmonton Oilers, particularly the teams of the 1980s, are integral aspects to the Canadian hockey mythos:
We know we're part of history. Winning five Stanley Cups and Wayne
Gretzky and Kevin Lowe, it's part of everyone of our era, and Rexall
Place, then Northlands Coliseum, is part of that.. .Hockey is a religion, it 131
is more than just a sport. It is a way of life for Canadians and definitely
for Albertans, and we're a part of that foundation.
However, pre-event national media coverage of the Heritage Classic expropriated the event as a Canadian, rather than an Edmontonian, display of culture. The images reported echoed the common nostalgic images of a Canadian childhood on the outdoor rink (MacGregor, 2003; Ormsby, 2003). Even articles, such as Zwolinski's (2003)
"Edmonton: Cold hands, warm hearts" focused more on the Canadiana of the event than
Edmonton's role in hosting it. Some coverage even touted it as a unique historic event, arguing that it was a real "what if scenario that, while distinctly Canadian in its cultural content, would be akin to a grand spiritual moment:
Non-hockey fans trying to understand the magnitude of it all should
imagine a theatre festival with new works from Isben and Chekhov, or a
soapbox with Churchill and Roosevelt waiting their turn. Or a Beatles
reunion... if only (late Montreal Canadiens broadcaster) Danny Gallivan
were still here to call the game, Heaven's moment truly would have
arrived. ("The great outdoors", 2003, p. A16)
The national media discourse positioned the event as an evocation of something distinctly Canadian and a celebration of a shared national cultural identity.
Canadiana was vitally important in constructing the event, and the national media was more than willing to help to construct the mythos. 132
National Perceptions of Edmonton
Organizers were also keenly aware that the success (or failure) of the Heritage
Classic would reflect on the image of Edmonton. The event was specifically constructed
with global consumption in mind, particularly in choosing a high-profile opponent. Neil
explained, however, that aspects such as weather could broadcast a poor image of
Edmonton to the world:
You go into this thing thinking, "What if it's minus forty? What if it
snows two feet? What if the NHL or the public think it's a dumb idea?
What if you can't sell tickets?" All sorts of things.
Interviewees were also cognisant that in situ impressions of Edmonton would be
important as well. For example, Curtis noted that game-day staff were provided with
extra training to deal with out-of-town guests:
We didn't want an usher to miss out on this great opportunity. But, part of
it was that we knew there was going to be a lot of out of town people and
we wanted to put our best foot forward all the time.
Despite the efforts of organizers, there was a fair amount of negative coverage of the
event, locality, and people, particularly from national media sources. Rather than touting
the hardiness of the fans seen in the local media coverage, Spector (2003) incorporated a
sexist analogy focusing on the tendency of Edmonton fans to dwell on past glories:
Edmonton sports fans have been described as the clingy ex-girlfriend who
will not accept that players like Wayne Gretzky and Mark Messier
outgrew them, made the phone call, and then moved on to more chic
relationships in hipper cities. Edmonton keeps digging up their cell 133
numbers, calling and stalking them, trying to remain a part of their lover's
current life, and not just a pleasant memory from an outgrown past. (p.
A16)
Fisher (2003) argued that the event was hot nearly the spectacle that organizers, fans, players, and other media sources claimed:
What was heard was the noise now engulfing a Commonwealth Stadium
built for football but on this one day had been transformed into a fairy-tale
setting for a game Edmonton GM Kevin Lowe had promised would be
"the greatest hockey experience of our lives." It was not - not earlier in
the day, when Oilers and Canadiens players of years gone by invited each
other to exchange memories for two 15-minute periods. And it was not
when the Canadiens somehow found a way to win, despite being out shot
37-23. So what was this Heritage Classic all about? Part of it was a
money grab. Another was an opportunity for a lot of people to party. And
last night, it left a lot of people cold. (pp. 30-32)
The expatriation of the event, as well as the general negativity by media sources in central Canada (Toronto, Montreal), may reflect a larger issue of place identity within
Canada. Western Canada (particularly Alberta) and central Canada (particularly Ontario
and Quebec) have often been political and cultural adversaries. The backdrop of the
game gave the appearance of a farmyard, ostensibly positioning the game as a rural
western Canadian phenomenon. In addition, the location for such a major Canadian sport
and cultural event far from the large population and media centres of Canada, lent itself to being represented as "in the sticks" or on the periphery, thereby replicating 134 longstanding regional issues between national power centres in Ontario and Quebec and western Canada, particularly Alberta. Whether the game would have been more appealing, or had any more of a Canadian "feel" if it were held in a larger municipality like Toronto or Montreal, is debateable (Toth, 2003). However, the Heritage Classic was, in many ways, a microcosm of a western Canadian place identity interpreted by central
Canadian media centres.
"If You Build It, They'll be Numb": International Media Perspectives
International media perspectives of the Heritage Classic were almost exclusively
US-based. While Edmonton-based media sources wrote of massive international media interest in the event, ("Dinky rink?", 2003), the vast majority of commentary was from
US newspapers, both in print and on-line. Television coverage of the event was not live in the US, as the television rights holder (ESPN) was committed to college football broadcasts on November 22. Both the alumni and regular season match were broadcast one week later (November 29) on the ESPN Classic network (Brehm, 2003).
Pre-game coverage of the event by US sources tended to confirm common heritage images of outdoor hockey. Allen (2003b, p. 1) wrote, "Images of wind-chafed youngsters playing hockey on frozen ponds or backyard rinks are to Canadians what
Norman Rockwell paintings are to the American culture." The "romance made reality" image, something out of a winter dream, is reiterated by Nichols (2003, p. 1) when she wrote that, "they (the players) skated out of a country's memory Friday morning and into the frigid mist." Much like the nostalgic images these descriptions echo, the game was not situated in a particular place or time. The players emerged from our memory, into an 135 ethereal landscape, to perform one last time. One past star for the Edmonton Oilers,
Mark Messier, commented that the experience was "amazing, really. In a way, it's like time has stood still" (Nichols, 2003, p. 25). Time and place, in this memory, is rootless.
Still, Nichols reminds us that it is not the same game that the memory recalls:
The NHL has gone to elaborate lengths to recreate the "pond hockey" so
many Canadians remember playing as children, covering Commonwealth
Stadium's entire football field with ice.. .it is a fantasy setup, and although
it is most likely just a one-time fantasy of the way things used to be, so be
it. (pp. 22-23)
There is also a sense of detachment from the US perspective, as though they are looking
in on a strictly Canadian ritual. This, despite the fact that many sections of the United
States have strong connections to outdoor hockey (Falla, 2000) while areas of Canada,
such as southwest British Columbia, do not have the climate to sustain the outdoor game.
Most of the US coverage placed the event as simply "in Canada" rather than
Edmonton specifically. Few descriptions make reference to Edmonton, and
Commonwealth Stadium, other than as the location of the game. However, Nichols
(2003) goes so far as to say the Heritage Classic actually turned an unsightly location into
a place of worship:
Commonwealth Stadium is a dinky pile of wood and metal.. .but as the men
playfully glided onto the temporary ice rink at midfield, the building seemed
transformed into a palace of expectation. "In this country, you go to church
and you play hockey," said (Wayne) Gretzky, and indeed as he and the other 136
hockey legends participated in a casual practice, Edmonton had become
Vatican City. (pp. 1-2)
A "fiction made reality" was also a common motif, as Dolezar (2003) made comparisons to the 1999 film Mystery, Alaska in which a small-town Alaskan hockey team plays the
New York Rangers on an outdoor rink:
Prior to Saturday night's showcase in (Edmonton), only.. .the Mystery,
Alaska boys had painted a Hollywood picture of what an outdoor game
involving NHL players could be like. The truth wasn't stranger than
fiction, in this instance.. .it was just better, (pp. 3-4)
The references to Mystery, Alaska and the image of a "dinky pile of wood and metal" transformed into a magical setting reinforces the American perception that Edmonton and, in fact, Canada are quaint places where something as simple as an outdoor hockey game could arouse such a fervour of excitement and passion. Perhaps not coincidentally, the tag line for Mystery, Alaska is "a small town on the edge of greatness" (Internet
Movie Database, 2005). In many ways, the identity of Edmonton, and Canada, was very much fashioned in a "small-town" mould by the US media.
The most prevalent identifier, however, was weather. Interviewees noted that
weather was an important factor in planning the event, not only from a logistical
standpoint but also in terms of the event's image. Alex described the reaction of NHL
officials when first presented with the idea of an outdoor All Star Game:
"So, would you consider an All Star Game in Edmonton in January or
February. Would you consider it outside?" There was sort of a long,
awkward silence, and you could almost hear the people in New York 137
staring at their shoes, shuffling back and forth, thinking about how their
feet were going to freeze while they brought the guys from Coke and
Budweiser and Dodge and whatever.
The temperature during the first game played in the afternoon was approximately minus
17 degrees Celsius, while the second game started at nightfall with a temperature of approximately minus 20 degrees Celsius. Neither temperature accounts for wind chill, which increased as the event transpired (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 2005a).
Several US-based headlines, such as "Fans, players bundle up for historic game" (Allen,
2003b), "Players react warmly to bitter cold game" (Allen, 2003c) and "Cold ones quite enjoyable" (Dupont, 2003) made reference to the conditions, while other articles began with vivid descriptions of the frigid environment. For example, Dolezar (2003) stated that
"the biting Central Alberta cold put a bit of a damper on the NHL's first outdoor game, but the celebration of hockey's roots was a triumph" (p.l). Game conditions were less than ideal because of the weather, and this became a focal point for many of the media reports:
The conditions at Commonwealth Stadium also had a direct result on how
the Heritage Classic game was played. Players didn't want to ice the puck
because stoppages in play meant more time on the ice for the extremities
to get chilled to the bone. At one point, the game went more than five
minutes without a whistle, an eternity in a normal game.. .the extreme cold
(also) made the surface brittle and caused the puck to bounce wildly when
lifted for a pass or shot. Even rolling pucks suddenly made unexpected
turns and jumps away from their intended targets. (Dolezar, 2003, p. 9-10) 138
Curtis noted the logistical challenges faced as the event went on:
We had big heaters and it still wasn't enough. Behind the benches we put
heaters in to keep the players warm. The zambonis kept freezing up.
They would do a lap or two and they were frozen. Glass was breaking at
the beginning because it was too cold. Stuff we anticipated, but until
you're actually in it and dealing with it, you don't realize the issues around
it, and the cold was significant enough that it affected how we did things.
We had to really plan to make sure the guys wouldn't freeze. It was like
going to battle.
However, reports also echoed much of the local media coverage, and marvelled at the resiliency and passion of the fans who braved the elements to witness the event:
The freezing crowd leaped before his name was even announced, clapping
mitten-clad hands and cheering as the loudspeaker blared: "The greatest
hockey player who ever lived, No. 99, Wayne Gretzky." The chance to
see the player who made Edmonton and their beloved Oilers famous take
the ice one more time was why 57,167 fans braved single-digit
temperatures as daylight turned to night.. .Not that fans bundled in snow
suits, parkas, wool caps and even sleeping bags minded (Cohen, 2003, p.l-
2, 6).
However, in a pun of the event tag line, Allen (2003a: 3) echoed a local headline that
stated, "If you freeze it, they'll be numb". In many ways, the cold was the key identifier
for the entire event. However, as Neil noted, the weather may have worked in favour of
the long-term image of the event: 139
I think now it's part of the folklore. I hear people now everyday say it was
minus forty. It actually never got colder than minus 18.6 degrees... In
Rexall Place there's an aerial photo of the Heritage Classic, and every
game there's people standing around there and looking at it and they're
saying, "Oh I was there and my beer froze."
US media coverage of the Heritage Classic, while echoing the heritage images of outdoor hockey, covered the event as a uniquely Canadian cultural experience. Canada was portrayed as a place of bitter cold, while at the same time being a place of winter magic. One is reminded of Helprin's (1983) Winter's Tale, where New York is transformed into a fluid, timeless, dream-like location, where places and characters emerge from the frigid mist. So too with the rink at Commonwealth Stadium; if one were to blink, it all might disappear. However, unlike Helprin's New York, there was little to distinguish this as a distinctly Edmonton event. While the hardy, quaint, small-town folk came to watch their heroes play one last time in almost inhuman temperatures, and there were comments that the magic would be ruined if the event were re-created elsewhere
(Allen, 2003c: 13), there was little evident in the coverage to build place identity.
Discussion
Media depictions of the Heritage Classic relied heavily on heritage images and nostalgia for outdoor hockey, based particularly on notions constructed from Canadian
literature. These images were used to build the scene at Commonwealth Stadium in both
a physical and a literary sense. And, like memory or, perhaps more significantly, fantasy, the moment was brief but magical, fleeting but enchanting. Then, all too soon, it faded, 140 and life returned to what it was before the event. "If you build it, they will come", indeed, but they also must leave. Magic is only magical if it is temporary.
The Heritage Classic was consciously developed as a tourist attraction. The games themselves and the nostalgia themes represented the nucleus of the attraction framework.
An estimated 14,000 out-of-town visitors attended the game in addition to the over
43,000 locals, and local media reported a $25 million (Canadian) injection into the economy (Cormier, 2003c). The event also occurred during a traditionally slow tourism time in Edmonton, as leisure travellers tend to journey to the city during the warmer summer months. While the Edmonton Oilers were the primary financiers (and economic beneficiaries) of the Heritage Classic, the fact that the event, along with many of the related activities, were staged at publicly-owned facilities points to some government involvement and acknowledgement of potential tourism benefits. The biggest potential tourism impact, however, concerned the markers for the event and which also serve to identify Edmonton and Canada as a future winter destination. The markers examined in this paper were newspaper articles. At an international and national level these articles generally led to a "feel good" image of Edmonton and Canada. While this place identity can be seen as positive, there is little doubt that the emphasis on the frigid temperatures is likely to reinforce a destination image that Edmonton in the winter is more of a destination for visitors looking for extreme seasonal experiences.
Constructing an event that would resonate globally clearly played a role in planning the Heritage Classic. Organizers were keenly aware of the uniqueness of the event and, as such, constructed it in order to appeal to as broad an audience as possible.
From a tourism perspective, sport is one of the more common ways to advertise the 141 locality to a global audience. However, it is unclear how wide ranging the Heritage
Classic was in its reach. Sporting franchises also exist in a competitive global environment, and positioning the Edmonton Oilers as an emerging player in the international sports marketplace appears to have been a major motive in the organization planning and hosting the event. However, in constructing a heritage event for a global audience, often fidelity to the past is lost in translation. The fact that the organization initially wanted the New York Rangers as opponents, a globally recognized franchise to which the Edmonton Oilers have virtually no history, and that the organization eventually settled on the Montreal Canadiens, another globally recognized franchise who share a very nominal history with the Oilers organization, demonstrates that heritage and authenticity will ultimately bend to global market concerns.
The press coverage at all levels also reflects preconceived notions of place. Civic boosterism was part and parcel of local coverage; little, if any, criticism of the Heritage
Classic appeared in local print. Certainly, much of this is "preaching to the choir." Local media outlets are often sponsors of such events and, as such, often have a vested interest
in the event's success. Neither the Edmonton Journal nor Edmonton Sun were major
sponsors of the Heritage Classic, but the sheer amount of coverage given to the event not
only reflected public interest, but reflected a locale's perception of itself. Nationally, the press coverage reflected both an interest in the event while simultaneously deriding its
location. National media latched-on to the "Canadianness" of the Heritage Classic, while
openly musing about its location, far from the major media and population centres of
Toronto and Montreal. Much of this view stems from long-standing political and
economic feuds in which cities like Edmonton are perceived as cultural, economic, and 142 geographical backwaters by the major national media centres. Finally, the US media were able to relate the event to particular markers familiar to readers (films like Field of
Dreams, and Mystery, Alaska), but the bitter cold and the small-townness of Edmonton translated to a generic and familiar caricature of Canada.
Perhaps the strongest place identity component to emerge from the press coverage of the event was the low temperature. While the local papers focused on the view that
Canadians are a hardy people who can thrive in such temperatures, the national and international perspectives were less charitable. The players and spectators who braved these elements were given due respect but there was little in the way of yearning expressed for this type of climatic experience.
Sports writers at all three levels incorporated the Canadian childhood fantasy of the outdoor rink. While this theme may have attracted many of the spectators to the stadium for the event, it seems unlikely to translate to increased travel of this type in the future unless similar events can be planned. The success of these events will be greatly enhanced by weather conditions that are less harsh than those experienced at the Heritage
Classic. However, the problem of restaging a similar event is two-fold. Firstly, weather will continue to be a concern no matter the location. Adapting events for weather, particularly in Canada and particularly in the winter, can be fraught with difficulties.
Secondly, heritage-based events cannot be reproduced often, lest they lose their appeal.
A similar event was staged at Hamilton's Ivor Wynne Stadium (Ontario, Canada) in April
2005, and received little media coverage. Media reporting on this event made the comparison to the Heritage Classic but found that "this game (in Hamilton) was not even close to the magnitude in terms of attendance, atmosphere and relevance as the Heritage 143
Classic game in Edmonton in November 2003" (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation,
2005b). That being said, an outdoor game was held on January 1, 2008 in Buffalo between the Pittsburgh Penguins and Buffalo Sabres. Dubbed the "Winter Classic," the event did attract significant interest in both Canada and the United States, although many of the heritage elements, such as the prairie settings, were downplayed while others, such as the alumni game, were non-existent. Weather also played a significant role in the
Buffalo game, as a heavy snowfall blanketed the stadium. However, unlike the Heritage
Classic, the weather seemed to enhance the aesthetics of the outdoor setting rather than detract from the event, although the heavy snowfall did cause significant logistical issues, not the least of which was a barely functional ice surface. Based on the perceived success of both the Heritage Classic and the Winter Classic, the NHL is hosting another outdoor
game between the Chicago Blackhawks and Detroit Red Wings on January 1, 2009 at the historic Wrigley Field baseball stadium in Chicago. By playing the game at a widely recognized sport heritage venue (albeit a venue with no relationship to hockey), the NHL
appears to recognize that explicit heritage markers, particularly those that are unique (i.e.,
a "heritage" hockey game played at a "heritage" baseball stadium) enhance the event.
Contextually, however, the Heritage Classic was staged at a time where looking back to
the glory days of particular players and teams was more comforting than looking ahead to
watching transitory players on faceless teams, a looming labour impasse, and boring,
uncompetitive hockey. Hewison (1987) argues that manifestations of heritage appear,
and are most powerful, during times of crisis. Nostalgia and a desire for stable,
comforting heritage narratives was rife in Edmonton and Canada in 2003. The Heritage
Classic was simply the conduit that capitalized on this yearning for the past. 144
Finally, it is clear that the event did tap into the image of the outdoor rink and
Canadian nationalism. The comparison of the image of Canadian youths playing hockey
on a frozen pond to a Norman Rockwell painting in an American culture context as construed by a US writer represents a powerful marker for potential American visitors.
While it may not result in a massive wave of new tourists to Canada, it is likely to become a key part of the destination image that American readers of that article now have
of Canada. The scale and interpretation of the place image of the outdoor hockey rink is a little unclear. On the one hand, the sponsors of the event seemed to want a prairie focus but it is clear that the spatial focus changed at the national and international levels.
Perhaps most telling was the perspective of the US media, which saw the festivities as a
Canadian rather than an Edmonton event. The fact that the event was held in Edmonton
appeared to be of little consequence, except perhaps to boosters in the local media and
critics in the national media. In many ways, the location was only significant in its temporary transformation. The mundane urban landscape of Edmonton turned mystical
for one night; the fans, as if on pilgrimage, walked out of the mist to gaze on their
memories. The one lasting identifier appeared to be extremely cold temperatures, though this is hardly beneficial in developing a tourist image.
The Heritage Classic was also an event out of time and space: it was located at
every backyard rink, during every era of the last century, in virtually every winter country
in the northern hemisphere. This is, of course, part of the appeal of such an event, in that
the outdoor rink is a common denominator for northern people. It is not surprising to
hear of visitors from Finland, Sweden, the United States, and from other regions in
Canada being drawn to the games. However they, and the millions of people who 145 witnessed the event on television, or heard of it through various media reports, did not necessarily see Commonwealth Stadium, or Edmonton, or perhaps even Canada. They did not necessarily equate those place characteristics with a destination. Rather, they saw themselves, rosy-cheeked and runny-nosed, skating on their pond or backyard rink, breaking down the left wing, poised for a breakaway pass. Nostalgia in particular is both timeless and placeless; it cannot, by its very nature, be fixed.
Conclusion
The transferability of a Heritage Classic type event to other sports is intriguing.
The Heritage Classic featured nostalgia for an antiquated heritage space that was tied to a form of national identity. It also made reference to heritage markers for that space and sport, as well trumpeting that space as an antidote to the present. To a degree, the "retro" baseball stadium trend in the United States is similar, though these spaces are fixed and are linked to a continuous game "experience" rather than a one-off event. However, a
"retro" stadium such as Oriole Park at Camden Yards in Baltimore (Friedman et al, 2004) and an "historic" stadium like Fenway Park in Boston (Friedman & Silk, 2005) use similar types of nostalgic markers as the Heritage Classic to position themselves as attractions. Cricket, with its ties to a sense of "Englishness" and to a rural idyllic
England (Birley, 1999; Bale, 2003), would be another sport where a Heritage Classic- type event could be applicable. A one-off test match featuring past and current players, played on a "village green," provides a fascinating opportunity for a similar event.
However, whether these kinds of events are beneficial in developing a place identity for a destination remains unclear. 146
References
Adair, D. (2004). Where the Games Never Cease: The Olympic Museum in Lausanne,
Switzerland. In B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair (Eds.), Sport Tourism:
Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 46-76). Clevedon: Channel View
Publications.
Allen, K. (2003a, November 21). Heritage Classic will provide chills in more ways than
one. USA Today. Retrieved January 17, 2005 from http://usatoday.com.
Allen, K. (2003b, November 22). Fans, players bundle up for historic game. USA Today.
Retrieved January 17, 2005 from http://usatoday.com.
Allen, K. (2003 c, November 23). Players react warmly to bitterly cold game. USA Today.
Retrieved January 17, 2005 from http://usatoday.com.
Bale, J. (1993). Sport, Space and the City. London: Routledge.
Bale, J. (1994). Landscapes of Modern Sport. Leicester: Leicester University Press.
Bale, J. (2003). Sports Geographies (2nd ed.). London: Routledge.
Barnes, D. (2003, November 22). Hockey the way we dream it. The Edmonton Journal,
pp. A1&A11.
Beardsley, D. (2003). The Sheer Joy of Shinny. In MP. J. Kennedy (Ed.), Words on Ice: A
Collection of Hockey Prose (pp. 12-23). Toronto: Key Porter Books.
Birley, D. (1999). A Social History of English Cricket. London: Aurum Press Ltd.
Brehm, M. (2003, November 21). NHL's outdoor epic on ice for U.S. broadcast. USA
Today. Retrieved January 17, 2005 from http://usatoday.com.
Callaghan, M. (2003). The Game That Makes A Nation. In M.P.J. Kennedy (Ed.), Words
on Ice: A Collection of Hockey Prose (pp. 24-27). Toronto: Key Porter Books. 147
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (2005a, January 17). Heritage Hockey Classic.
Retrieved January 17, 2005 from http://edmonton.cbc.ca/heritageclassic.
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, (2005b, April 2). Rain doesn't halt outside charity
game. Retrieved April 11, 2005 from
http://www.cbc.ca/story/sports/national/2005/04/02/Sports/rain050402.html.
Carrier, R. (2003). The Hockey Sweater. In M.P.J. Kennedy (Ed.), Words on Ice: A
Collection of Hockey Prose (pp. 47-50). Toronto: Key Porter Books.
Chase, M. & Shaw, C. (1989). The dimensions of nostalgia. In C. Shaw & M. Chase
(Eds.), The imagined past: history and nostalgia (pp. 1-17). Manchester:
Manchester University Press.
Cohen, T. (2003, November 23). Nostalgia reigns outdoors. USA Today. Retrieved
January 17, 2005 from http://usatoday.com.
Cormier, R. (2003a, November 22). Cool experience lures thousands of visitors. The
Edmonton Journal, p. B3.
Cormier, R. (2003b, November 23). A little frost couldn't chill the most devout fan. The
Edmonton Journal, p. A9.
Cormier, R. (2003c, November 25). A mountain of stuff left in the stands: Heritage event
pumped $25M into Edmonton's economy. The Edmonton Journal. Retrieved
November 25, 2003 from http://www.canada.com/edmonton/edmontonjournal.
Dann, G. (1994). Tourism: The Nostalgia Industry of the Future. In W. Thobald (Ed.),
Global Tourism (pp. 55-67). Oxford: Butterworth Heinemann.
Dinky Rink? (2003, November 23). The Edmonton Journal, p. Al 1. 148
Dolezar, J.A. (2003, November 23). Instant classic. Sports Illustrated. Retrieved January
17, 2005 from http://cnnsi.com.
Dupont, K.P. (2003, November 23). Cold ones quite enjoyable. The Boston Globe.
Retrieved November 24, 2003 from http://www.boston.com.
Edmonton Oilers Heritage, (2005). It's Nice Outside - Oilers Stage Heritage Classic.
Retrieved January 21, 2005 from
http ://www. oiler sheritage. com/history/transformation_events_hertiage_clas sic. ht
ml.
Falla, J. (2000). Home Ice: Reflections on Backyard Rinks and Frozen Ponds. Toronto:
McClelland & Stewart.
Fairley, S. & Gammon, S. (2005). Something Lived, Something Learned: Nostalgia's
Expanding Role in Sport Tourism. Sport in Society, 2(8), 182-197.
Fisher, R. (2003, November 23). Frozen in memory. The Montreal Gazette. Retrieved
November 25, 2003 from http://www.canada.com/montreal/montrealgazette.
Friedman, M.T., Andrews, D.L., & Silk, M.L. (2004). Sport and the Facade of
Redevelopment in the Postindustrial City. Sociology of Sport Journal, 21, 119-
139.
Friedman, M.T. & Silk, M.L. (2005). Expressing Fenway: managing and marketing
heritage within the global sports marketplace. International Journal of Sport
Management and Marketing. i(l&2), 37-54.
Gammon, S. (2002). Fantasy, Nostalgia and the Pursuit of What Never Was. In S.
Gammon & J. Kurtzman (Eds.), Sport Tourism: Principals and Practice (pp. 61-
72). Eastbourne: Leisure Studies Association. 149
Gammon, S. (2004). Secular Pilgrimage and Sport Tourism. In B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair
(Eds.), Sport Tourism: Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 30-45).
Clevedon: Channel View Publications.
Gammon, S. & Fear, V. (2007). Stadia Tours and the Power of Backstage. In S. Gammon
and G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist
Futures (pp. 23-32). London: Routledge.
Gibson, H.J. (1998) Sport tourism: A critical analysis of research. Sport Management
Review, 7(1), 45-76.
Gibson, H. (2003). Sport tourism: An introduction to the special issue. Journal of Sport
Management, 77(3), 205-213.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2000). A Geography of Heritage: Power,
Culture & Economy. London: Arnold.
Gretzky, W. (1990). Gretzky: An Autobiography. New York: Harper Collins.
Gruneau R. & Whitson, D. (1994). Hockey Night in Canada: Sport, Identities and
Cultural Politics. Toronto: Garamond Press.
Haskins, S. (2003, November 23). What a show! The Edmonton Sun, p. 10.
Helprin, M. (1983). Winter's Tale. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
Heritage Hockey Classic. (2003, June 3). Edmonton Oilers Toast Their 25th Anniversary
By Celebrating Hockey's Heritage. Retrieved November 25, 2003 from
http://www.heritagehockeyclassic.com.
Hewison, R. (1987). The Heritage Industry: Britain in a Climate of Decline. London:
Methuen. 150
Hewison, R. (1989). Heritage: An Interpretation. In D. Uzzel (Ed.), Heritage
Interpretation Volume 1: The Natural & Built Environment (pp. 15-23). London:
Belhaven Press.
Hicks, G. (2003, November 20). The World's At Our Doorstep. The Edmonton Sun, p. 6
Hinch, T. & de la Barre, S. (2005). Culture, sport and tourism: the case of the Arctic
Winter Games. In J. Higham (Ed.), Sport Tourism Destinations: Issues,
Opportunities, and Analysis (pp. 260-273). Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth-
Heinemann.
Hinch, T. & Higham, J. (2004). Sport Tourism Development. Clevedon: Channel View
Publications.
Hornby, N. (1996). Fever Pitch. London: Cassel Group.
Howard, P. (2003). Heritage: Management, Interpretation, Identity. London: Continuum.
Howell, D. (2003, November 21). Edmonton's hockey wonderland. The Edmonton
Journal, pp. Bl & B3.
Howell, M. & Prevenier, W. (2001). From Reliable Sources: An Introduction to
Historical Methods. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Ireland, J. (2003, November 21). Tough ticket. The Edmonton Journal, p. 12.
Internet Movie Database. (2005). Mystery Alaska. Retrieved January 17, 2005 from
http://www.imdb.com.
Jackson, S.J. & Ponic, P. (2001). Pride and prejudice: Reflecting on sport heroes, national
identity and crisis in Canada. Sociology of Sport Journal, 11(4), 428-450.
Jacobs, D. (1999). Preface. In D. Jacobs (Ed.), Ice: New Writing on Hockey (pp. ii - v)
Edmonton: Spotted Cow Press. 151
Jones, T. (2003, November 23). Frozen in our memories. The Edmonton Sun, Heritage
Hockey p. 3.
Kidd, B. (1996) The Making of a Hockey Artifact: A Review of the Hockey Hall of
Fame. Journal of Sport History, 23(3), 328-334.
Kinsella, W.P. (1982). Shoeless Joe. New York: Houghton Mifflin.
Kubish, G. (2003, November 21). Shinny Classic revives our traditions. The Edmonton
Journal, p. B4.
Legg, S. (2004). Memory and nostalgia. Cultural Geographies 11, 99-107.
Lees, N. (2003a, November 22). Which stars will shine? The Edmonton Journal, p. A3.
Lees, N. (2003b, November 23). Hockey legends party on with city's celebrities. The
Edmonton Journal, p. Al 1.
Leiper, N. (1990). Tourist Attraction Systems. Annals of Tourism Research, 17, 367-384.
Lowenthal, D. (1998). The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
MacGregor, R. (2003, November 22). The good ol' hockey game. The Globe and Mail,
pp. Al & A7.
Markusoff, J. (2003, November 20). City Hall turns Times Square for hockey
extravaganza. The Edmonton Journal, pp. Bl & B9.
Mason, D. (1998). The International Hockey League and the Professionalization of Ice
Hockey, 1904 - 1907'. Journal of Sport History, 1, 1-17.
Mason, D. (2002). "Get the puck outta here!": Media Transnationalism and Canadian
Identity. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 26(2), 140-167. 152
McGuirk, P.M. & Rowe, D (2001). 'Defining Moments' and Refining Myths in the
Making of Place Identity: the Newcastle Knights and the Australian Rugby
League Grand Final. Australian Geographical Studies, 39(1), 52-67.
McKeen, S. (2003, November 23). A hockey memory to cherish. The Edmonton Journal,
pp. A1&A15.
McKinley, M. (2000). Putting a Roof on Winter: Hockey's Rise from Sport to Spectacle.
Vancouver: Greystone Books, 2000.
Metcalfe, A. (1987). Canada Learns To Play: The Emergence of Organized Sport, 1807
- 1914. Toronto: Oxford University Press.
Moore, P. (2002). Practical Nostalgia and the Critique of Commodification: On the
'Death of Hockey' and the National Hockey League. The Australian Journal of
Anthropology. 13(3), 309-322.
Mosher, S.D. (1991). Fielding Our Dreams: Rounding Third in Dyersville. Sociology of
Sport Journal, 8(3), 272-280.
Nauright, J. (1996) 'A besieged tribe'? Nostalgia, white cultural identity and the role of
rugby in a changing South Africa. International Review for the Sociology of
Sport, 31(1), 69-89.
Neuendorf, K.A. (2002). The Content Analysis Guidebook. London: Sage.
Nichols, R. (2003, November 22). For Hockey, It's an Outside Chance. The Washington
Post. Retrieved January 17, 2005 from http://washingtonpost.com.
Ormsby, M. (2003, November 22). A passion carved from snow and ice. The Toronto
Star. Retrieved January 16, 2004 from http://www.thestar.com. 153
Patton, M.Q. (2002). Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods (3rd ed.). Sage:
Thousand Oaks.
Ramshaw, G. (2006). Heritage Sport Tourism: Development and Perspectives. In P.
Bouchet & C. Pigeassou (Eds.), Sport Management: Issues and Perspectives (pp.
409-420). Montpellier: AFRAPS.
Ramshaw, G. & Gammon, S. (2007). More than just Nostalgia? Exploring the
Heritage/Sport Tourism Nexus. In S. Gammon & G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage,
Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures (pp. 9-22). London:
i Routledge.
Redmond, G. (1973). A Plethora of Shrines: Sport in the Museum and Hall of Fame.
Quest, 19, 41-48.
Ritchie, B.W. & Adair, D. (2004). Sport Tourism: An Introduction and Overview. In
B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair (Eds.), Sport Tourism: Interrelationships, Impacts and
Issues (pp. 1-29). Clevedon: Channel View Publications.
Richler, M. (2003). Cheap Skates. In M.P.J. Kennedy (Ed.), Words on Ice: A Collection
of Hockey Prose (pp. 63-69). Toronto: Key Porter Books.
Simmons, P. (2003, November 22). Canada's national game repatriated and redeemed.
The Edmonton Journal, pp. B1-B2.
Snyder, E. (1991). Sociology of Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame and Museums in
America. Sociology of Sport Journal, 5(3), 228-238.
Spector, M. (2003, November 22). Living on Past Glories. The National Post, pp. A16 &
A18. 154
Springer, R. (1999). Pickup Hockey. In D. Jacobs (Ed.), Ice: New Writing on Hockey (pp.
151-157) Edmonton: Spotted Cow Press.
Springwood, C.F. (1996). Cooperstown to Dyersville: A Geography of Baseball
Nostalgia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Stock, C. (2003, November 23). From London to L.A. to Manning, Alta.: If you build it
(a rink), they will come. The Edmonton Journal, p. C7.
Toth, M. (2003, November 23). Leave the past behind. Sportsnet. Retrieved January 16,
2004 from http://www.sportsnet.ca.
The great outdoors. (2003, November 22). The Globe and Mail, p. A16.
Vamplew, W. (1998). Facts and Artefacts: Sport Historians and Sport Museums. Journal
of Sport History, 25(2), 268-282.
Veal, A.J. (2006). Research Methods for Leisure and Tourism (3rd ed.). London: Prentice
Hall.
Weed, M. & Bull, C. (2004). Sports Tourism: Participants, Policy and Providers.
London: Butterworth Heinemann.
Whitson, D. & Macintosh, D. (1996). The global circus: International sport, tourism and
the marketing of cities. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 23, 278-295.
Zwolinski, M. (2003, November 22). Edmonton: Cold hands, warm hearts. The Toronto
Star. Retrieved January 16, 2004 from http://www.thestar.com. 155
Chapter 5: THE CONSTRUCTION OF SPORT HERITAGE ATTRACTIONS
Introduction
Sport heritage attractions are potent creators of both cultural and economic capital. Sites such as sport halls of fame and museums (Adair, 2004; Gibson, 1998; Kidd,
1996; Redmond, 1973; Springwood, 1996; Synder, 1991; Vamplew, 1998), sports stadia and sporting venues (Friedman et al, 2004; Gammon, 2004; Gammon & Fear, 2007), sport fantasy camps (Gammon, 2002; Gibson, 1998), and heritage sporting events (Bale,
1993, 1994; Hinch & de la Barre, 2005) are but a few examples of tourist attractions that utilize sport heritage, and are integral in creating and disseminating particular cultural values and ideals as well as generating significant tourist visitation. For example,
Gammon (2007) argues that sport heritage sites in England are fundamental in constructing particular ideals of national identity, while Friedman (2007) notes that
Fenway Park, the historic stadium home of the Boston Red Sox baseball team, is the most visited attraction in Massachusetts. Although some heritage-based research briefly refer to sport (Graham et al, 2000; Howard, 2003), and sport tourism research acknowledge that heritage can be a central aspect of an attraction (Hinch & Higham, 2004), few studies have directly or explicitly examined sport heritage and its role as a tourist attraction.
This paper, therefore, adopts an integrative approach to sport heritage beyond its constituent attractions. The aims of this paper are three-fold. Firstly, this paper addresses sport as heritage, arguing that anything, including sport, can be heritage.
Secondly, the paper speaks to the ways in which sport heritage attractions are constructed, namely that sport heritage attractions employ both traditional and 156 contemporary museological approaches in the display of athletes and athletic endeavour, that notions of legacy and crisis are central to sport heritage attractions, and that globalization and tourism shape sport heritage attractions. Finally, this paper addresses the cultural and economic ends and outcomes of sport heritage attractions, in particular addressing sport heritage attractions as sites of organizational propaganda, sites of worship and pilgrimage, and sites of cultural and economic consumption. Three case studies representing different types of sport heritage attractions will be used to illustrate these constructions and outcomes. Ultimately, this paper demonstrates that the cultural and economic aims and outcomes of sport heritage attractions are not necessarily at odds and, in fact, frequently complement one another.
Sport as Heritage
Sport can be heritage. This has little to do with whether sport is important as a
historical or cultural resource, for its recognition as heritage has little to do with the
intrinsic value of the sporting past. Rather, it is simply to recognize that anything can be
heritage, as heritage is not a finite resource (Howard, 2003). Sport can be heritage simply
because we wish to make it heritage. This is certainly not to dismiss the value of sport
heritage, but rather to argue that sport can be a source of heritage much like any other
resource. In addressing sport as heritage, Crotty's (1998) constructionist view, where
"the collective generation (and transmission) of meaning" (p. 58) rather than an
individual perspective of heritage, is adopted. Sport heritage constructions and
attractions can be collectively recognized, enshrined, and institutionalized, while also
recognizing that such constructions can be collectively altered, changed, and challenged 157 based on contemporary contexts and circumstances. Sports jerseys, sports cards, or sports stadiums possess no intrinsic heritage value. Rather, the object or site may, for example, be associated with a famous athlete or historical moment, or may represent a sport's genealogy or history, and thus we place particular heritage values in that object.
Furthermore, if we place the jersey or sports card behind glass or commodify the heritage of the stadium through a tour, we are institutionalizing and legitimizing particular values, whatever those may be. An ordinary Canadian dollar coin may have no intrinsic heritage value in and of itself, but if it is buried beneath the ice at a gold medal winning Olympic hockey game, it becomes an artefact worth of conservation and display, and becomes a symbol of national identity and unity17. A sports artefact or location can also "lose" its heritage or have it altered for a variety of reasons. For example, the role of the
Superdome in New Orleans during the Hurricane Katrina disaster in 2005 may have shifted the heritage of that facility from exclusively sport-based (as the home of the New
Orleans Saints football team and host facility of several "Superbowl" championship games) to a symbol of both the disaster and racialized poverty in the United States. The point is not whether sport is "heritage-worthy," but rather that sport sites, sport artefacts, and sport traditions can be the raw materials from which heritage is created. Thus, the question is not whether sport can be heritage, but rather how is sport heritage constructed, particularly as a tourist attraction.
At the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City, a Canadian dollar coin - known as a "loonie" - was buried in the ice hockey rink at by a Canadian icemaker as a good luck talisman for the Canadian teams. Both the men's and women's teams won the gold medal at the Salt Lake City Olympics, and the "lucky loonie" was later donated and displayed at the Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto, Ontario. 158
The Constructions of Sport Heritage Attractions
There appear to be three significant ways in which sport heritage attractions are constructed. Firstly, sport heritage looks to be a hybrid of traditional and contemporary approaches to heritage, in large part because there is an explicit human dimension to sport heritage that is not common in other forms of heritage. Sport heritage attractions appear to both embrace contemporary museological practices in emphasizing interaction between patrons and displays, as well as being being explicitly partisan, popular, and commercial, while also espousing traditional museological practice, where displays are meant to "speak for themselves" through sites that employ few interpretive intermediaries and rely heavily on the cultural capital of visitors. The human dimensions of sport heritage further emphasize this hybrid approach, as patrons are encouraged to try simulations of particular sports while also being asked to "gaze in awe" of athletes and athletic achievements on display. Secondly, sport heritage attractions employ particular spatial and temporal constructs that emphasize legacy rather than history, in large part because notions of crisis are a central feature of sport heritage. An emphasis on legacy makes sport heritage attractions both culturally and economically significant, as a sense of continuity not only creates an impression of stability and longevity but also contemporary relevancy. Constructions of legacy combat (real or perceived) notions of decline, a stalwart trait of heritage construction. Finally, globalization, particularly when manifest through global tourist consumption, is integral to the construction of sport heritage. Sport heritage is a globally disseminated and consumed commodity, and the values and objectives can change depending on who is consuming the heritage. This is 159 particularly true of tourism, as many sport heritage sites are created largely because of
global tourist demand.
The Human Dimensions of Sport Heritage Attractions
Manifestations of heritage have drastically changed in the past two generations,
during which the transmission of heritage narratives, as well as the types and forms of heritage presented, have fundamentally been transformed (Harrison, 2005; Urry, 2002).
Although Brett (1996) argues that heritage is a form of popular history that has its roots
in mid-nineteenth century critical reflections on modernisation and industrialization, the
construction of heritage in space and time has become primarily postmodern (Smith,
2006), particularly as it relates to its dissemination and consumption. Heritage sites are
no longer just for a few, learned individuals who possess the prerequisite knowledge and
ability to decode exhibitions, artefacts and displays. Rather, heritage sites have become
democratized and, as Mason (2005) and Harrison (2005) describe, places of public
interaction. For better or worse, sites have also become locations for public leisure and
have had to not only demonstrate public support, both through traditional areas like site
visitation as well as through political support and funding, but also have had to dedicate
space and resources to retail spaces and popular (rather than critical) displays (Urry,
2002). Sites that have remained more traditional in their approach, where access to
displays is exclusive and where narratives are a top-down curatorial monologue, are
essentially "museums of museums;" anachronisms in a contemporary museological
period. 160
A significant aspect of these changes is an emphasis on the individual and human dimensions of heritage and heritage narratives. Although heritage is a social construct, not all heritage appears explicitly related to humans or human endeavour. World
Heritage sites, for example, are divided into natural and cultural sites, although there are locations that have a mix of both types of features. Uluru in Australia is an example of this, where the geological heritage of the site shares billing with the meanings and interpretations of the site by local Aboriginal groups. Nevertheless, heritage is created for and by human beings, and though heritage qualities and attributes may appear to be
intrinsic and may initially seem to have little to do with human culture, all heritage
ultimately possesses a human dimension (Graham et al, 2000). This is particularly
evident in the way heritage has been translated in the public sphere, mainly in light of
Harrison's (2005) examination of the "new museology" where heritage patrons are provided context to interpret the meaning of heritage into their own personal experiences,
and where heritage has become more intellectually accessible and "human" by focusing
on the local, the everyday, and the individual. These focuses have sometimes changed
the approach to the heritage experience, from looking at artefacts in glass cases to
watching and interacting with human beings in a heritage setting. "Living history" sites
such as Colonial Williamsburg in the United States, Beamish in the United Kingdom, and
Fort Edmonton Park in Canada reflect the contemporary approach of making the past
"come alive" by providing an engaging heritage narrative through the utlization of
heritage interpreters or "characters."
Sport heritage attractions reflect both traditional and contemporary approaches to
the display and dissemination of heritage narratives, as well as explicitly touting the 161 human dimensions of sport. The fact that many sport heritage sites are, in fact, tourist attractions first and foremost speaks to their role in broader initiatives beyond public education and the dissemination of knowledge. In addition to their tourism role, sport heritage sites are also unabashedly partisan and popular, frequently touting widely held mythologies rather than critical narratives (Kidd, 1996). Although ostensibly contemporary in style, scope, and operation, sport heritage attractions nevertheless still employ traditional approaches and constructions. Seemingly, much of what is on display at sport heritage attractions is purely spectacular, as visitors with the prerequisite knowledge and cultural capital consume relics of the sporting past without the benefit of an interpretive intermediary. Issues of multivocality, where multiple interpretations are presented, are implicitly eschewed, focusing rather on positive and progressive heritage
narratives rather than critical and contextual narratives. However, as Mason (2005)
argues, visitors to heritage sites and museums are not blank slates as they come with their
own perspectives and memories. This is particularly the case with sport, where
"flashbulb memories" (Snyder, 1991) from media coverage can create second-hand
memories and impressions of past sporting events and athletes. As such, traditional
displays may be consumed phenomenologically, and the multivocality may come, not
from multiple curatorial interpretations of exhibits and displays, but from the visitors
themselves.
The human dimensions of sport heritage further reflect this hybrid approach to
heritage narratives. Many sports museums enshrine famous athletes from the past,
particularly based on their sporting accomplishments. Often times, it is assumed that
visitors will have the required knowledge to decode the significance and 162 accomplishments of these athletes and, therefore, there is little need for mediation between the "artefact" and the visitor. Contemporary sports museums may also explicitly promote the spectacular consumption of athletes by placing the training areas of contemporary athletes in museum spaces and, as a result, construct the sport museum as a kind of zoo. However, contemporary sport museums also provide vehicles for active interaction and dialogue between the visitor and the "displays", such as through museum- sponsored athlete meet-and-greets and autograph sessions as well as through interactive
sport simulators. Furthermore, many sports museums are also advocacy agencies for athletes, while the display of athletes' training regiments is provided, in part, as a means
of public awareness as well as recruitment of future athletes.
The primary difference between sport heritage sites and other forms of heritage that employ "living" dimensions to their exhibits is a form of authenticity. While other heritage attractions use representations of particular historical people, many sport
heritage attractions use the actual people. In other words, a blacksmith at Colonial
Williamsburg is not an actual eighteenth century blacksmith, but is rather simply
representing an historical figure or perhaps a common trade of the period. An athlete
who is training at a sports museum many not be "representing" or demonstrating how an
elite athlete might train; s/he may actually be training. The relatively recent pasts of many
sports certainly helps achieve this construction. What is considered "heritage" in sport
may be no more than a few years old and, as such, the human ties to heritage are not only
alive but remembered by many heritage consumers. Frequently, particular sport spaces
are also shared between sporting generations, whereby current players and players of the
past competed on the same terrain or at the same venue. Many sport heritage sites are 163 also not stand-alone venues and may employ larger mandates, such as athlete training and public awareness of sport. As such, heritage constructions may be multifaceted and have objectives to address the cultural (e.g., conservation, preservation and dissemination of particular traditions, practices, or artefacts), the economic (e.g., tourism, public visitation, souvenirs, maintaining fandom) and the political (e.g., national/regional unity and identity, dissemination of particular policy initiatives such as fitness and public health) dimensions of a sport site or organization.
Case Study #1 - The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum (Calgary, Alberta, Canada).
The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum in Calgary is part of Canada Olympic
Park (COP), a site developed for the luge, ski jump, skeleton and bobsleigh competitions of the 1988 Winter Olympics. The site is now used as a year-round competition, tourism, recreation, and athlete-training facility. Hall of Fame collections and exhibits are displayed in three venues at the COP site: at the Frank King Olympic Visitors Centre, the ski jump tower, and the Ice House athlete training facility. The exhibits at the Visitors
Centre are almost exclusively focused on the winter Olympics, particularly the 1988
Calgary Olympics. The exhibits also promote current Canadian winter Olympic athletes and winter Olympic sport. The displays at the ski jump tower are primarily related to the two most famous ski jumpers at the Calgary Olympics: Matti Nykanen18 of Finland and
Eddie "The Eagle" Edwards19 of Great Britain. Exhibits at the Ice House are related to
Nykanen won three gold medals at the Calgary Olympics. 19 Eddie "The Eagle" Edwards was a unique athlete at the Calgary Olympics as he managed to compete at the Games despite having very little ski jump experience. Although he finished last in the competition, he became a folk hero in large part because he was an "average person," and not an elite athlete, competing in the Olympic Games. 164
sliding sports, including a large, interactive "tourist" luge track. The location also
features a large observation deck to watch bobsleigh and luge athletes train20.
The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum reflect the different approaches used at
sport heritage venues, particularly as it relates to the human dimension of sport heritage.
The Hall of Fame employs both traditional and contemporary methods in displaying and
disseminating heritage narratives. Many displays at the three Hall of Fame "wings" are purely spectacular and assume a pre-existing level of knowledge in the visitor,
particularly with regards to the 1988 Winter Olympics in Calgary, winter Olympic sport,
and famous Canadian winter Olympic athletes. Display cases include artefacts that are
meant to "speak for themselves" and include few interpretive panels or explanations as to
the context or significance of the collection. Spectacular consumption of "artefacts" also
extends to the human dimension of the site, as a central "exhibit" are the athletes
themselves, training at designated museum spaces such as the Ice House for future
competitions like the Olympics or World Cup events. In cases where the athletes are part
of the museum space, the consumption becomes similar to that at a zoo. Visitors watch
the athletes, admire them, but do not necessarily interact with the athletes nor are
necessarily provided with any form of interpretive intermediation as to what the athletes
are doing. On the other hand, many exhibits are also partisan, popular, interactive, and
designed to meet the cultural and commercial aims of Canada Olympic Park. The
narratives reflect the current aims and concerns of both the Hall of Fame and the site as a
whole, whereby visitors are told about the site's current role and relevancy in athlete
training, and are solicited for awareness and support of contemporary and future athletes.
20 Data collection for this study took place in August, 2007 and included in-depth interviews with five Hall of Fame personnel, textual/material analysis of Hall of Fame training and marketing documents and exhibit texts, and observations of Hall of Fame exhibits and interpretive talks. 165
In particular, visitors are encouraged to try simulations of particular sports like luge, skiing, and hockey. These simulators are meant both for leisure and entertainment as well as to make patrons aware of particular types of winter Olympic sports. In some cases, there is active recruitment of future athletes (and, by extension, future museum displays) in the museum spaces, in particular through posters soliciting young visitors to
"get involved" in sports like luge, skeleton, and bobsled.
Ultimately, using a hybrid of approaches in disseminating sport heritage narratives, as well as explicitly exhibiting the human dimension of sport, says a great deal about the construction of sport heritage. Seemingly, sport does not require the same level of interpretive mediation as other, more distant and obscure forms of "history" do. The distant past in sport often exists within living memory or, in many cases, has been replayed ad nauseum and, as such, memories can be formed and/or recalled either from personal experience or from particular media images of particular sports or sporting events (Snyder, 1991). Many sports fans remember Muhammad Ali in the "Rumble in the
Jungle", Paul Henderson's 1972 Summit Series goal, or, in the case of the 1988 Winter
Olympics, the antics of Eddie "The Eagle" Edwards, even if we did not witness them first-hand. As such, we do not need to necessarily be told who an athlete is or why a particular artefact is significant because it is assumed that we already possess this knowledge. On the other hand, sport is not a passive endeavour. It is active and it should, at some level, be fun. It is also a significant a commercial enterprise and it should therefore come as little surprise that sport museums and halls of fame incorporate interactive exhibits as a form of "edutainment." The key aspect in this construct is authenticity. Ashworth (2008) argues that authenticity in heritage relates only to the 166 visitor experience and not the site or artefact. However, if sites like the Olympic Hall of
Fame and Museum can offer both artefacts and experiences that the visitor may perceive
as authentic (such as the opportunity to watch "real Olympic athletes" train and then try these same sports), then this is certainly a key feature in how sites are constructed.
Furthermore, the proliferation of sports (and, with them, sport heritage sites) can result in a contest for public attention, funding, and recognition. As such, using the "human
angle" through a hall of fame or sports museum site can help to create awareness, solicit
support, disseminate organizational purposes, and, in the case of Canada Olympic Park,
create a form of "species conservation" where the next generation of athlete, and artefact,
are produced.
Legacy, Crisis, and Sport Heritage Attractions
Heritage researchers have consistently argued that heritage is not about the past,
but rather that heritage is concerned with the selective mining of the past in order to
address the needs and concerns of both the present and the (imagined) future (Ashworth,
2008; Graham et al, 2000; Lowenthal, 1998). Heritage narratives should not be taken as a
critical and thorough investigation of past events and people in the same way that history
or archaeology research might, but rather should be seen as a pastiche of academic
research, nostalgia, memory, and imagination (among others) that may address a variety
of needs and concerns, from legitimization of a particular policy initiative to selling gift
shop merchandise. As such, heritage can adapt and change depending on who is using it
and in what context it is being used. 167
As they exist in space and time, sport heritage attractions share many similarities to other forms of heritage, particularly in addressing veracity and accuracy. This is not to suggest that sport heritage attractions have a license to lie, but rather that these attractions are malleable and can be adapted to suit particular circumstances. For example,
Friedman et al (2004) note that representations of sport heritage are often ripped from their original temporal moorings and placed without context in contemporary settings, as is the case with many "retro" baseball parks in the United States. These baseball parks were not necessarily created as accurate re-constructions of other, historic stadiums, but rather are contemporary constructions that use heritage architecture and imagery to meet commercial objectives. These are not necessarily "false" representations, but rather they are moulded to fit the needs and circumstances of the present in which they were created.
However, sport heritage attractions often diverge from other heritage constructs, particularly in how the past is presented and contextualized. Contemporary heritage sites and museums employ particular vehicles in conveying heritage narratives, including first person live interpretation meant to "immerse" patrons in the heritage experience, although what is being displayed and demonstrated is clearly meant to represent aspects of the past. On the other hand, sport heritage sites appear to spatially and temporally merge past and present. As such, many sport heritage attractions emphasize legacy rather than history, which suggests that sport heritage attractions lose their power and potency, and perhaps become somewhat irrelevant, unless placed within a framework that explicitly highlights continuity. For example, a sport heritage experience such as tours of
Yankee Stadium, which was (until recently) the home stadium of the New York
Yankeess baseball team, emphasized the venue as the perpetual home of both past players 168 like Babe Ruth and current players like Derek Jeter (New York Yankees, 2008). On the other hand, more history-based sites such as Segedunum, a Roman fort on the banks of the River Tyne in north-eastern England, use first-person interpretation in their exhibitions to give visitors an impression of what Roman Britain may have been like rather than to convey a sense of timelessness and continuity (Tyne & Wear Museums,
2008).
Two famous sport heritage locations further illustrate this point. Maple Leaf
Gardens in Toronto, where the Toronto Maple Leafs ice hockey team played from 1931 to 1999 and where the art deco style of architecture and the historical importance of the venue made it one of the most well-known and culturally significant sports venues in
North America, sits largely dormant since the Maple Leafs moved to a new facility, and . will likely be converted into retail space (Friends of Maple Leaf Gardens, 2005). Tiger
Stadium in Detroit, where the Detroit Tigers baseball team played until 1999, is one of the few remaining stadiums from the early decades of professional baseball (with only
Boston's Fenway Park and Chicago's Wrigley Field being a similar vintage), yet there are no plans to reopen or reuse the ballpark, and it is currently slated to be demolished by the city of Detroit (Friends of Tiger Stadium, 2005). Both facilities have a significant historical pedigree and, like Yankee Stadium and the aforementioned Fenway Park, could be tourist venues if they were still in daily operation as working stadia. However, there
appears to be insignificant tourist interest to maintain them as just tourist attractions,
suggesting that the attraction is not just the stadium alone. Although legacy is clearly
integral to the construction of sport heritage attractions, there are numerous sport venues
where the narratives are explicitly focused on the past. Exhibitions at the Negro Leagues 169
Baseball Museum in Kansas City, for example, are entirely about a league and players that no longer exist (Negro Leagues Baseball Museum, 2005). However, whereas many heritage attractions can effectively have their core product based about the past, sport heritage sites appear to emphasize continuity and legacy rather than history.
The emphasis on continuity and legacy in sport heritage stems in large part from the contexts in which sport heritage is constructed, particularly if the heritage is created to face a real or perceived crisis. Hewison (1987) argues that heritage becomes manifest, in particular, during times of social/cultural and economic decline, and contends that much of what is celebrated and enshrined as heritage comes out of an inability to deal with crisis and change. This is true of any form of heritage. However, crisis appears to be central to the construction of sport heritage attractions. The proliferation of heritage products in sport, such as large-scale heritage sporting events and heritage-based stadia, both of which grew out of notions of discontent in present circumstances (Mason,
Duquette & Scherer, 2007), suggests the degree to which sport heritage and decline are intertwined. Hobsbawm (1983) further argues that traditions, one of the more ubiquitous forms of heritage, are created and discarded based largely as a reaction to crisis and change:
We should expect (the invention of traditions) to occur more frequently
when a rapid transformation of society weakens or destroys the social
patterns for which 'old' traditions had been designed producing new ones
which they were not applicable, (p. 4)
Enshrining particularly sporting traditions, sporting spaces, or even particular sports, as traditional not only provides a comforting social buffer in "times of trouble," but also 170 legitimizes and protects particular views, values and identities. Bale's (2003) illustration of a "typical," but imaginary, village green exemplify traditional sport spaces as both a means of legitimizing and enshrining identities as well as buffering against social change.
Again, this is not to suggest that sport heritage is somehow exceptional with crisis and decline being part of their contexts. Rather, it is to propose that crisis is central to their contexts and constructions.
Case Study #2 - Twickenham Stadium Tours (London, England).
Located on the western edge of metropolitan London, Twickenham Stadium is the home of both the English national rugby team as well as the Rugby Football Union
(RFU), the governing body for rugby union in England. The venue hosted its first match in 1909, and its first international test in 1910 (J. Smith, 2006). The stadium has undergone numerous changes since its first match (Dinning & Sheard, 2005; Richards,
2006) and, other than the pitch itself which has remained in the exact same location, the current version of the stadium is a twenty-first century venue. Tours are offered year- round at the stadium, providing visitors a behind-the-scenes view of the inner workings of the venue. '
Notions of legacy, continuity and crisis are central to the construction of
Twickenham Stadium tours. Tour narratives highlight the connections between past and present squads, particularly through emphasising the continuity of the pitch as the same space that all England teams have played on, as well as that the stadium has been the home of the national squad for nearly a century. The display and interpretation of
21 Data collection for this study took place in October, 2007 and included in-depth interviews with four stadium tour personnel, textual analysis of stadium tour training and marketing documents, and observations of six stadium tours. 171
artefacts from past England squads, as well as more general artefacts related to the sport's
international past, is also a tour highlight. The fact that the stadium is also home to the
Rugby Football Union, the administrative organization for the sport in England as well as the body which arguably "invented" rugby through the sport's codification in the nineteenth century, also plays a prominent role in stadium tour narratives. Tour
commentaries also emphasise the traditions, both formal and informal, associated with the sport, and note that many of the norms and values of the sport - particularly as it
applies to rugby spectating - are practiced and maintained at Twickenham Stadium.
The notions of crisis stem from the tour narratives positioning Twickenham
Stadium as a type of "home." Firstly, and quite obviously, the tour commentary positions
the stadium as the home of the English national rugby team, both for the current squad as
well as for all England teams for all time. A narrative that explicitly places the current
squad at the centre of tour narratives may adversely affect the commercial aims of the
tour, particularly if the current squad is not competitive or features few notable or star
players and, as such, having the tour explicate a wider national team narrative buffers
against some possible economic issues the tours may face. Secondly, the tour narratives
position Twickenham Stadium as the "spiritual home" of the sport, with the Rugby
Football Union being the chief steward of the game and its traditions. Such narratives
reflect unease about the Rugby Football Union's proprietary assertions that Twickenham
Stadium is the sport's "home" both in England and abroad, particularly in the face of
rival domestic claims from the "inventors" of the sport at Rugby School as well as the
sport's more prominent cultural role in countries like Wales and New Zealand. Finally,
tour narratives position Twickenham Stadium as "home" of particular romanticised 172 notions of English culture and identity. Such notions not only speak to the colonial dissemination of the sport, and Twickenham's subsequent post-colonial tourist visitation, but also that a certain idyllic form of Englishness is perceived to be under crisis. There are obvious economic reasons for each of the "home" narratives, from the sale of souvenirs and stadium hospitality packages to the ultra-competitive English tourism market. However, these narratives also speak to the small "c" conservatism of heritage - when a crisis is perceived, there is a retreat into narratives that emphasize an uncomplicated past. This emphasis on continuity as a buffer to crisis may lead to significant dissonance in heritage narratives, particularly in a diverse and dynamic society as exists in twenty-first century England. As a result, conservative heritage narratives entrench and legitimize certain ideas and values that, as Hewison (1987) warns, can be inflexible to change and can cause an inability to face and conquer future issues and challenges.
Globalization, Tourism, and Sport Heritage Attractions
Globalization has had a pronounced affect on sport, tourism and heritage.
Jameson (1998) argues that "the concept of globalization reflects the sense of an immense enlargement of world communication, as well as of the horizon of a world market, both of which seem far more tangible and immediate than in earlier stages of modernity" (p. xi). Standardization of rules, global broadcasts of sporting events, international markets for both players and spectators, and trans-national manufacturing and consumption of sporting goods and apparel, are just some of the ways in which sport is impacted by globalization (Bairner, 2001; Jarvie, 2006; Miller, Lawrence, McKay & 173
Rowe, 2001). From a tourism perspective, Reiser (2003) notes that "tourism and globalization can be connected in many different ways. In general terms, both have to do with the movement of people, the movement of ideas and the movement of capital across borderlines" (p. 310). As a result of globalization, Hannam (2002) notes that "virtually everyone now lives in a region that is subject to tourism development" (p. 228) and that the processes of tourism and globalization can "lead to changes at the destination level"
(Rieser, 2003, p. 318) including transformations to economic, social, and cultural well- being.
Heritage is also a globally disseminated and consumed entity. World Heritage
sites such as Stonehenge and the Taj Mahal have become symbols of our shared
inheritance as well as being significant heritage attractions in their own right (Boniface &
Fowler, 1993; Lowenthal, 1998; Titchen, 1995). Heritage is also one of the foundations
for creating and re-articulating a distinctive sense of place, particularly in an increasingly
placeless global tourism environment. Morley and Robbins (1995) contend:
Tradition and heritage are factors that enhance the 'quality of life' of
particular spaces and make them attractive locations for investment. An
emphasis on tradition and heritage isalso, of course, important in the
development of tourism as a major industry. Here, too, there is a premium
on difference and particularity. In a world where differences are being
erased, the commodification of place is about creating distinct place-
identities in the eyes of global tourists. Even the most disadvantaged
places, heritage, or the simulacrum of heritage, can be mobilized to gain
competitive advantage in the race between places, (pp. 119-120) 174
In particular, Morley and Robbins describe the re-imaging of Newcastle's heritage from industrial to contemporary, noting that the industrial heritage of the city was not necessarily abandoned but rather repositioned as a distinctive and consumable heritage product. In this case, heritage was mobilized and moulded both as a global branding mechanism for the city as well as to articulate a contemporary identity for Newcastle.
There is little doubt that heritage and tourism are partners in a global economy, albeit at times they are uneasy bedfellows. Graham et al (2000) contend "(h)eritage - variously defined - is the most important single resource for international tourism"
(p. 20). Heritage sites are frequently made the centrepieces of tourism development strategies, although such practices are fraught with issues of homogeneity and authenticity (Prentice, 2005). Tourism can also cause significant structural damage to heritage sites, and can also rob or nullify environmental or historical contexts of sites
(Graham et al, 2000). Beyond the obvious economic links, there are political and cultural relationships between heritage sites and tourism. Howard (2003) notes that international tourism can justify political and public support for heritage sites, such as the British
Museum, while heritage, as commodified through global tourism consumption, can reconstitute, resurrect, or even create traditions (Lowenthal, 1998). However, as pervasive as the linkages are between heritage and tourism, there is a danger of seeing them as contiguous in nature. Howard (2003) contends:
(T)ourism is, to an extent, peripheral to heritage. It is a very important
periphery, particularly as regards money, but heritage is conserved first
and foremost by people for themselves whether they are owners of
heritage, governments protecting heritage for legitimating purposes or the 175
local town conserving something it values. Tourists then come along and
want to see it, but no-one supposes that if tourists stopped visiting the
Tower of London we would demolish it. (p.50)
Graham et al (2000) concur, noting that while some heritage sites are created specifically for tourist audiences, most are not created or supported because of tourism.
Very few heritage products.. .are produced for tourists alone; many, if not
most, heritage buildings, museum collections and cultural festivals rarely
encounter a tourist. Even those that do are generally dependent for the
appeal upon a much wider heritage setting, often the historic city as a
whole for which tourism may be a marginal activity, (p. 158)
That being said, it is difficult to conceptualize heritage without, in some respect, addressing its role as a global tourism product, though many heritage sites are not specifically for tourists.
There is little doubt that globalization plays a role in the construction of sport heritage attractions. Ramshaw (2006) argues that because of the global dissemination of sports broadcasts and products, a sports franchise can become a tourist attraction in its own right and attract fans year-round to its museum or venue. As such, a fan of
Liverpool Football Club may be from Maryland as well as Merseyside, and may visit
Anfield,22 even in the off-season, as part of his or her vacation. Furthermore, Friedman et al's (2004) description of the transition from manufacturing to tourism service industries in the urban centres of some US cities is a pertinent example of heritage, sport and tourism in an era of globalization, particularly as these districts were created both to
Anfield is the home stadium of Liverpool Football Club. 176 attract new visitors in a globally competitive tourism market and to replace jobs lost in traditional manufacturing and industrial sectors. Attraction managers and curators may also advocate particular heritage narratives if significant portions of visitors are from the same region or if the destination targets tourists from particular countries. For example,
Gammon (2004) contends that sport heritage locations can be very powerful in attracting secular "pilgrims" to experience sites of sporting significance. A site such as a hall of fame or a stadium, thus, can become a magnet for the "devout" sports fan, particularly those from outside the locality, and may alter narratives to appeal to a broader, global tourism market.
Global business interests can also shape sport heritage attractions through the sponsorship of sport heritage sites and exhibits. For example, the Hockey Hall of Fame in Toronto features gallery sponsorship from Panasonic ("Salute to Hometown Hockey"),
TSN ("Broadcast Zone"), and Upper Deck ("Collector's Corner") (Hockey Hall of Fame,
2007), each of which appears to "theme" an exhibition related to the sponsors' products.
This is not to suggest that globalization is an omnipresent force in sport heritage. Jarvie
(2003) notes that few sports can claim global status and importance, that even large
American sports like baseball and football have had little global appeal, while professional soccer, arguably the most "global" of sports, is almost a non-entity in North
America. Bairner (2001) further argues that sports fandom, though increasingly taking on an international dimension because of global media broadcasts, is still most enthusiastically demonstrated for local teams and familiar sports. Rather, it is to suggest that the global dissemination of sport heritage, along with its consumption as tourism, can influence its construction in space and time at the attraction level. 177
Case Study #3 - The Heritage Classic Ice Hockey Event (Edmonton, Alberta, Canada).
The Heritage Classic was a sports event that was positioned on the heritage and nostalgic pasts of the National Hockey League (NHL) and the "purity" of hockey in the
outdoors, as well as being structured to appeal to a global tourism audience.23 This event, held on November 22, 2003, featured "two of Canada's premier 'heritage' teams, the
Edmonton Oilers with five Stanley Cup Championships, and the Montreal Canadiens with 24 Stanley Cup Championships" (Heritage Hockey Classic, 2003). Two games were played during the event, the first being a match between star players from past
Edmonton and Montreal teams, and the second being a regular season game between the
current squads of the Oilers and Canadiens. Played in the outdoor venue of
Commonwealth Stadium in Edmonton, rather than the normal indoor setting, the game
had been billed as a revisiting of hockey's greatest teams in a "natural environment,"
evoking images of hockey's outdoor past. The Heritage Classic festivities, which took
place over a four-day period, also included several associated events such as team rallies,
civic lunches, and displays of hockey memorabilia, making the Heritage Classic a civic-
wide sport heritage weekend. Since the Edmonton Oilers Hockey Club staged the
Heritage Classic in 2003, the NHL adopted the format and held the "Winter Classic" in
Buffalo, New York on January 1, 2008, which featured a regular season game between
the Buffalo Sabres and the Pittsburgh Penguins (though, notably, the event did not feature
an "old timers" alumni game like the Heritage Classic). The perceived success of the
Winter Classic has led the NHL to host another outdoor game on January 1, 2009 at
Wrigley Field in Chicago, Illinois.
23 Data collection for this study included a discourse analysis of local, national, and international newspaper coverage of the event from Wednesday, November 19, 2003 to Tuesday, November 25, 2003, supplemented by interviews with five event personnel in November and December, 2007. 178
Constructing an event that would resonate globally clearly played a role in planning the Heritage Classic. An estimated 14,000 out of town visitors attended the game in addition to the over 43,000 locals, and local media reported a $25 million
(Canadian) injection into the economy (Cormier, 2003). The event also attracted international media attention, as many international daily newspapers sent columnists to cover the event. Organizers also revealed that they were keenly aware of the uniqueness of the event and, as such, constructed it in order to appeal to as broad an audience as possible. From a tourism perspective, sport is one of the more common ways to advertise the locality to a global audience. Sporting franchises exist in a competitive global environment, and positioning the Edmonton Oilers as an emerging player in the international sports marketplace appears to have been a major motive in the organization's planning and hosting the event. However, it is unclear how wide ranging the Heritage Classic was in its reach, either in positioning Edmonton as a tourism destination or the team as a global franchise.
In constructing a heritage event for a global audience, fidelity to the past is often lost in the translation. Organizers stated that they initially wanted the New York Rangers as opponents, a globally-recognized franchise to which the Edmonton Oilers have virtually no history. The organizers eventually settled on the Montreal Canadiens, another widely-recognized franchise who share a very nominal history with the Oilers organization. These opponents were chosen over more natural regional rivalries, such as the Calgary Flames, in order to have the event covered globally. In addition, the NHL's adoption of the Heritage Classic model points to the marketability of a unique and globally consumed heritage product. The fact that the 2009 Winter Classic is being held 179 at Wrigley Field, one of the most historic and most widely-recognized stadiums in the world (and a stadium that shares absolutely no historical relationship with the sport of hockey), further demonstrates that the values and outcomes of sport heritage have little to do with authentic representations of the past, but rather that sport heritage symbols are mobilized as a form of capital that can be globally disseminated and consumed outside of their locality.
The Outcomes of Sport Heritage Attractions
Ashworth (2008) argues that heritage is not "an object or a site but.. .a process and an outcome: it uses objects and sites as vehicles for the transmission of ideas in the service of a wide range of contemporary social needs" (p. 25). Further to this, Smith
(2006) contends, "heritage is...ultimately a cultural practice, involved in the construction and regulation of a wide range of values and understandings" (p. 11). Graham et al
(2000) in particular outline heritage as a resource of both cultural and economic capital:
... (H)eritage is that part of the past which we select in the present for
contemporary purposes, be they economic, cultural, political or social.
The worth attributed to these artefacts rest less in their intrinsic merit than
in a complex array of contemporary values, demands and even moralities.
As such, heritage can be visualized as a resource but simultaneously,
several times so. Clearly, it is an economic resource, one exploited
everywhere as a primary component of strategies to promote tourism,
economic development and rural and urban regeneration. But heritage 180
also helps define the meanings of culture and power and is a political
resource; and it thus possesses a crucial socio-political function, (p. 17)
The constructions of sport heritage attractions lead to numerous ends and outcomes that reflect contemporary social, political, and economic needs. Graham et al (2000) caution, however, that viewing heritage in this duality risks placing these areas as a dialectic, and that there is generally conflict between the cultural and economic outcomes of heritage.
With that in mind, three outcomes of sport heritage attractions will be explored: 1) sport heritage attractions as venues for the dissemination of organizational propaganda; 2) sport heritage attractions as venues for worship and pilgrimage, and; 3) sport heritage attractions as venues for cultural and economic consumption. The three case studies outlined previously will be used to illustrate these outcomes.
Sport Heritage Attractions as Venues for the Dissemination of Organizational
Propaganda
Heritage is one of the most widely-used and powerful vehicles for the dissemination of propaganda. The Nazi regime in Germany and the apartheid government in South Africa, for example, both famously used archaeological heritage to
"prove" the supremacy of whites (Arnold, 1996; Gawe & Meli, 1990). Timothy and Boyd
(2003) refer to this exclusionary process in heritage as "collective amnesia":
(Collective amnesia) has a connotation of the deliberate forgetting of some
aspects of the past, referring to the fact that entire societies elect to
disregard, exclude or suppress certain aspects of history because they are
uncomfortable, embarrassing, or by so doing, the society or its leaders can 181
achieve some political/ideological objective(s), often with a racist slant.
(p. 258)
Museums in particular are one of the more common conduits for the dissemination of propaganda, particularly in establishing, affirming, and reinforcing identities at the
national level while simultaneously marginalizing or ignoring the views of rival
claimants (Graham et al, 2000; Timothy & Boyd, 2003). Sport museums similarly
disseminate views that meet particular objectives while also ignoring views which are
less flattering or do not meet a current purpose. Springwood (1996) argues, for example,
that the National Baseball Hall of Fame's decision to include narratives about the sport's
racially segregated past is a way of simultaneously addressing this past in a self-
congratulatory manner while also positioning racism in baseball as a past issue. The
continued inclusion of this narrative at the Hall of Fame may also be linked to the sharp
decrease in African-American youth playing baseball and the lack of black American
players currently playing in Major League Baseball (Toner, 2008).
However, the dissemination of propaganda at sport heritage attractions need not
necessarily be as explicitly divisive and, on the surface, may be quite benign. Sport
heritage attractions may disseminate narratives about a sport or organization's
background, including its history and continued function and relevancy in the nation or
community. Attractions may also feature narratives that recognize and espouse the good
works and deeds in the sport or organization, be they historical or contemporary.
Narratives may also help to build emotional capital with visitors by demonstrating the
attraction's role in conservation or education, linking these with economic considerations
such as soliciting donations. Sport heritage attractions may recognize builders and 182 contributors to the venue, and may feature exhibits outlining future development plans.
Of course, such objectives are fraught with contradictions and wider consequences. Such narratives leave little room for critical appraisal or reflection, particularly if the attraction is being used for educational purposes, and may leave the visitor with the impression that the history and development of the sport or organization were both unproblematic and inevitable. Broader representations or multivocal approaches to heritage narratives may be sidelined in order to portray the sport or organization in the most positive light. If conflicts or contradictions are addressed, they may also be quickly dismissed or marginalized in order to meet the attraction's cultural and economic objectives. While using heritage as a tool for propaganda is not unusual at heritage attractions, it is nevertheless a significant outcome of sport heritage constructions.
Case Study #1 - The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum (Calgary, Alberta, Canada).
The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum was used, in large part, to disseminate
particular organizational messages and, as such, there appeared to be three major
narratives propagated through the exhibitions. The first narrative was that COP and the
Calgary Olympic Development Agency (CODA) are still relevant and functioning
bodies, and did not "cease operation" at the end of the 1988 Olympics. In particular, the
exhibitions highlighted COP as a year-round athlete training and public recreation facility
rather than a relic of the 1988 Winter Olympics. Dana (pseudonym) describes what she
views as the main purpose of the Hall of Fame:
We.. .try and educate people in the museum as to what we have become
since 1988. So, what was Canada Olympic Park prior to the Olympics, 183 ,
what did we serve during the Olympics, and what have we become since
then... We also want to educate the public about what the Olympics does
and what our parent company, the Calgary Olympic Development
Association, CODA, what is CODA. We like to use our museum. When
we do our introduction in the museum to our guests in the theatre before
they watch the video, we will tell them who CODA is and what we're all
about.
In addition, exhibitions also positioned the 1988 Olympics as a watershed moment in local and national identity, COP as the current social-spatial representation of those 1988
Games, and that the site built upon its .Olympic heritage in order to inspire future generations to achieve athletic greatness. Paul (pseudonym) describes what he sees as the key purpose of the Hall of Fame:
We have to preserve history, so we kind of date back to (1988) which is
where we've really got a fair bit of solid history. We've researched back
much further than that, so we've got history on Olympics, we've got
dietician stats, we've got how sport has changed, we've got funding
information. So it's our role to preserve that, so to learn from the past, go
forward to the future.
Much of the Hall of Fame space is also used to display results and profiles of current (and
successful) Canadian Olympic and World Cup athletes in various sports, as well as
featuring posters with inspirational quotes from Canadian Winter Olympic Athletes,
encouraging museum patrons to believe in themselves and never quit. 184
Secondly, the Hall of Fame was used to disseminate the mission and vision of
CODA in winter Olympic sport. Glenda (pseudonym) describes the relationship between the Hall of Fame and CODA in terms of the exhibitions:
Marketing wants a consistent look with exhibits, they want a consistent
message. What CODA is, who it is, what we're about, what the vision
statement is.
Interpretive talks described the role of CODA, what it stands for (both literally and organizationally) and what it does, while the introductory video in the Hall of Fame prominently features the work of CODA in developing winter Olympic sport. One large section in the Hall of Fame also featured text and photos encompassing the main roles, developments, and goals of CODA, including that CODA would "(ensure that) the road to 2010 (Vancouver Winter Olympics), and beyond, goes through Alberta." CODA's logo was featured prominently throughout each of the museum spaces, including those at the ski jump tower and Ice House, often accompanied with inspirational quotes or evocative words like "discover" or "excel." Some CODA-based displays also suggested future site developments such as a hockey complex.
Finally, exhibition narratives were created to recruit patrons, either as future fans or as potential athletes. Exhibition space described athletes and athletic achievements, positioned the athletes as role models, gave visitors the opportunity to emulate elite athletes and try particular sports, and provided contact information should they wish to take up the sport in the future. According to Paul (pseudonym):
The hall of fame cannot be four walls and all of this stuff stacked in it.
We think we have to take artefacts, we have to take quotes, we have to 185
take photos of current athletes, and spread it everywhere within the
boundaries of Canada Olympic Park, or partner locations.
Several interviewees, including Paul, mentioned that the key attraction for the museum was both a chance to see athletes train as well as try the sport simulators. A sign in the Ice
House museum space, where visitors can see sliding sport artefacts (i.e., bobsleigh and luge artefacts) and watch athletes train, welcomes visitors to the home of "champions, high-performance athletes and Canada's Olympic heroes of tomorrow." Displays at the icehouse also describe Canada's Olympic and World Cup championships and athletes, while also providing an opportunity to try a luge simulator. In addition, next to the simulator is a poster "looking for new athletes," in particular to encourage 10 to 14 year olds to try luge.
Although these narratives appear benign, they merit critical appraisal. Projecting the continued relevancy of COP suggests a crisis, both for the literal future of the site as well as its symbolic capital. Trumpeting the site's continued contemporary use is prudent, but suggests that the site may be teetering on a precipice of irrelevancy, perhaps replaced by newer sites as part of Vancouver's 2010 Olympic hosting duties. Similarly,
Vancouver may literally and symbolically replace Calgary as Canada's Olympic "home."
By positioning COP as more than a relic, Hall of Fame managers can argue that they continue to serve the Canadian Olympic movement, preserving both the identity capital accumulated by CODA as well as the site's tourism position as the "home" of the
Canadian Winter Olympics. Proclaiming the deeds of CODA, in particular displays that suggest future development plans for COP without context or appraisal is also problematic. Not only is the development positioned as inevitable, there is no context 186 that explains why CODA wants to expand COP, why it is necessary, or how the development might address environmental considerations or noise pollution. Finally, the
sport simulators, inspirational quotes, and recruitment posters provide no context into the emotional, social, financial, and physical sacrifices of being an elite athlete. Moreover,
Hall of Fame narratives do not address why these athletes require profile and sports require recruitment.
Ultimately, the propaganda disseminated at the Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum revealed values underpinning the heritage narratives. Firstly, there is a
suggestion that the rich (and complicated) history of the 1988 Winter Olympics cannot
exist on its own merits. In other words, simply representing the stories and artefacts of
those Games is not enough to culturally or financially sustain the attraction, thus the
propagation of additional narratives is produced. Secondly, notions of success, and not
ideas of participation, are valued above all else. One of the major narratives, and areas of
propaganda, was that COP has bred and continues to breed world-class Olympic
champions, whereas the site's continuing role as a place for public recreation appears to
merit little attention in the museum spaces. Finally, the relationship between sport and
identity appears both uncomplicated and unproblematic. While there is little doubt of this
relationship, creating personal identities out of sport success may be far more complex
than portrayed at the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum.
Sport Heritage Attractions as Venues for Secular Pilgrimage 187
According to Lowenthal (1998), heritage is more a process of faith than a critical reflection on past events:
Heritage is not history at all; while it borrows from and enlivens historical
study, heritage is not an inquiry into the past but a celebration of it, not an
effort to know what actually happened but a profession of faith in a past
tailored to present-day purposes, (p. x)
Conceptualizing heritage as faith is particularly pertinent when considering the sites and artefacts of religious heritage. Locations such as cathedrals and objects like saintly relics are some of the raw materials that impart religious heritage. Pilgrimage journeys, where the devout travel to pay tribute at holy sites and relics, are some of the oldest forms of tourism (Olsen & Timothy, 2006; Timothy & Boyd, 2003). However, not all pilgrims and pilgrimage journeys are the same. Cohen (1992) argues that sites and journeys are constructed differently depending whether the visitor is more tourist than pilgrim, and vice-versa. Digance (2006) contends that both religious and secular pilgrimages contain
quests for meaning and a journey, although the act of faith (such as the length and
difficulty of the journey; placing a votive candle at the site) separates one from the other.
However, Digance notes that someone who "worships" capitalism, for example, may
have a similar experience at Wall Street as a devout Roman Catholic would have at the
Vatican. Ultimately, the journey and the experience is highly individualistic, and is often
conceptualized within a phenomenological construction of one's own heritage.
Several researchers have highlighted the relationship between sport heritage and
pilgrimage. Gammon's (2004) discussion of sport tourism and pilgrimage emphasizes
the connections between sport and religion in a tourism setting: 188
For sport, the connection with religion has much to do with the shared
functions associated with both cultural practices - chiefly, belonging and
meaning. The shrine-like qualities that a number of attractions display,
allow even the most casual spectator to pay their respects to the sporting
greats of the past and present. Yet the draw to these sites is not only based
upon an homage to "important" relics, it is also about gaining access to the
environments and privileged worlds of the famous - and by doing so,
achieving a deeper connection for both place and sport, (p.42)
Achieving stronger attachments to place and to the "gods" of sport, along with paying respect to the spaces and people of sport heritage, is one of the defining characteristics of this relationship. Both Redmond (1973) and Snyder (1991) liken sport museums to secular temples, a place where one pays respect to sporting gods and goddesses, while
Bale (1993) likens Goodison Park, home of Everton Football Club in Liverpool, to a cathedral and site of worship. Trumpbour (2006), in fact, positions stadiums as the "new cathedrals," the primary centres of worship, pilgrimage, and socialization in contemporary communities.
Positioning sport heritage sites as centres of pilgrimage and, ultimately, sites of worship raises several issues. Although Gammon (2004) characterizes sport pilgrimage sites as attracting a wide range of visitation, from the devout to the curious, one has to question whether these sites are truly accessible and inclusive. In other words, without a pre-requisite level of faith and knowledge, will the "merely curious" get anything out of these sites (and, perhaps most importantly for sport heritage managers, be "converted" as a follower). This type of phenomenological consumption of sport heritage sites as 189 centres of pilgrimage also raises concerns that dissonant narratives will not be considered. Such a view of heritage, favoured by Poria et al (2001, 2003), relies far too heavily on the perceptions of tourists, who may not consider other perspectives of heritage outside of their own experiences. The complex heritage of sport and athletes, not to mention sport heritage attractions as centres of worship and faith, cannot be properly contextualized if the outcomes of this heritage are left entirely to the individual.
Sport heritage attractions should, at some level, play a role in addressing their own political and social role rather than downloading this responsibility to the visitor. Finally, if an outcome of sport heritage attractions is to instil or confirm notions of faith, there is little space for critical appraisal or multi-vocal narratives. "Faith" suggests an unquestioning adherence and loyalty, which does not allow for assessment of who or what should be venerated and "worshipped," and why. Furthermore, displaying sport relics, such as jerseys, trophies, and equipment as self-explanatory artefacts of faith, without explanation, risks de-basing the important cultural and historical contexts of the artefacts while also becoming little more than displays of sport fetishism (Vamplew,
1998).
Case Study #2 - Twickenham Stadium Tours (London, England).
Twickenham Stadium tours solicit pilgrimage in several ways. Attracting pilgrims "home," be they fans of the national team, the sport, or on a return "home" to
England, is one of the key components of the stadium tour. Like many religious pilgrimages, the devout of Twickenham come from all over the world, often at great 190 expense, to view the sacred spaces and relics, and to pay homage to their sporting "gods".
John (pseudonym) refers to Twickenham Stadium as having a "Mecca-like" appeal:
Obviously different visitors have got different prerogatives. In terms of
the southern hemisphere visitors you referred to, it's not anecdotal, we've
seen people come straight from Heathrow Airport, they arrive here on a
two year tourist visa or on a holiday, and they come directly to the
stadium. It's got that, and I hate to say it because of the religious
connotations, the quasi-religious stuff is pretty embarrassing, its got that
Mecca-appeal in terms of "I have to go and look at this place", in the same
way that Lord's has, in the same way, to an extent, Wimbledon has. It's
got that universal appeal. It's a well-known name.
Linda (pseudonym) echoes the view that Twickenham is perceived as a place of pilgrimage for rugby faithful:
I think for overseas visitors you get the kind of Mecca, "We must go to
Twickenham." People from Australia, New Zealand, South Africa come
here. They've gone all over to Murray field, they've gone over to Ireland,
and they end up here.
There are also divisions between the devout and the curious, as the tour assumes a level of knowledge and faith in the visitor, although one of the chief aims of the tour is to maintain allegiances and, possibly, convert non-followers. John (pseudonym) outlines the broader objectives of the RFU:
Yeah, look, I mean the RFU's objective isn't just England and
Twickenham, it's the whole game and its development. You could even 191
say there's an intangible benefit if a French group come here and decide to
go home and support their local French club, because that builds revenue
for the game globally because there would be better standards of facilities
and amenities. So, it's a global game and it's being perceived as such.
Craig (pseudonym) contends that, although the tour is "mainly for rugby people.
Obviously being a specialist stadium, it's mainly rugby people," tour visitors are "all ages, sizes, ethnicity, you name it they all come in." Marketing of the tour is also evocative, and promises a kind of sacred experience for visitors to, essentially, walk on hallowed ground in the footsteps of rugby legends (Rugby Football Union, 2007).
Ultimately, Twickenham Stadium tours suggest that the visitor, as Gammon (2004) indicates, will have a deeper connection with the place and the sport.
However, Twickenham's role as a "new cathedral" raises a number of issues.
Seemingly, the "tenants of faith" at Twickenham are entirely consumptive. Rather than the site being a symbol of faith and devotion (which, in and of itself, may be problematic), tours exist as much to sell match tickets and souvenirs as to explicate the role and history of the stadium or offer a deeper connection with the place or the sport.
According to John (pseudonym):
(W)e only have about fifteen, sixteen, seventeen major event days a year,
and so the concept behind supporting the tours, not developing but
supporting them, is that people coming to the stadium are likely, very
likely, to buy things in the shop, spend money on catering, potentially
come back because they want to see a match here therefore spend more
money on match tickets. 192
The pilgrimage experience, then, is perhaps less sacred and more profane. Dissonant perspectives are also not raised, in large part because the tour is created as a phenomenological heritage experience. Rugby's heritage is complex, and Twickenham
Stadium has undoubtedly played a role in this heritage, although by positioning the stadium as a site of worship and devotion there is little room for other views, ranging from discussing uncompetitive national squads to explicating the stadium's role in historically propagating or maintaining class-based "amateurism." Furthermore, dissonant perspectives are unhelpful in meeting the commercial aims of the tour, as debasing the "scared soil" of Twickenham on a tour may dissuade patrons from purchasing match tickets or post-tour souvenirs. Finally, positioning the stadium as a place of pilgrimage provides few opportunities to question the role and purpose of the stadium itself, particularly its continuing redevelopment. For example, tour narratives go to great lengths to describe the relationship with the surrounding community, particularly how Twickenham Stadium is a "good neighbour" by providing match tickets for the community, free pre-and-post game transportation for fans in order to minimize disruptions, and free access to the stadium for local school sports days. Such narratives suggest that there are numerous issues with the stadium and that many people view it more as a nuisance than as a cathedral to be admired.
Sport Heritage Attractions as Venues for Cultural and Commercial Consumption 193
Graham et al (2000) contend that heritage is a commodity, multi-packaged and
multi-sold across many marketplaces. As a commodity, heritage can yield economic
proceeds, particularly through tourism, but also cultural returns in the (re) creation and
(re) articulation of place. Heritage, as discussed previously, can create distinctive notions
of place within a homogenous global environment (Morley & Robins, 1995) and can help
to define place for external consumption (Meethan, 1996). However, heritage can
simultaneously be reflected back on to itself, articulating notions of place that the
domestic audience wants to believe and consume. Lowenthal (1998) calls these "noble
lies," where shared notions of the past, which are frequently false or greatly exaggerated,
become cherished myths in the creation and maintenance of collective identities. Moore
(2002) further contends that these shared myths can be a type of "practical nostalgia,"
where romanticised notions of the past become the blueprint for an imagined future.
• Ultimately, the heritage becomes both a vehicle for external promotion and domestic
social cohesion, and is consumed at both levels.
Sport heritage attractions have commodified sport heritage as a cultural and
commercial product for both internal and external audiences. St. Andrew's golf course in
Scotland, for example, projects notions of place and Scottish identity to external
audiences, particularly "selling" the experience of playing at the true "home" of golf,
while also confirming these notions and identities to local consumers, the main clientele
for the course (Butler, 2004). Friedman's (2007) exploration of heritage baseball parks in
Baltimore and Boston point to projecting and reflecting particular heritage ideals in order
to encourage consumption, although he warns: 194
In these and other sites, heritage has mobilized to theme environments to
the extent that its physical and symbolic elements enhance and encourage
consumption with little, if any, consideration for the political and social
implications of these changes, (p. 116)
Friedman's concern is one of the major drawbacks of this outcome, namely that a pastiche of "oldey-timey" heritage aesthetics and narratives lack depth and mask many of the struggles and contradictions inherent in heritage discourses. Friedman and Silk
(2005) articulate another significant pitfall to this outcome, namely that the race to differentiate between places can lead to homogenized heritage images and spaces. They refer to this process, again citing the heritage baseball stadium trend in the United States, as "Camdenization," noting that the reproduction of a popular and seemingly successful heritage product - in this case, Oriole Park at Camden Yards baseball stadium in
Baltimore - is perpetually reproduced in other environments and contexts. This duel projection of place entrenches particular values, and has a tendency to be conservative both culturally and commercially. Springwood's (1996) examination of the Field of
Dreams movie set in Dyersville, Iowa demonstrates that this site entrenched particular
American notions of masculinity, family, and patriotism both as a cultural reflection of conservative values as well as a commercially consumable tourism experience.
Hobsbawm's (1983) notion of invented traditions is important in contextualizing
Dyersville, as traditions such as a "father and son game of catch" are used both as an entrenchment of gendered political values and a commodified experience (Mosher, 1991;
Springwood, 1996). 195
Case Study #3 - The Heritage Classic Ice Hockey Event (Edmonton, Alberta, Canada).
The Heritage Classic created opportunities for cultural and commercial consumption, aimed both at internal and external audiences. The nostalgic imagery employed at the event provided a provocative landscape for nostalgia, as it harkened back to a simpler, and seemingly more egalitarian, period of hockey's history. Alex
(pseudonym) described how some of his own nostalgia for the outdoor rinks of his youth fuelled the creation of the Heritage Classic landscape:
We had other guys like me who said, "Is there a way we could flood the
ice with those big barrels with the gunny sacks? Could we get it out there
and drag it around and they leave their micky in the back for once?" I
said, "Well, I don't think we could do that but what about scrapers? You
know when you're a kid and you go to the community rink and you skate
and you have to scrape, and everybody helps to scrape." So they said,
"Well, let's get some shovels in there and let the players do it." They
loved it. You can't do that for the NHL game. So there were all these
little magical moments.
No longer positioned as an elite, competitive sport played by overpaid athletes, the
Heritage Classic disseminated the classic image of outdoor hockey on a frozen, Canadian landscape. The struggles experienced by both the Edmonton Oilers during the 1990s and early 2000s, such as poor play and threats of relocation to the United States, were forgotten, and a form of "practical nostalgia," where the values of yesterday were epitomized by the players at the event, would guide the way to a new and better 196 tomorrow. Peter (pseudonym) described the type of "practical nostalgia" that drove the
Heritage Classic:
First of all, the Oilers had just been purchased by the new ownership
group at a time when cutting salaries and a lot of downsizing was going
on. The team and the organization, in my estimation, were struggling to
make a name for themselves and continue that heritage of Stanley Cups.
Although it had been the best team of hockey in the world, and many had
said one of the best sport organizations in the world in the 80s, it wasn't
that in 2000 when I got here. The other one was our 25th anniversary as an
organization was approaching. It was a milestone we wanted to celebrate
in some way. So these two trains were on the same track.
Alex (pseudonym) echoed Peter's comments, noting that fans needed some reason to
"believe" in the team and organization again:
So the fans had been beaten up (by years of poor play and loss of
identifiable players), people who weren't fans but knew the Oilers and
knew that their dad cheered for them, they'd been beaten up because they
thought a whole bunch of things. So, the reason was good for (the
Heritage Classic). It was a reason to go to church.
Of course, the event also provided a significant cash infusion for the hockey team, both through the event tickets and souvenirs, as well as a significant tourism boost for the city during a traditionally slow tourism period. Furthermore, the event showed the world the type of community Edmonton was, in terms of its values, community spirit, and ability to host and support major sporting events. 197
The issues raised by these outcomes of the Heritage Classic, however, are numerous. Rendering the event as a pastiche of "oldey-timey" hockey imagery created an indistinct time and place, and essentially replicated homogenized and cliche images of the outdoor rink. Although this may have resonated with local consumers, as well as appropriating and reflecting notions of hockey culture for a decidedly partisan audience, it appeared to have little impact outside of the local environment. While local media and consumers may have seen a distinct reflection of their hockey heritage, external audiences saw almost the same thing - in other words, a reflection of their own memories, nostalgia, and impressions of hockey heritage, and not necessarily
Edmonton's heritage. If this heritage was to be mobilized for both internal and external consumption, it appeared only to resonant inwardly. This is not to suggest that the event received little attention outside of the home audience, but rather that the outcome of this
attention did little to foster distinct notions of place. The heritage of the Heritage Classic was far too generalized and replicable (as witnessed by the recent spate of outdoor NHL
games) to say anything distinctive about Edmonton.
However, appropriating nostalgia-based heritage for this event also suggests
particular cultural values being mobilized through sport heritage attractions. The event
"set" - the area surrounding the rink and rink itself- employed a distinctly rural and
prairie setting, primarily by placing set pieces like bails of hay, old trucks, and chuck
wagons throughout the space. Alex (pseudonym) explained that creating a rural look and
feel was one of the early ideas about the event:
If we ever got an All Star Game in Edmonton, it would be good because
the All Star Game is in January so you'd see white and you'd feel the cold, 198
and you'd feel the roots of why hockey is so important to us here, because
it's dark at eight in the morning when you leave for work and its dark at
four when you go home again, and so that's why we go to hockey games
in big numbers because there's not much more to do in Calmar (Alberta)
on a Thursday night.
These set pieces not only position the sport's roots as reflecting rural, conservative values
(or, perhaps, using rural imagery to "cleanse" the sport of its urban ways), but also appropriating the sport's heritage as distinctly western Canadian or, more precisely,
Albertan. Beyond the political and cultural rivalries between the western Canadian prairie provinces and the central Canadian "power-centres" in Ontario and Quebec, there is an appropriating of the roots of hockey being mainly outdoors, and played by tough, hardy prairie "boys." This image was further reinforced (and commodified) when the
"oldtimer" players shovelled the rink during their game rather than letting the modern zamboni machine clear the rink of snow; juxtaposing the image of the contemporary player as soft, spoiled, and foreign in comparison with their forefathers. In this, as in other heritage constructions, the mobilization of heritage is not only used as a way of
"selling" a place to an external audience, but is also used to entrench and reflect certain values back onto its constructors. The event both confirmed what the core constituency viewed as its heritage while also disseminating a distinctly regional view of a national heritage. 199
Discussion
Heritage is created to address contemporary concerns and issues, and in its construction it articulates and entrenches particular outcomes and values. Some constructions address cultural outcomes, others address economic outcomes, although often both cultural and economic concerns are being addressed simultaneously. This is not to suggest that the cultural and economic outcomes of heritage are harmonious. As
Graham et al (2000) warn, there are frequently contradictions between the two aims and outcomes. In heritage tourism terms, this could be viewed as a battle between the
curators and the gift shop. The curatorial aims are more cultural, where the academic,
aesthetic, or educational aims and outcomes of an exhibition would be given primacy.
On the other hand, the gift shop perspective would be more focused on economic
concerns, viewing the ability to secure significant public admissions to an exhibition or
sell related and replicable exhibition souvenirs as most significant. This is not to suggest
that the cultural and commercial cannot work in concert, or that they are hopelessly in
conflict. The British Museum, long a bastion of traditional, academic museological
discourse, recently featured an exhibition on the Terracotta Warriors that attracted over
six million visitors to the museum, and is currently featuring an exhibition about Roman
emperor Hadrian which has also attracted significant visitation (Higgins, 2008). In this
case, both the curator and the gift shop would (at least on the surface) be satisfied.
However, more often than not, the cultural and economic ends of heritage are often
fraught with contradiction and conflict.
Although addressing both the cultural and economic ends of heritage appear to be
a significant issue at other heritage sites and attractions, the same cannot be said of sport 200 heritage attractions. In fact, there appear to be significant consistencies between the two aims. Why this is the case requires some consideration. Vamplew (1998), in his critique of sport museums, notes that the commodification of sport heritage does not provide room for critical approaches and that, ultimately, veracity is sacrificed for commercial viability. The role of sport heritage sites as tourist attractions cannot be ignored, particularly as the global consumption of sport heritage can mould and shape sport heritage narratives. Sport heritage does not necessarily just exist as an expression of identity, but rather is simultaneously commodified as tourism resource. In other words, while most heritage sites are not necessarily created and maintained because of tourism, sport heritage appears to primarily be a tourism resource. Sport heritage attractions appear to serve cultural and economic masters without contradiction, reflecting the cultural and economic aims of local populations while simultaneously disseminating the heritage to be globally consumed. The commercial and the cultural are geared to tourist consumption while also reflecting the aims and outcomes of local providers.
Sport heritage attractions also disseminate widely held, and largely unchallenged, tropes of sport and heritage. Narratives of victory, success, sacrifice, and triumph are all explicitly or implicitly disseminated at sport heritage attractions.
Similarly, widely-used heritage themes of legacy and stability inform the sport heritage discourses. As such, there is little space for - or acknowledgement of- of dissonant narratives. These themes appear to be seen as inherent, or inevitable, and reflect a notion that sport heritage is a "good thing." There is little acknowledgement that sport heritage might also have inherited "bad" heritage, such as legacies of racism, sexism, or homophobia. Rather, the commercial and cultural aims blend in a simultaneous 201
"collective amnesia" about the sporting past, where "bad" heritages are only acknowledged if they meet contemporary cultural or economic aims. In this, perhaps, sport heritage differs little from other forms of heritage, however, this still reflects a particular construction of heritage that is both, simultaneously, traditional and contemporary. Many other contemporary forms and manifestations of heritage readily and explicitly acknowledge their partisan aims, reflecting heritage as not only a conscious entrenchment of values but an agent of change. The proposed Canadian Museum for
Human Rights in Winnipeg is an example of a contemporary heritage site that places its politics front and centre (Canadian Museum for Human Rights, 2008). Rather, sport heritage attractions not only mask the politics of sport and the contentious history that created contemporary sport structures and agencies, but also view the outcomes of sport heritage as being universally affirmative and positive and, as a result, there is little discord between the cultural and economic outcomes of these sites.
In many respects, sport heritage attractions are representations of heritage in its most applied form, as a celebration and commodification (but not explication) of the past.
As such, both the commercial and cultural aims of sport heritage attractions need not be
at loggerheads as they are both, ultimately, addressing the same issues. In other words,
the curatorial and retail aims appear to be one and the same. This is not to suggest that
sport heritage managers do not wish to address contentious issues or challenge prevailing
discourses about sport. Rather, it is to suggest that the cultural and economic aspirations
of sport heritage attractions are so intertwined that it appears difficult to separate one
from the other. If the focus of sport heritage narratives were to shift in order to represent
more critical issues, perhaps then we would see some of the curatorial/commercial issues 202 found at other types of heritage attractions. There have been some recent exhibitions that challenge predominant sport heritage discourses, not the least of which was the Arena exhibit at the Art Gallery of Nova Scotia which critically addressed and challenged typical and traditional depictions of hockey in Canada (Art Gallery of Nova Scotia,
2008). However, as long as sport is naturalized as an unquestioned good and sport heritage narratives continue to be tied to the cultural and commercial aims of organizations, there appears to be little space or incentive for sport heritage attractions to be any more than what they currently are - sites for propaganda, worship, and consumption.
Conclusion
It is important to consider and contextualize sport heritage attractions beyond their constituent parts. Although this examination considered three types of sport heritage attractions individually, the construction and outcomes of sport heritage could be applied as easily to one type of attraction as another. The Heritage Classic, for example, is as much about legacy and crisis as Twickenham Stadium tours, while the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum could be considered a place of worship and consumption as well as a propaganda tool. The point is not to consider each of the attractions individually
(although each reveal individual constructs and outcomes), but rather to consider this area of research as a whole. Sport heritage attractions are not only potent tourist attractions in their own right, but also powerful creators and protectors of particular heritage values and outcomes. Understanding what these attractions create and reveal is important for both sport and heritage tourism research moving forward. 203
References
Adair, D. (2004). Where the Games Never Cease: The Olympic Museum in Lausanne,
Switzerland. In B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair (Eds.), Sport Tourism:
Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 46-76). Clevedon: Channel View
Publications.
Arnold, B. (1996). The Past as Propaganda: Totalitarian Archaeology in Nazi Germany.
In R. Preucel & I. Hodder (Eds.), Contemporary Archaeology in Theory (pp. 549-
569). Oxford: Blackwell.
Art Gallery of Nova Scotia (2008). Arena: The Art of Hockey. Retrieved September 30,
2008 from
http: //www. artgallery ofnovascotia. ca/en/home/exhibitions/pastexhibitions/arena/d
efault.aspx.
Ashworth, G.J. (2008). Paradigms and paradoxes in planning the past. In M. Smith & L
Onderwater (Eds.), Selling or Telling? Paradoxes in tourism, culture and heritage
(pp. 23-34). Arnhem: ATLAS.
Bairner, A. (2001). Sport, Nationalism, and Globalization. New York: State University of
New York Press.
Bale, J. (1993). Sport, Space and the City. London: Routledge
Bale, J. (1994). Landscapes of Modern Sport. Leicester: Leicester University Press.
Bale, J. (2003). Sports Geographies (2nd Ed.) London: Routledge.
Boniface, P. & Fowler, P.J. (1993). Heritage and Tourism in "the Global Village. "
London: Routledge.
Brett, D. (1996). The Construction of Heritage. Cork: Cork University Press 204
Butler, R. (2004). The Mecca of Golf: St Andrews, Scotland. In T. Hinch & J. Higham,
Sport Tourism Development. Clevedon: Channel View Publications.
Canadian Museum for Human Rights (2008). What is the museum? Retrieved September
30, 2008 from
http://www.canadianmuseumforhumanrights.com/index.cfm?pageID=23.
Cormier, R. (2003, November 25). A mountain of stuff left in the stands: Heritage event
pumped $25M into Edmonton's economy. The Edmonton Journal. Retrieved
November 25, 2003 from http://www.canada.com/edmonton/edmontonjournal.
Crotty, M. (1998). The Foundations of Social Research: Meaning and Perspective in the
Research Process. London: Sage.
Dinning, E. & Sheard, K. (2005). Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players: A Sociological
Study of the Development of Rugby Football (2nd ed.). London: Routledge.
Friedman, M. (2007). The Spectacle of the Past: Leveraging History in Fenway Park and
Camden Yards. In S. Gammon & G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and
Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures (pp. 103-122). London: Routledge.
Friedman, M.T., Andrews, D.L., & Silk, M.L. (2004). Sport and the Facade of
Redevelopment in the Postindustrial City. Sociology of Sport Journal, 21, 119-
139.
Friedman, M.T. & Silk, M.L. (2005). Expressing Fenway: managing and marketing
heritage within the global sports marketplace. International Journal of Sport
Management and Marketing, 7(1/2), 37-55. 205
Friends of Maple Leaf Gardens (2005). Designating the Gardens under the Ontario
Heritage Act. Retrieved June 30, 2005 from
http://www.friendsofmapleleafgardens.ca.
Friends of Tiger Stadium (2005). Introduction. Retrieved June 30, 2005 from
http://www.tigerstadium.org/.
Gammon, S. (2002). Fantasy, Nostalgia and the Pursuit of What Never Was. In Gammon,
S. & Kurtzman, J. (eds.) Sport Tourism: Principals and Practice (pp. 61-72).
Eastbourne: Leisure Studies Association.
Gammon, S. (2004). Secular Pilgrimage and Sport Tourism. In B.W. Ritchie & D. Adair
(Eds.), Sport Tourism: Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues (pp. 30-45).
Clevedon: Channel View Publications.
Gammon, S. (2007). Introduction: Sport, Heritage and the English. An Opportunity
Misssed? In S. Gammon & G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism:
Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures (pp. 1-8). London: Routledge.
Gammon, S. & Fear, V. (2007). Stadia Tours and the Power of Backstage. In S. Gammon
& G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist
Futures (pp. 23-32). London: Routledge.
Gawe, S. & Meli, F. (1990). The missing past in South African history. In P. Stone & R.
MacKenzie (Eds.), The Excluded Past (pp. 98-108). London: Taylor & Francis.
Gibson, H.J. (1998) Sport tourism: A critical analysis of research. Sport Management
Review, 7(1), 45-76.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2000). A Geography of Heritage: Power,
Culture & Economy. London: Arnold. 206
Hannam, K. (2002). Tourism and development I: globalization and power. Progress in
Development Studies, 2(3), 227-234.
Harrison, J.D. (2005). Ideas of museums in the 1990s. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage,
Museums and Galleries (pp. 38-53). London: Routledge.
Heritage Hockey Classic. (2003, June 3). Edmonton Oilers Toast Their 25th Anniversary
By Celebrating Hockey's Heritage. Retrieved November 25, 2003 from
http://www.heritagehockeyclassic.com.
Hewison, R. (1987). The Heritage Industry: Britain in a Climate of Decline. London:
Methuen.
Higgins, C. (2008, July 2). Hadrian exhibition: Historic year for British Museum as 6m
make it favourite UK cultural attraction. The Guardian. Retrieved September 30,
2008 from http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/2008/jul/02/design.heritage.
Hinch, T. & de la Barre, S. (2005). Culture, sport and tourism: the case of the Arctic
Winter Games. In J. Higham (Ed.), Sport Tourism Destinations: Issues,
Opportunities, and Analysis (pp. 260-273). Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth-
Heinemann.
Hinch, T. & Higham, J. (2004). Sport Tourism Development. Clevedon: Channel View
Publications.
Hobsbawm, E. (1983). Introduction: Inventing Traditions. In E. Hobsbawm & T. Ranger
(Eds.), The Invention of Tradition -(pp. 1-14). Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Howard, P. (2003). Heritage: Management, Interpretation, Identity. London: Continuum. 207
Jameson, F. (1998). Preface. In F. Jameson & M. Miyoshi (Eds.), The Cultures of
Globalization (pp. xi - xvii). Durham: Duke University Press.
Jarvie, G. (2006). Sport, Culture and Society: An Introduction. London: Routledge.
Kidd, B. (1996) The Making of a Hockey Artifact: A Review of the Hockey Hall of
Fame. Journal of Sport History, 25(3), 328-334.
Lowenthal, D. (1998). The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Mason, D.S., Duquette, G.H., & Scherer, J. (2007). Heritage, Sport Tourism and
Canadian Junior Hockey: Nostalgia for Social Experience or Sport Place? In S.
Gammon & G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts -
Tourist Futures (pp. 52-74). London: Routledge.
Mason, R. (2005). Museums, galleries and heritage: Sites of meaning-making and
communication. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 200-
214). London: Routledge.
Meethan, K. (1996). Consuming (in) the Civilized City. Annals of Tourism Research,
23(2). 322-340.
Miller, T., Lawrence, G., McKay, J. & Rowe, D. (2001). Globalization and Sport.
London: Sage.
Moore, P. (2002). Practical Nostalgia and the Critique of Commodification: On the
'Death of Hockey' and the National Hockey League. The Australian Journal of
Anthropology, 13(3), 309 - 322.
Morley, D. & Robins, K. (1995). Spaces of Identity: Global Media, Electronic
Landscapes and Cultural Boundaries. London: Routledge. 208
Mosher, S.D. (1991). Fielding our Dreams: Rounding Third in Dyersville. Sociology of
Sport Journal, 5(3), 272-280.
Negro Leagues Baseball Museum (2005). Visit NLBM. Retrieved November 3, 2005
from http://www.nlbm.eom/s/visit.htm.
New York Yankees (2008). Yankee Stadium Tours. Retrieved September 4, 2008 from
http ://newy ork.y ankees. mlb. com/nyy/ballpark/stadium_tour s .j sp.
Olsen, D.H. & Timothy, D.J. (2006). Tourism and religious journeys. In D.J. Timothy &
D.H. Olsen (Eds.), Tourism, Religion and SpiritualJourneys (pp. 1-22). London:
Routledge.
Poria, Y, Butler, R. & Airey, D. (2001). Clarifying Heritage Tourism. Annals of Tourism
Research, 28(4), 1047 - 1049.
Poria, Y, Butler, R. & Airey, D. (2003). The Core of Heritage Tourism. Annals of
Tourism Research, 30(1), 238 - 254.
Prentice, R. (2005). Heritage: A key sector in the "new" tourism. In G. Corsane (Ed.),
Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 243-256). London: Routledge.
Ramshaw, G. (2006), Heritage Sport Tourism: Development and Perspectives. In P.,
Bouchet & C. Pigeassou (Eds.), Sport Management: Issues and Perspectives (pp.
409-420). Montpellier: AFRAPS.
Redmond, G. (1973). A Plethora of Shrines: Sport in the Museum and Hall of Fame.
Quest, 19, 41-48.
Reiser, D. (2003). Globalisation: An old phenomenon that needs to be rediscovered for
tourism? Tourism and Hospitality Research, 4(4), 306-320. 209
Richards, H. (2006). A Game for Hooligans: A History of Rugby Union. Edinburgh:
Mainstream Publishing.
Rugby Football Union. (2007). Love Rugby! Discover a Whole World of Rugby at
Twickenham [Brochure]. Twickenham: RFU.
Smith, J. (2006). The Little Book of English Rugby. United Kingdom: Green Umbrella
Publishing.
Smith, L. (2006). Uses of Heritage. London: Routledge.
Snyder, E. (1991). Sociology of Nostalgia: Sport Halls of Fame and Museums in
America. Sociology of Sport Journal, 8, 228-238.
Springwood, C.F. (1996). Cooperstown to Dyersville: A Geography of Baseball
Nostalgia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Toner, E. (2008, September 11). Efforts to Get Black Kids Back to Baseball. WUWM
News: Milwaukee Public Radio. Retrieved September 23, 2008 from
http://www.wuwm.com/programs/news/view_news.php?articleid=3582.
Titchen S. (1995). On the construction of outstanding universal value: UNESCO's World
Heritage Convention and the identification and assessment of cultural places for
inclusion on the World Heritage List. Unpublished doctoral thesis. Canberra:
Australian National University.
Trumpbour, R.C. (2006). The New Cathedrals: Politics and Media in the History of
Stadium Construction. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.
Tyne & Wear Museums (2008). Welcome to Segedunum Roman Fort, Baths & Museum.
Retrieved June 18, 2008 from http://www.twmuseums.org.uk/segedunum/.
Urry, J. (2002). The Tourist Gaze (2nd ed.). London: Sage. Vamplew, W. (1998). Facts and Artefacts: Sport Historians and Sport Museums. Journal
of Sport History, 25(2), 268-282. 211
Chapter 6: CONCULSION AND FUTURE RESEARCH AGENDA
Sport can be heritage because we want it to be heritage. In fact, most anything can be heritage, because heritage is not an object but the values we instil in relics, rituals and traditions (Ashworth, 2008; Smith, 2006). Because of this, heritage is never in short supply; if we need heritage, we simply create more. This is not to suggest that all heritage is alike, for some heritage will obviously have different aims and outcomes than other heritage. Rather, it is to say that heritage can come from most any source, and can be built from most any fabric. It need not come from ancient artefacts, and it need not be rare or esoteric. It can be recent and popular, it can come from individuals and from nations, and it can simultaneously be treasured or despised. Heritage can originate from anywhere, including from the objects, rituals, traditions, and sites of sport. This dissertation has demonstrated that sport heritage is not the jersey in the museum or the
grass on the pitch, but the meanings and values that are instilled in these objects. As
such, sport heritage attractions reflect the needs, desires and outcomes of the present for the requirements of an imagined future.
Exploring the construction of sport heritage as a tourist attraction was the purpose
of this dissertation research. This exploration resulted in four papers: three case studies
and a fourth integrative paper, the conclusions of which will be reviewed in this chapter.
The implications of this dissertation research, at both the applied and theoretical levels,
will also be discussed. Finally, several outstanding questions and topics in the study of
sport heritage attractions will be considered, particularly with regards to a future research
agenda moving forward. 212
Research Findings
This dissertation was comprised of four research papers. Three papers addressed the construction of specific types of sport heritage attractions: a sports hall of fame and museum (The Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum), tours of a sports stadium
(Twickenham Stadium Tours), and a heritage-based sporting event (The Heritage
Classic). A fourth paper integrated these studies and considered the construction of sport heritage attractions and the outcomes of these constructions.
Heritage is a living construct and, in recent decades, has become more "alive" with the incorporation of interactive exhibits at sites and museums. Sport museums, such as the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, incorporate hands-on exhibits for numerous practical and pragmatic reasons. These reasons include as a commercial product to be consumed and as a vehicle to develop the next generation of athlete, both to compete in world class competitions like the Olympic Games and as "artefacts" to be placed on
display as part of the museum experience. By creating a kind of "athlete zoo" and
"sports shopping mall," the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum aims to meet its
economic, educational, and political obligations, while also encouraging and inspiring a
"new collection" of athletes to try winter Olympic sports. In doing so, sites like the
Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum become a hybrid of different approaches to
museology, where passive spectacle and active participation are blended in the same
museum setting. In addition, important questions are raised about the role of the past in
contemporary heritage settings, where notions of "legacy" overshadow narratives about
"history." 213
Twickenham Stadium tours demonstrated that constructions of home are powerful from both heritage and tourism perspectives, as "home" suggests a certain type of heritage precedence while also providing a competitive tourism advantage over rival locations. Narratives at sport tourism sites such as Twickenham often disseminate notions of home, to create and solidify particular heritage claims as well as to enhance the tourism potential of a location. At Twickenham, it was found that the stadium was represented as "home" during tours in three different ways: as the literal home of the
English National Rugby team; as the spiritual home of the sport of rugby; and as the home of particular notions of English identity. These representations were created as a means of claiming cultural propriety, particularly with regards to the sport and its heritage, as well as in recognition of the venue's role as an international tourism destination. However, the employment of home narratives, which espouse notions of stability and continuity, also masked wider heritage and tourism anxieties - especially competition from rival sites.
There is little doubt that sport and heritage are important factors in the
construction of place identity. This is particularly evident in the case of heritage based
sport events that have been consciously developed in an attempt to influence a
destination's image. In the case of the Heritage Classic, findings showed that local,
national, and international media all bought into heritage themes espoused by the event
planners. Local media saw the game as epitomizing the "good old days" of prairie
hockey. The national press was more critical and tended to either expropriate the event as
a national one or to dismiss the event as being peripheral. Internationally, the event was
seen as uniquely Canadian and compared it to a Norman Rockwell painting in terms of its 214 nostalgic effect. Interestingly, while the event was often seen as reflecting the authentic roots of the sport, it was presented and interpreted in a way that was neither place nor time specific and, as such, was minimal in creating a positive or distinct place identity for the destination.
Finally, sport heritage attractions incorporate several different constructions and
several different outcomes result from these constructions. The relationship with space and time, focusing particularly on the idea of legacy, is an important construction at sport heritage attractions. Sport heritage appears to lose its power and potency, and becomes
somewhat irrelevant, unless placed within a framework that emphasizes continuity. Sport
heritage attractions also employ a distinct human dimension, whereby athletes (either past
or contemporary) form a key component of the collection at the attraction. In this, sport
heritage attractions possess a particular type of authenticity not often seen at other
heritage sites. Sport heritage attractions are often hybrids between traditional and
contemporary approaches to heritage. On the one hand, sport heritage attractions
presuppose a level of cultural capital in visitors and are constructed assuming that patrons
will simply "gaze in awe" at particular relics and spaces, while on the other hand, they
are interactive, partisan, popular, and blended with other services and retail spaces. Sport
heritage attractions are also contextually constructed based, in large part, on notions of
decline. This is not to suggest that other forms of heritage are not created out of decline
or crisis, as much of what is celebrated and enshrined as heritage comes out of an
inability to deal with crisis and change (Hewison, 1987), but rather that notions of decline
or crisis are central in the creation and contexts of sport heritage attractions. That many,
if not most, sport heritage venues are created for tourism is also a unique heritage 215 construct, as most heritage is not created specifically for tourism (Graham et al, 2000;
Howard, 2003). At each of the attractions studied, narratives were often moulded to cater to actual or potential tourist visitation. Lastly, sport heritage attractions are shaped by globalization. This is due in large part because of their tourism role, but also because sport and heritage are globally disseminated and consumed.
There were several outcomes resulting from these sport heritage constructions.
Firstly, sport heritage attractions are used to propagate and disseminate particular organizational aims and goals. This outcome was observed at the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, where the Calgary Olympic Development Association (CODA) employed the museum to promote Canada Olympic Park's (COP) post-Olympic role as an athlete training centre in addition to using the museum as a tool to recruit the next generation of
Olympic athletes. Secondly, sport heritage attractions are used as sites of pilgrimage and worship. This outcome was observed during Twickenham Stadium tours, where guides created narratives about the stadium that geared to the rugby "faithful," in large part to sell post-tour services and souvenirs. Finally, sport heritage attractions are used to solicit cultural and commercial consumption. This outcome was observed at the Heritage
Classic ice hockey event, where hockey heritage was globally distributed through media channels and reflected back to locals as a consumable cultural product. Ultimately, this paper demonstrates that sport heritage attractions reflect Graham et al's (2000) thesis that heritage is a duality that generates cultural and economic capital, although cultural and economic aims and outcomes of sport heritage attractions are not necessarily at odds and, in fact, frequently complement one another. 216
Research Implications
Several implications, both applied and theoretical, result from the construction of sport heritage attractions. From a cultural perspective, sport heritage can be used to meet particular organizational mandates, such as exposing visitors to particular sports or traditions, explaining an organization's aims and existence, maintaining fan loyalty, and demonstrating the importance of the organization to a sport or community, as well as establishing a level of cultural cache for the host community or venue. From the economic side, sport heritage attractions can lure visitors year-round and are not subject to the seasonal schedules of sport franchises, leagues, or competitions, while also exposing visitors to a variety of products and services, such as jerseys, game tickets, and catering and rental opportunities, or in the case of sport heritage events, can provide another revenue stream for an organization through event tickets and souvenirs.
From a theoretical perspective, sport heritage has traditionally been lumped with nostalgia (Gibson, 1998) which is a potent lens from which to view the past, particularly in sport. However, nostalgia does not possess the breadth, depth, or perspective of heritage, particularly in dealing with the more unpleasant legacies of sport such as violence, racism, and sexism. Labelling sport with a broad nostalgia brush makes it easy to dismiss as mere fluff and makes addressing the broader implications of sport heritage challenging. Placing sport within a heritage context allows space for multiple interpretations of sport heritage, and not just the nostalgic or positive legacies of sport.
Furthermore, contextualizing sport heritage attractions within a heritage milieu provides room for sport heritage to be critically addressed. Part of Graham et al 's (2005) duality thesis recognizes that heritage exists within Bourdieuian dichotomies of taste, where what 217 is deemed "high" and "low" heritage can represent one of the most widespread areas of contestation and dissonance. It is interesting that sport has not been more widely considered part of the heritage milieu, perhaps because it has been considered "low" heritage, although the cases studied in this dissertation revealed that sport heritage has wider implications beyond their popular facades. Addressing sport heritage attractions as an integrated area of research may provide critical space for sport heritage to develop beyond its nostalgic roots. Finally, some of the constructions of sport heritage attractions reveal a case for exceptionalism. While areas such as crisis, legacy, globalization, and tourism are not unique to sport or heritage tourism, their application at sport heritage attractions does suggest some unique facets to the creation and consumption of sport heritage.
Future Research Agenda
The examination of sport heritage attractions is a rather under-researched area of inquiry and, as such, many areas of exploration and unanswered questions remain. Four future research areas and perspectives are suggested24. Firstly, some attention should be given to critical approaches to sport heritage narratives, particularly at tourist venues.
Vamplew (1998), in his critique of sport museums, notes that the commodification of
sport heritage does not provide room for critical approaches and that, ultimately, veracity is sacrificed for commercial viability. It is debateable whether heritage has anything to do with accuracy and authenticity (Lowenthal, 1998), but such concerns cannot be
24 These areas are further discussed in the following chapter: Ramshaw, G. (2007). "The Future of Sport Heritage" In S. Gammon & G. Ramshaw (Eds.), Heritage, Sport and Tourism: Sporting Pasts - Tourist Futures (pp. 141-148). London: Routledge. 218 dismissed out of hand, as heritage hardly has a license to knowingly mislead or lie
(Howard, 2003). At the outset, and in addressing Vamplew's concerns, sacrificing veracity, contexts, and authenticity is hardly the province of sport heritage alone, for all heritage is moulded, re-made, and re-contextualized for our own present needs and circumstances including, in many cases, to become more commercially appealing. This is as true for Roman heritage and Aboriginal heritage as it is for sport heritage. Courting controversy, or at least raising contentious subjects, also need not be bad for business.
The National Baseball Hall of Fame openly addresses its segregated past (National
Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, 2008) and it remains a widely visited and admired museum. Although acknowledging and institutionalizing an issue like racism in a museum can place such issues as strictly a concern of the past (Springwood, 1996), it nevertheless demonstrates that it is possible to raise issues within the commercial and organizational contexts. Ultimately, if we consider that heritage is a product of the present, it seems only logical that contemporary sporting issues, such as racism and sexism, would be part of sport heritage narratives.
Secondly, we should look to sport heritage as being part of the wider cultural milieu of a destination. Jarvie (2006) contends that sport can be culture, noting that sport is integral in forming some of the values, ceremonies and ways of life of certain nationalities, citing the "place of sport within Irish or Kenyan culture; (or) the meaning of the Tour de France to the French or Sumo wrestling to the Japanese" as examples of sport and culture. MacGregor (2006) further asserts "it is impossible to know a people until you know the game they play. To understand America, you need to know football. To understand Brazil, soccer" (p. ix). The sport heritage attractions analysed in this study 219 are examples of formalized tourist venues, and are traditional representations of heritage tourism locations. Sporting events that have not necessarily been branded as "heritage" can be an important component of a tourist itinerary, while also revealing perhaps a more authentic cultural experience than a visit to a formalized sport heritage attraction.
Attending a baseball game in the United States, a cricket match in England, or a hockey game in Canada could be considered sport heritage and, as Weed and Bull (2004) and
Standeven and DeKnop (1999) contend, can be a significant tourism experience.
Thirdly, non-codified and non-western sport can also be the basis for sport heritage. All of the sport heritage attractions analysed in this study involve highly codified and regulated western-based sports, although the Heritage Classic event did celebrate the idea of non-codified, egalitarian outdoor hockey. The Inuit and Dene
Games, folk football in Orkney, Scotland and Florence, Italy, and the "Running of the
Bulls" in Pamplona, Spain are examples of non-codified sport heritage demonstrations that exist for both cultural or economic purposes. Non-western sports should also be considered, particularly when they are used as a key component in attracting tourism.
Furthermore, the place of mass recreation in sport heritage displays should be considered, as most sport heritage attractions (including those in this dissertation research) focus on elite competition and athletes.
Finally, the motivations and interpretations of tourist visiting sport heritage attractions should be considered. Mason's (2005) contention that the construction of sites should be viewed as a dialogue between the visitor and the curatorial objectives of the site is an integral next step when considering the construction of sport heritage.
Furthermore, though Robinson and Gammon (2004) have questioned a motivational 220 approach to sport tourism research, there needs to be some understanding as to why tourists choose to visit sport heritage sites and attractions while on holiday. This would also help address the role of nostalgia in the construction of sport heritage attractions.
Beyond some of the applied rationales for additional exploration of sport heritage, we must also look further and deeper into why particular narratives are adopted at sport heritage sites, who they benefit and ignore, and what they mean on a larger scale. This ultimately comes back to Graham et al's (2000) assertion that heritage is a zero-sum game, as dissonance is the key characteristic of heritage construction. Looking at the case studies, there are numerous other avenues to explore some of the larger issues that sport heritage narratives champion and ignore. At the Olympic Hall of Fame and
Museum, there appear to be particular values embedded in the heritage narratives, particularly around notions of athletic prowess and success, regional and national identities, and personal responsibilities vis-a-vis health and fitness. These values not only demonstrate the larger issues of heritage, notably the enshrining of consumable and
"uplifting" narratives at the expense of critical appraisal and reflection, but also raise questions about the public roles and responsibilities of museums, particularly sports museums, in the twenty-first century. Notions of home espoused on tours of
Twickenham Stadium raise questions about what "home" means in a post-colonial contemporary England. Who and what are included in these constructions of home, why these notions of home are explicitly practiced and disseminated through sport, and who and what is ignored or marginalized through these constructions, are just some of the questions that have yet to be tackled. The Heritage Classic employed sport heritage to disseminate particular constructs of place. However, why heritage was employed as a 221 key marker for this event, why the organizers felt it was important to "broadcast" particular heritage markers and narratives, which heritage narratives were advocated and ignored (and to what end) remain unanswered.
As public funding for culture becomes more closely scrutinized, there is a risk of sport heritage being mobilized as a kind-of "Trojan Horse" to broadcast uplifting narratives that require patrons to "cheer and not question." While such a scenario may lead to greater public dissemination of sport heritage, it may further conceal the critical and dissonant legacies that have been inherited from sport. Indeed, as I reflect on my own sport heritage pilgrimage to the left field bleachers at Yankee Stadium last May, I think of how that venue had been used to mobilize national unity after September 11, and how such symbols of American national heritage have been politically used (and, perhaps, abused) in the ensuing seven years. Ultimately, unpacking some of these meta- heritage issues and revealing Ashworth's (2008) and Smith's (2006) assertions that heritage is a process that regulates values and understandings, is the largest task moving forward. By first understanding the ways in which sport heritage is constructed, which is what this research has attempted to demonstrate, we can begin to confront some of these larger issues and challenges. 222
References
Ashworth, G.J. (2008). Paradigms and paradoxes in planning the past. In M. Smith & L.
Onderwater (Eds.), Selling or Telling? Paradoxes in tourism, culture and heritage
(pp. 23-34). Arnhem: ATLAS.
Gibson, H.J. (1998) Sport tourism: A critical analysis of research. Sport Management
Review, 7(1), 45-76.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2000). A Geography of Heritage: Power,
Culture & Economy. London: Arnold.
Graham, B., Ashworth, G.J., & Tunbridge, J.E. (2005). The uses and abuses of heritage.
In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 26-37). London:
Routledge.
Hewison, R. (1987). The Heritage Industry: Britain in a Climate of Decline. London:
Methuen.
Howard, P. (2003). Heritage: Management, Interpretation, Identity. London: Continuum.
Jarvie, G. (2006). Sport, Culture and Society: An Introduction. London: Routledge.
Lowenthal, D. (1998). The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
MacGregor, R. (2006). Forward. In D. Whitson & R. Gruneau (Eds.), Artificial Ice:
Hockey, Culture and Commerce (pp. vii-x). Peterborough: Broadview Press.
Mason, R. (2005). Museums, galleries and heritage: Sites of meaning-making and
communication. In G. Corsane (Ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries (pp. 200-
214). London: Routledge. 223
National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum (2008). Museum Overview. Retrieved
August 16, 2008 from http://web.baseballhalloffame.org/museum/museum.jsp.
Robinson, T. & Gammon, S. (2004). A question of primary and secondary motives:
revisiting and applying the sport tourism framework. Journal of Sport Tourism,
9(3), 221-223.
Smith, L. (2006). Uses of Heritage. London: Routledge.
Springwood, C.F. (1996). Cooperstown to Dyersville: A Geography of Baseball
Nostalgia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Standeven, J. & DeKnop, P. (1999). Sport Tourism. Windsor: Human Kinetics.
Vamplew, W. (1998). Facts and Artefacts: Sport Historians and Sport Museums. Journal
of Sport History, 25(2), 268-282.
Weed, M. & Bull, C. (2004). Sports Tourism: Participants, Policy and Providers.
London: Butterworth Heinemann. 224
Appendix A: Preliminary Contact Letter, Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum
Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum Canada Olympic Park 88 Canada Olympic Park Road Calgary, AB T3B 5R5
Dear Potential Participant:
My name is Greg Ramshaw and I am a doctoral student in the Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation at the University of Alberta. My doctoral research project involves heritage sport tourism attractions, specifically the way sport heritage narratives are constructed. This project will examine three types of sport heritage attractions, including halls of fame and sports museums. I believe that that the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum can be the case study for this section of my research project.
Three types of data collection will be required for this study. The first is one-on-one interviews with personnel involved in museum operations, including the museum manager, and a selection of marketing personnel, guides and interpreters, education officers, COP managers, and representatives of CODA. The interviews will be casual and should last approximately thirty minutes. The second form of data will observations in the museum, including (if possible) tours and other forms of live interpretation. Finally, access to selected museum documents, including research reports and planning documents, would be greatly appreciated.
I anticipate that data collection for the study should last approximately two weeks. The only costs for your organization shall be the interviewees' time. Dr. Tom Hinch, my doctoral research supervisor at the University of Alberta, shall be the only other person with access to the data.
I will contact you in July as to your interest in participating in this study. In the meantime, should you wish to discuss the project in greater detail, please feel free to contact me by e-mail at gregory .ramshaw @.ualberta.ca or by telephone at (780) 492-5561. Alternately, you may wish to contact my doctoral supervisor Dr. Tom Hinch by e-mail at [email protected] or by telephone at (780) 492- 3615.
Thank you for your time and consideration, and I look forward to your reply.
Kindest Regards,
Greg Ramshaw 225
Appendix B: Interview Guide, Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum
1. How was the Hall of Fame (HoF) founded? What were the main reasons the HoF was built?
2. What are the aims of the HoF? Have these aims remained constant?
3. What role does the museum play in larger organizational strategies?
4. Describe the role of the Canadian Olympic Committee (COC)/International Olympic Committee (IOC)/Canadian Olympic Development Agency (CODA) in the HoF.
5. How is the museum linked with the rest of Canada Olympic Park (COP)?
6. Describe the funding/partnerships of the HoF. Is the HoF cost recovery/profitable?
7. Describe the aims of the current exhibits. How have the themes changed during the HoF's history?
8. Who is involved in creating exhibitions? How are topics chosen?
9. Are contentious or controversial issues addressed in the HoF? Have any topics/issues been emphasised/de-emphasised in the exhibits?
10. Who visits the HoF? What are your perceptions of why they visit?
11. What is the tourism role of the HoF? How does the HoF fit in the tourism aims of COP?
12. Are any exhibits tailored for tourist audiences?
13. What future exhibits/developments are planned for the HoF? Are these exhibits/developments planned with tourism in mind?
14. What is the role of the HoF vis-a-vis the 2010 Vancouver games?
15. Would you be available for follow-up questions/clarifications? 226
Appendix C - Participant Information Letter, Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum Title of Project: Heritage Representations at Sports Halls of Fame and Museums: Constructing Calgary's Olympic Past at the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum Investigator: Greg Ramshaw Affiliation: Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: 780-492-5561 E-mail: [email protected]
Supervisor: Dr. Tom Hinch Affiliation: Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: 780-492-3615 E-mail: [email protected]
Study Purpose: The purpose of this study is to learn more about how sport heritage, in this case Canadian Olympic heritage, is created through halls of fame and museums, and to understand the role tourism has in this process.
Background: To date, there has been little research about sport heritage attractions, especially in terms of how they create and interpret the sporting past. This study specifically examines the creation of sport heritage through the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum and how the process of creating the sporting past is influenced by tourism.
Procedures: Study participants will participate in an interview regarding the purpose, background, and operation of the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum. The interviews will be casual and should last approximately thirty minutes. Interviews will be recorded using an audio digital recording device.
Study Benefits: Along with the benefits of reflecting on the functions of the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum, this study will help researchers and practitioners better understand the creation of sport heritage for tourism audiences. In addition, study results will be shared with your organization and all interviewees.
Study Risks: Given the use of interviews to collect information in this study, the risks associated with participation revolve around the disclosure of personal or sensitive information. This may make some participants uncomfortable. Participants are free to stop the digital audio recorders, refuse to answer a question, or withdraw from the study without consequence.
Confidentiality: Due to the small number of people involved in hall of fame activities, anonymity and confidentiality cannot be guaranteed. However, appropriate measures will be taken to protect the privacy of participants and the confidentiality of the data. Names, identities and direct quotes will not be used without the prior consent of the interviewee. Personal information will be coded and stored in a locked office, to which 227
only the investigators have access. Normally, information is retained for a period of five years after publication, after which it will be destroyed.
Withdrawing: If you decline to continue or withdraw from the study, your information will be removed from the study upon your request. You may do so by telephone, fax, e- mail, or post.
Study Findings: This research will be used for educational and publication purposes. If you would like to learn more about the study's overall findings, please contact the Primary Investigator, Greg Ramshaw, at the contact information above.
Additional Contacts: If you would like to speak with someone who is not involved in this study, you may contact Dr. Marcel Bouffard, Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation Ethics Committee, University of Alberta, Canada at 780-492-5910 or marcel .bouffard@ualberta. ca. 228
Appendix D: Informed Consent Form, Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum
Part 1 (to be completed by the Principal Investigator) Title of Project: Heritage Representations at Sports Halls of Fame and Museums: Constructing Calgary's Olympic Past at the Olympic Hall of Fame and Museum Principal Investigator: Greg Ramshaw Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: 780-492-5561 E-mail: [email protected] Supervisor: Tom Hinch Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: 780-492-3615 E-mail: [email protected] Part 2 (to be completed by the research participant) Do you understand that you have been asked to be in a research study? Yes No
Have you read and received a copy of the attached Information Sheet Yes No
Do you understand the benefits and risks involved in taking part in this Yes No research study?
Have you had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study? Yes No
Has the issue of confidentiality been explained to you? Do you understand Yes No who will have access to your information? This study was explained to me by:
I agree to take part in this study:
Signature of Research Participant Date Witness
Printed Name Printed Name
I believe that the person signing this form understands what is involved in the study and voluntarily agrees to participate.
Signature of Investigator or Designee Date THE INFORMATION SHEET MUST BE ATTACHED TO THIS CONSENT FORM AND A COPY OF BOTH FORMS GIVEN TO THE PARTICIPANT 229
Appendix E: Preliminary Contact Letter, Twickenham Stadium
Twickenham Stadium Tours Rugby Road Twickenham Middlesex TW1 1DZ United Kingdom
Dear Potential Participant:
My name is Greg Ramshaw and I am a doctoral student in the Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Canada. My doctoral research project involves heritage sport tourism attractions, specifically the way sport heritage narratives are constructed. This project will examine three types of sport heritage attractions, one of which is tours at a famous and/or historic stadium. I believe that the tours of Twickenham Stadium would be an excellent case study for this section of my research project.
Three types of data collection will be required for this study. The first is one-on-one interviews with personnel interested in tour operations, including a selection of tour directors, tour guides, marketing personnel, museum curators, and other representatives from the Rugby Football Union. The interviews will be casual and should last approximately thirty minutes. The second form of data will require observation of up to eight regularly scheduled tours of the stadium. I will be observing the work of the tour guides only; data related to tour patrons shall not be recorded. Finally, access to relevant tour documents, such as tour marketing material and tour scripts, would be greatly appreciated.
I anticipate that data collection for the study should last approximately two weeks. The only costs for your organization shall be the interviewees' time. Dr. Tom Hinch, my doctoral research supervisor at the University of Alberta, and Dr. Sean Gammon, my co-investigator from the University of Bedfordshire, shall be the only other people with access to the data.
I will contact you in July as to your interest in participating in this study. In the meantime, should you wish to discuss the project in greater detail, please feel free to contact me by e-mail at SS^QilMOMiaM^H^ejQaLra or by telephone at +1 (780) 492-5561. Alternately, you may wish to contact my doctoral supervisor Dr. Tom Hinch by e-mail at [email protected] or by telephone at +1 (780) 492-3615, or my co-investigator Dr. Sean Gammon by e-mail at ^jui^tGjyryiiojn^bedS-ac.uk or by telephone at 01582 743122.
Thank you for your time and consideration.
Kindest Regards,
Greg Ramshaw 230
Appendix F: Interview Guide, Twickenham Stadium
When did tours of Twickenham begin? What were the reasons for offering tours?
What role in stadium operations do tours fulfill? In other words, why offer stadium tours?
What are the goals and objectives of the tour? Have these changed over time?
What role do tours play in larger organizational strategies?
What is the stadium director's role in tour operations (e.g., content, marketing, development)?
Are contentious or controversial issues addressed on stadium tours?
Describe the tourism role of Twickenham stadium. How does the stadium fit in the tourism development initiatives for the region? Who are your main tourism audiences? Which markets do you hope to attract?
Describe the funding/partnerships vis-a-vis the tour? Is the tour cost- recovery/profitable?
What is your perception of why people visit Twickenham?
What role does tourism play in Twickenham's future? How do stadium tours fit in these future developments?
Would you be available for follow-up questions/clarifications? 231
Appendix G: Participant Information Letter, Twickenham Stadium
Title of Project: Sport, Heritage and Mythology: Twickenham Tours and the Construction of Rugby's Past Investigator: Greg Ramshaw Affiliation: Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: +1 780-492-5561 E-mail: [email protected]
Supervisor: Dr. Tom Hinch Affiliation: Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: +1780-492-3615 E-mail: [email protected]
Co-invesitagor: Sean Gammon Affiliation: School of Tourism, Leisure and Sport Management, University of Bedfordshire, Luton Campus (Vicarage Street), Luton, United Kingdom, LU1 3JU Telephone: +44 (0) 1582 743122 E-mail: [email protected]
Study Purpose: The purpose of this study is to learn more about how sport heritage, in this case rugby heritage, is created through stadium tours, and to understand the role tourism has in this process.
Background: To date, there has been little research about sport heritage attractions, especially in terms of how they create and interpret the sporting past. This study specifically examines the creation of rugby heritage through tours of Twickenham Stadium and how this process is influenced by tourism.
Procedures: Study participants will participate in an interview regarding the purpose, background, and operation of Twickenham tours. The interviews will be casual and should last approximately thirty minutes. Interviews will be recorded using an audio digital recording device.
Study Benefits: Along with the benefits of reflecting on the functions of Twickenham Stadium, this study will help researchers and practitioners better understand the creation of sport heritage for tourism audiences. In addition, study results will be shared with your organization and all interviewees.
Study Risks: Given the use of interviews to collect information in this study, the risks associated with participation revolve around the disclosure of personal or sensitive information. This may make some participants uncomfortable. Participants are free to stop the digital audio recorders, refuse to answer a question, or withdraw from the study without consequence. 232
Confidentiality: Due to the small number of employees involved in tour operations, anonymity and confidentiality cannot be guaranteed. However, appropriate measures will be taken to protect the privacy of participants and the confidentiality of the data. Names, identities and direct quotes will not be used without the prior consent of the interviewee. Personal information will be coded and stored in a locked office, to which only the investigators have access. Normally, information is retained for a period of five years after publication, after which it will be destroyed.
Withdrawing: If you decline to continue or withdraw from the study, your information will be removed from the study upon your request. You may do so by telephone, fax, e- mail, or post.
Study Findings: This research will be used for educational and publication purposes. If you would like to learn more about the study's overall findings, please contact the Primary Investigator, Greg Ramshaw, at the contact information above.
Additional Contacts: If you would like to speak with someone who is not involved in this study, you may contact Dr. Marcel Bouffard, Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation Ethics Committee, University of Alberta, Canada at +1 780-492-5910 or [email protected]. 233
Appendix H: Informed Consent Form, Twickenham Stadium
Part 1 (to be completed by the Principal Investigator) Title of Project: Sport, Heritage and Mythology: Twickenham Tours and the Construction of Rugby's Past Principal Investigator(s): Greg Ramshaw Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: +1 780-492-5561 E-mail: [email protected] Supervisor: Tom Hinch Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: +1 780-492-3615 E-mail: [email protected] Co-Investigator(s): Sean Gammon School of Tourism, Leisure and Sport Management, University of Bedfordshire, Luton Campus (Vicarage Street), Luton, United Kingdom, LU1 3JU Telephone:+44(0) 1582 743122 E-mail: [email protected] Part 2 (to be completed by the research participant) Do you understand that you have been asked to be in a research study? Yes No
Have you read and received a copy of the attached Information Sheet Yes No
Do you understand the benefits and risks involved in taking part in this Yes No research study?
Have you had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study? Yes No
Has the issue of confidentiality been explained to you? Do you understand Yes No who will have access to your information? This study was explained to me by:
I agree to take part in this study:
Signature of Research Participant Date Witness
Printed Name Printed Name
I believe that the person signing this form understands what is involved in the study and voluntarily agrees to participate. 234
Signature of Investigator or Designee Date THE INFORMATION SHEET MUST BE ATTACHED TO THIS CONSENT FORM AND A COPY OF BOTH FORMS GIVEN TO THE PARTICIPANT 235
Appendix I: Preliminary Contact Letter, The Heritage Classic
Edmonton Oilers Hockey Club 11230-112 Street Edmonton, Alberta T5G 3H7
Dear Potential Participant:
My name is Greg Ramshaw and I am a doctoral student in the Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation at the University of Alberta. My doctoral research project involves heritage sport tourism attractions, specifically tourism's role in the creation of sport heritage narratives. This project will examine three types of sport heritage attractions, including heritage sporting events. The Heritage Classic event held in November 2003 is one of the case studies in my research project.
Two types of data collection will be required for this study. The first is one-on-one interviews with personnel involved in the creation and promotion of the Heritage Classic. The interviews will be casual and should last approximately thirty minutes. Secondly, access to materials about the Heritage Classic, such as planning documents, would be greatly appreciated.
The interviews can be completed at your convenience sometime between mid-July and late-September 2007. Similarly, document access can be provided at the leisure of the Edmonton Oilers Hockey Club. The only costs for your organization shall be the interviewees' time.
I will contact you in July as to your interest in participating in this study. In the meantime, should you wish to discuss the project in greater detail, please feel free to contact me by e-mail at gregory .ramshaw @,ualberta.ca or by telephone at (780) 492-5561. Alternately, you may wish to contact my doctoral supervisor Dr. Tom Hinch by e-mail at [email protected] or by telephone at (780) 492- 3615.
Thank you for your time and consideration.
Kindest Regards,
Greg Ramshaw 236
Appendix J: Interview Guide, The Heritage Classic
1. What is the background to the Heritage Classic? In other words, how did the Heritage Classic come to be?
2. What aims was the Heritage Classic meant to meet? Do you believe it met these aims?
3. What strategies were used to achieve these aims?
4. What were the reasons for choosing "Heritage Classic" as the name of the event?
5. In what ways do you believe the Heritage Classic reflected the heritage of hockey? Of Edmonton/Alberta/Canada?
6. What was the role of outside agencies (e.g.: NHL; sponsors; gov'ts) in the creation of the Heritage Classic?
7. What were the reasons behind the timing of the event (November 2003)?
8. Was tourism a consideration in the creation of the Heritage Classic? If so, what role did tourism play in the Heritage Classic? Did the tourism dimension of the event change over time?
9. What is the legacy of the Heritage Classic? Are there plans for another Heritage Classic?
10. What role does heritage play in the future of the Edmonton Oilers Hockey Club?
11. Would you be available for follow-up questions/clarifications? 237
Appendix K: Participant Information Letter, The Heritage Classic
Title of Project: If you freeze it, will they come?: Sport Tourism and the Construction of Ice Hockey's Past at the Heritage Classic Investigator: Greg Ramshaw Affiliation: Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: 780-492-5561 E-mail: [email protected]
Supervisor: Dr. Tom Hinch Affiliation: Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: 780-492-3615 E-mail: [email protected]
Study Purpose: The purpose of this study is to learn more about how sport heritage, in this case ice hockey heritage, is created at heritage sporting events, and to understand the role tourism has in this process.
Background: To date, there has been little research about sport heritage attractions, especially in terms of how they create and interpret the sporting past. This study specifically examines the creation of sport heritage through the Heritage Classic ice hockey event and how the process of creating the sporting past is influenced by tourism.
Procedures: Study participants will participate in an interview regarding the purpose, background, and operation of the Heritage Classic. The interviews will be casual and should last approximately thirty minutes. Interviews will be recorded using an audio digital recording device.
Study Benefits: Along with the benefits of reflecting on the functions of the Heritage Classic, this study will help researchers and practitioners better understand the creation of sport heritage for tourism audiences. In addition, study results will be shared with your organization and all interviewees.
Study Risks: Given the use of interviews to collect information in this study, the risks associated with participation revolve around the disclosure of personal or sensitive information. This may make some participants uncomfortable. Participants are free to stop the digital audio recorders, refuse to answer a question, or withdraw from the study without consequence.
Confidentiality: Due to the small number of people directly involved in the preparation of this event, anonymity and confidentiality cannot be guaranteed. However, appropriate measures will be taken to protect the privacy of participants and the confidentiality of the data. Names, identities and direct quotes will not be used without the prior consent of the interviewee. Personal information will be coded and stored in a locked office, to which 238 only the investigators have access. Normally, information is retained for a period of five years after publication, after which it will be destroyed.
Withdrawing: If you decline to continue or withdraw from the study, your information will be removed from the study upon your request. You may do so by telephone, fax, e- mail, or post.
Study Findings: This research will be used for educational and publication purposes. If you would like to learn more about the study's overall findings, please contact the Primary Investigator, Greg Ramshaw, at the contact information above.
Additional Contacts: If you would like to speak with someone who is not involved in this study, you may contact Dr. Marcel Bouffard, Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation Ethics Committee, University of Alberta, Canada at 780-492-5910 or [email protected]. 239
Appendix L: Informed Consent Form, The Heritage Classic
Part 1 (to be completed by the Principal Investigator) Title of Project: If you freeze it, will they come?: Sport Tourism and the Construction of Ice Hockey's Past at the Heritage Classic Principal Investigator: Greg Ramshaw Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: 780-492-5561 E-mail: [email protected] Supervisor: Tom Hinch Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, T6G 2H9 Telephone: 780-492-3615 E-mail: [email protected] Part 2 (to be completed by the research participant) Do you understand that you have been asked to be in a research study? Yes No
Have you read and received a copy of the attached Information Sheet Yes No
Do you understand the benefits and risks involved in taking part in this Yes No research study? Have you had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study? Yes No
Has the issue of confidentiality been explained to you? Do you understand Yes No who will have access to your information?
This study was explained to me by:
I agree to take part in this study:
Signature of Research Participant Date Witness
Printed Name Printed Name
I believe that the person signing this form understands what is involved in the study and voluntarily agrees to participate.
Signature of Investigator or Designee Date THE INFORMATION SHEET MUST BE ATTACHED TO THIS CONSENT FORM AND A COPY OF BOTH FORMS GIVEN TO THE PARTICIPANT