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Paramita:Paramita: Historical Historical Studies Studies Journal, Journal, 27 (2),27(2), 2017: 2017 127 -140 ISSN: 0854-0039, E-ISSN: 2407-5825 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v27i2.11157

HISTORICAL LANDSCAPE OF AN ISLAND TOWN: , NORTH

Basri Amin Research Institute for School & Society (RISS) State University of

ABSTRACT ABSTRAK

Maluku is not only well known for the hun- Maluku bukan hanya terkenal karena sebaran dreds spreading islands, but also for its long ratusan pulaunya, tapi juga karena dinamika historical records. It is usually to say that the sejarahnya yang panjang. Bahkan bisa formation of national consciousness of Indo- dikatakan bahwa pembentukan kesadaran na- nesia actually began since colonialism period, sional dimulai sejak periode koloni- which all started with the presence of Western alisme, hal mana itu bermula dari kehadiran occupation in Maluku. This article will discuss bangsa Barat di kepulauan Maluku. Artikel ini how the historical background of Maluku ar- akan menjelaskan bagaimana latar sejarah chipelago leave a socio-cultural impact that is kolonial Maluku yang panjang itu terbukti still continues until today. The historical expe- menyisahkan dampak sosial budaya yang rience and socio-political dynamics of Ternate masih terus berlangsung hingga saat ini. Pen- are the prominent case chosen in this article to galaman sejarah dan dinamika sosial politik describe that a small (island) town can stimu- masyarakat pulau Ternate adalah kasus yang late such a large historical contestation. dipilih dalam artikel ini untuk menunjukkan bahwa sebuah kota pulau kecil bisa menam- Keywords: Ternate; ; island pung (pertarungan) sejarah yang demikian history, social landscape besar.

Kata Kunci: Ternate; Maluku Utara; sejarah pulau; lanskap sosial

Author correspondence Email: [email protected] 127 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/paramita Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(2), 2017

INTRODUCTION kings" (Jaziratul' Mulk). This refers to the There is a great structure of literature four main kingdoms of the region namely: which deals with the colonial past as well Ternate, , Bacan and (Atjo, as regional issues concerning the Maluku 2009; Andaya, 1993). islands and their relationship with the rest Recent publications confirm the so- of the Southeast Asian region. The world cio-political groupings in North Maluku history of “ Island” between the 17th which has a particular structure of domi- and the 19th centuries in Indonesia is con- nation. North Maluku consists of 20 sub- nected with the position and contribution ethnic groups categorized into four main of North Maluku, particularly Ternate, clusters: ethnic Makean (60%), Sanana Tidore and Island. The coloni- and Sula (15%), and (15%); al power and economic interests of that Ternate and Tidore (10%) (Nurhasim, period significantly contributed to tensions 2005: 139). For a comparison, the book by between local kingdoms in North Maluku, Suryadinata, Arifin and Ananta, Indone- particularly between Ternate and Tidore sia's Population: Ethnicity and Religion in a (Fraassen, 1987; Andaya, 1993; Leirissa, Changing Political Landscape (2003: 7-9) 2000; Amal, 2002-2010; Cribb & Cahin, present a limited number of ethnic groups 2004; Djaafar, 2006; Widjojo, 2009; in North Maluku which are: Sula, Hasyim, 2016). , Galela, Halmahera, Loloda and The North Maluku archipelago has . Two popular groups such as Ter- at least 353 islands, both large and small nate and Tidore were not mentioned, even (Andili, 1980: 3-15). Culturally, as Andili though data had been drawn from the noted, the North Maluku society is divi- 2000’s population census. ded into three cultural groups (by region): Administratively, since 2002/2003, Firstly, the cultural region that includes the North Maluku province has hosted of the island of Ternate, North Halmahera and towns of Ternate and Tidore, and the dis- the islands of Sula; Secondly, Tidore cultur- tricts of North Halmahera, Central Hal- al region, consisting of Tidore island and mahera, South Halmahera, East Halma- Central and East Halmahera; thirdly, the hera, West Halmahera District and Sula region of Bacan including Bacan and Obi. Islands (Bujang, 2005: 72-73). Geograph- Furthermore, according to Andili (1980), ically, territorial boundaries of the districts North Maluku society is made up of 25 and the cities reformed the old boundaries ethnic groups. In terms of language, alt- of traditional kingdoms that existed sever- hough many local languages prevail in the al centuries ago in this region. region, people generally speak or can un- derstand either the language of Tidore, TERNATE TOWN: “A HISTORY IN Ternate or Bacan. However, in daily inter- MOVING” action and public association, the Ternate was named as a town, perhaps for language of Ternate-Malay is used as semi- the first time, by British naturalist, Alfred official language. Wallace, on 8th of January 1858. Wallace The North Maluku archipelago con- writes: sists of several island groups: the island of Morotai, Halmahera, Ternate, Tidore, The town of Ternate is concealed from Moti, Makean, Bacan, Obi and the island view till we enter the two islands, when of Sula. Previously, this group of islands it is discovered stretching along the was known as the "Moluccas" and was shore at the very base of the mountain. Its situation is fine, and there are grand synonymous with the -producing views on every side. Close opposite in archipelago, which refers to the islands of the rugged promontory and beautiful Ternate, Tidore, Moti, Makean and volcanic cone of Tidore; to the east is Bacan. Historians refered them as the the long mountainous coast of Gilolo, "original Moluccas", and mer- terminated towards the north by a chants called them "the islands of group of three lofty volcanic peaks,

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while immediately behind the town luccan islands. Unfortunately, since the rises the huge mountain, sloping easily decline of the spice trading during the 17th at first and covered with thick groves of century and into the period of post- fruit trees, but soon becoming steeper, colonial Indonesia, Ternate still represent- and furrowed with deep gullies. Almost ed a good example of a “periphery” region to the summit, whence issue perpetually faint wreath of smoke, it is clothed with in the Indonesian history (Hanna & Alwi, vegetation, and look calm and beauti- 1990). Additionally, it is fairly to say that ful, although beneath are hidden fires for more than three centuries (1650s- which occasionally burst forth in lava- 1960s), Ternate was a stagnant island streams, but more frequently make their (Kiem, 1993: 61). existence known by the earthquake Historically, the process of becom- which have many times devastated the ing an urbanized town was very much t o w n ” ( , connected to the national development 1869/1962: 234) policies of Indonesia since the early 1970s. Prior to this period, Ternate had a specific Wallace’s impression on Ternate was a spatial practice on territories and commu- fascinating one because it combined a fea- nity groupings, called gam or Soa, on four ture of nature, Island landscape, and so- locations (Tubo, Tobana, Tobanga, and cial life of Ternate. Wallace was also giv- Toboleu) within the Island of Ternate ing us an early indication of town space (Fraassen, 1987; Atjo, 2009: 15,26). The (market, suburbs, and beach) as well as soa, as a concept of physical place and socio-cultural plurality of Ternate by de- community boundary, is now closely re- scribing the race markers in Ternate in the lated to the concept of neighbourhood 1840s, which are: Ternate , the (kampong) in contemporary understand- Orang Sirani (Christians) and the Dutch ing. community. At that period, Ternate had Ternate is one of the oldest island Chinese and Arab inhabitants who were towns in Indonesia. This was agreed by born on Ternate Island formed merchant historians during a seminar on History of communities (Wallace, 1869 (1962): 234- Ternate, (2003). Dutch sources were used 239). as the primary historical information. A Ternate is a typical old town in the special committee of 16 experts was then Archipelago. Its spatial divisions are large- formed to determine the date of birth of ly influenced by colonial policy. This was Ternate. This committee was coordinated an exemplary place in which the local by Professor Leirissa, a historian from the condition of the town co-existed with the University of Indonesia (UI). The commit- colonial knowledge and interest in the tee concluded that as a city, Ternate had past. In North Maluku archipelago, Ter- existed since 1250. That year was chosen nate has an important role, as a “center on by arguing that since 1250 Ternate already the periphery” in spice trading during the had a capital city called Sampalu. Decem- colonial period of the sixteenth century. ber 29th was chosen based on historical But since the Dutch authorities changed record when Babullah expelled the their trading centre to the Ambon Portuguese power on the island of Ternate Island in central Maluku, Ternate and (29 December 1575). faced a serious stagnation, economically The size of Ternate Island is 105.73 and politically, during the post- km2, and Ternate is a volcanic island independence period and even after formed by the existence of Mt. Soeharto’s New Order regime (1965-1998). (1,715M) where its foothills in the north However, it is clear to be acknowledged part of the Island produce cloves, vegeta- that prior to the 1999 communal conflict bles and other useful local plants. There in North Maluku region there was a long are beautiful beaches and popular spots history of inter-island rivalry as well as for daily gatherings in downtown Ga- regional expansions among north Ma- malama. A crowded beach can be seen at

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Bastiong areas in the south, and the beauti- a status that had very little autonomy in ful shores can be found at Sulamada and terms of budget and decision making. This ngade shore in the north, close to the Batu circumstance changed after the reform era Angus. That is a spot where the volcanic (1999) when Ternate achieved a new posi- (black) stones of Gamalama’s eruption are tion as an autonomous city (kotamadya) on found. April 27, 1999 from the central govern- The town development in Ternate is ment of Indonesia (Ammari & Siokona, well developed since the colonial time. 2003). This can be seen in the settlement patterns Culturally, Ternate has a unique and the distribution of economic centers local language. The native-claimed one is spread across in the island. A 1940s map spoken in a distinct area in the northern of Ternate shows how economic forces part of the town, but the popular version and the colonial political-economic infra- used widely is the Ternate-Malay, which I structure are shaped by colonial authori- learned easily and used it during my field- ties. As a result of this, business centers work in 2008 and 2010. It is no doubt that including ports, warehouses and foreign language is an important sign of identity. housings were mainly located in the cen- The language of Ternate is not native be- tral and the southern part of Ternate town, cause it is part of the group of the North while local influences of the Sultanate and Halmaheran language, and it is not in- Ternatan’s native were concentrated in the cluded in the Austronesian language northern areas of the town. Since then, the group. No wonder the concentration of economic activities, mi- dialects have some similarities with some grants and the seat of the colonial authori- other languages in the Halmahera islands, ty were situated in the central of Ternate, such as the or with Ti- called residen areas (Dutch Military Map, dore dan Tobelo (Yoshida, 1980:22). 1943, page no. 62). However, in the later development, the Having read a number of historical language of Ternate was transformed into documents it became clear to me that Ter- "Ternate-Malay” that serves as the lingua nate is a type of town that is struggling to franca in North Maluku (de Clercq, 1890: deal with marginality. Ternate has a long 191 in Atjo, 2009: 7). Ternate-Malay is record as a maritime empire and trading used by most people in North Maluku in center of the eastern archipelago of the urban areas. The new generations of Nusantara (Indonesia) in the 16th and people in North Maluku use Ternate- 17th centuries. However, since the early Malay as their daily language, but they 20th, century it has become a marginalized still speak their local (native) languages for town as evidenced by the history of the instance Mekeanese or Galelanese. region. Previously, Ternate was an inde- Demographically, I had difficulties pendent region (gemeente) during the in locating official information about the Dutch colonial period but then after Indo- history of the population in Ternate. The nesia became an independent state, Ter- written sources of Ternatan’s demography nate never existed as an independent dis- are very limited, particularly for a certain trict and was given a sub-district status period, for instance in the early 20th cen- (kecamatan) in 1965. tury. Some earlier reports show that the In later years this status was slightly population of the island of Ternate in changed when that was given the status of 1961 was 36,115, which rose to 48,128 in ‘administrative town’ (kota administratif) in 1970 and reached 60,463 in 1976. For the 1982. This had a territorial impact within whole region in North Maluku, the total the town when it was divided into two sub population of all the islands in 1977 was -districts: northern and southern. As a re- 578,537. In 1980, based on the 1980 popu- sult, old “boundaries” of spatial and social lation census, the total was 70,656 (Atjo, divisions reemerged. Ternate’s status as an 2009: 13). In 1990, about 83,000 people “administrative town” existed until 1999, (Kiem, 1993: 96) and 115,787 people in

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1999 (Ammari & Siokona, 2003: 136). area were scarcely inhabited. Most of their More recently, the inhabitants of Ternate livelihood is from fisheries, livestock, and reached 163,000 (Bappeda, 2008) and garden. Commodities are produced in- 215.906 in 2012 (Bappeda, 2013). cluding tubers, fruits, such as banana, gua- In terms of population size, Ternate va, and breadfruit. They mostly sell their is usually known as the “middle town”. products at the central market of down- However, Ternate represents a complex town Gamalama. socio-cultural setting, especially in its ur- The economic centers in Ternate banized form, and thus recognized as the consist of the neighborhood of “Gama- “center” that dominates the affairs of lama”, where large stores, bank, tradition- North Maluku archipelago. Economically, al market, port and public transport cen- Ternate is a notable provincial town ters reside; inter-island economic and fish- where its development is based on market- eries businesses in the southern part of the driven economy. Politically, Ternate is town, around Bastiong port. Economic usually remembered as one of the main activities in northern part of the town are fields of communal conflicts where the not very prominent, only one fish port at issues of ethnicity, religion and other Dufa-dufa beach occurred, absorbing few forms of resources conflict, legitimacy as labor. In fact, Ternate economy concen- well as emotions and visual expressions trates in the central to southern part of the are significantly figured (Ahmad & Oes- town. man, 2000; Tomagola, 2000; Klinken, In the center and northern part of 2007; Bubandt, 2001, 2004; Duncan, the town, numbers of school buildings, 2005; Wilson, 2005, 2008; Spyer, 2006). governmental offices, STAIN (Islamic State Culturally, it is still difficult to claim University), the Babullah airport and old that Ternate is a name of an ethnic group, campus of the University of Khairun although it has a native language and has (UNKHAIR) were located. This campus historical legitimacy about Ternate King- was built since 1970 as a private universi- dom and Ternate Sultanate (Cribb & Ka- ty, but then afterwards converted into a hin, 2004: 428-429). For example, in a state university in 2004. However, since study of Indonesian population in which the facilities of Unkhair campus cannot ethnicity and religion had been covered accommodate thousands of students, then very well, the authors Suyadinata, Arifin since 2006, the campus has been moved to and Ananta (2004: 6-9), did not mention Gambesi region in the southern part of Ternate as an ethnic group, but rather de- Ternate. In the same year, the largest pri- scribed a few (ethnic) groups in Halmahe- vate (Muslim) university in north Maluku, ra, the neighboring island of Ternate. University (UMMU), was Ternatan and Indonesian scholars, built at the adjacent location. In the south- for example Junus Melalatoa in his book, ern edges of Ternate, some locations were Ensiklopedi Suku Bangsa Indonesia, (The still relatively empty and hilly. Encyclopedia of Indonesian Ethnic Groups) are recognizing Ternate as an The Flow of Migrants ethnic name, usually spelled as “Ternatan Historically, Ternate has been crowded by people” (orang Ternate), a social group migrant communities, mostly for trading. who lived in the Island of Ternate and Most of them are from Halmahera Is- who had a local language, social organiza- lands, , Sumatera and . From tion and ‘native history’ (Melalatoa, 1995: afternoon till midnight, many newcomer 833-834) traders settle their business around the Sociologically, the ‘native resident’ town. Along the beach, called Sweering of Ternate, claimed by its inhabitants, pre- beach, most of food stall, fruit shops, ciga- dominantly lived in the northern part of rette kiosk, and mobile voucher owners the town and some lived behind the are Javanese or Bugisnese. Staple food mountain Gamalama. Kampungs in this owners in Gamalama central market are

131 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(2), 2017 mainly from Tidore Island and Gorontalo aspirations and practices they realize. Tak- (). In addition, it is also ing into account the number of youth pop- important to mention the fact that there is ulation as well as the various ethnic also a thousand inter-island commuters groups and organizations in Ternate, this (Ternate-Tidore) in Ternate, even in daily study seeks to scrutinize a multidimen- basis, as published by Malut Post (14 Octo- sional perspective in exploring social his- ber 2008), a leading newspaper in North tory of ethnicity in a small island town Maluku. There are about 39, 220 new- setting. comers in Ternate town in 2008. In a small town, the presence of mi- Since 2005, more newcomers have grants or commuters is more explicit and arrived in Ternate. They generally come it has an active capacity in absorbing la- from , a small-metropolitan city bors in small scale economy as well as in in the North Sulawesi, not long after the distributing information to the rural areas government of Manado realized a policy (Wouden, 1997: 18-21). This is a contest- that prohibits informal traders (Pedagang ed process where the state, groups of peo- Kaki Lima/PKL). As a result, many of ple in kampong level, local entrepreneurs, them fled to Ternate for business. They migrants and locals, ethnic aspirations had were mostly people from North Sulawesi, been simultaneously involved in creating particularly from Gorontalo region. This the townscape of Ternate. was triggered by the information that the In the case of Ternate, migrant Mayor of Ternate (Syamsir Andili, 2005- youth in particular, can be the social lens 2010) is very tolerant to the informal ven- in understanding how young people exer- dors, partly because he has family ties to cise their agency in facing a new (real) life Gorontalo. for them. They, explicitly, have been chal- About 500 meters from the shore of lenged themselves to navigate the socio- sweering of Ternate, crowded settlement, cultural transitions where the power of named kampung Muhajirin, Falajawa and family support and any kind of Tanah Raja are settled. Around this area, (conventional) values and hopes they re- many hostels, rented rooms, small ware- ceive from their family have been ques- houses, and food stalls emerged since tioned and challenged in urban daily life 1980s. Many food sellers from Java settled (Amin, 2014). in this area. They generally rent a house as this settlement is strategic spots for - Town Development ning business and services. This area is In discourse development, Ternate can be also very close to shopping center, market positioned as an ‘intermediate town’. This quarter of Gamalama (pasar rakyat), ports, category refers to the functions of such and beach (especially for food shops in the towns to serve the need of commercial evening). networks in the context of local, inter- The kampongs of Muhajirin, Falaja- islands and inter-regional trading. This wa and Tanah Raja are famous as Arabic, important function of Ternate was mainly Tidorenese, and some Chinese settlement. realized since it has been used as the port So far, in this area, inter-kampung con- city to support regional trades and provin- flicts never exist, but religious activities cial government of North Maluku. As a were very active and concentrated in a result, Ternate provides efficient services famous-old mosque in Ternate, named particularly marketing facilities for other Muhajirin Mosque. The mosque commit- surrounding islands and the rural hinter- tees are mostly Arabic. lands. In the same position, Ternate also Ternate in recent years is becoming ‘serves’ the Indonesia in terms of the dis- an increasingly urban island where urbani- tributing of public goods and state services zation flows, economic market and local and national integration in North Maluku. politics has been significantly contesting In this context, Indonesian state is simul- how local people live and what kind of taneously maintained its interests in local

132 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(2), 2017 level, or in periphery, by creating infra- started in Gamalama area. The shore of structure and mechanism such as regula- Gamalama was the main sites of develop- tions in commercial affairs, transportation ment because this are is a favorable place facilities and institutions as well as budget to build a shopping center that started to for such as town development. It can be be used in mid-2000s. said that Ternate is a state-driven town According to Bambang, a city plan- because it was very dependent to the state ner in municipality office, Ternate has a policy and budget. strategic position as an inter-island trans- Ternate, in terms of development, portation center in North Maluku prov- experienced economic and social stagna- ince. An airport and large harbors in this tion after the decline of the spice economy area facilitate goods, people and merchant during the twentieth century due to the transportations from Java and Sulawesi. impact of global market and its peripheral Hence, warehouses for keeping goods to position in Indonesian development – eu- be sent to Halmahera and the surrounding phemistically referred to as “the periphery islands are increasing in recent years. Inter of the periphery” of Indonesia. Despite -island transportation business is owned the stagnation, however, it should be not- by local businessmen from Ternate and ed that development of Ternate infrastruc- Halmahera. However, the owner of staple ture commenced in the 1970s (Kiem, goods in North Maluku were mainly 1993:19-20). This has proved to be an im- owed by Chinese and Arabic, and lately portant facilitator of urbanization as well also by Bugis businessman. as mass movement of people between ur- Even though the number of Ternate ban and rural locations. residents is relatively small, it is clear that The Mayor of Ternate, Syamsir the dynamics of the town is quite high. It Andili (2005-2010) is the person who es- can be seen from, among other, the de- tablished and promoted Ternate town as mand of car and motorcycle. The demand “kota Madani”, a name imitating Madina is surprising as public transportation meet in the era of Prophet Muhammad. Ac- the demand of the residents. cordingly, Madani symbolizes to a peace- At present, each house in Ternate ful town where Moslem and non-Moslem averagely owned at least two motorcycles, residents from various economic back- and for middle class at least one car. Ac- ground and ethnicity live together. It is a cording to the section of STNK (vehicle clear evident that the mayor has an inten- number) of the resort police of Ternate, sion to emphasize Ternate to be an motorcycle in Ternate in 2008 reached “Islamic town “, or a multi-ethnic Islamic 12,025 units. The number of new motor- town. cycles is increasing without control. In the Since 2005, many buildings have period of January-July 2009, for instance, been erected in Ternate. Along shores, there were 2,482 new motorcycles at the several shopping centers, including hotels town (Amin, 2012). and amusement centers, book stores, Due to the size of the town, places beauty clinics, cafe and supermarkets were for public gatherings in Ternate are not as built. However, according to the local gov- many as provided in metropolitan cities. ernment planning bureau, the town land- But in since 2007, new shopping areas, mark is not the shopping center, but a internet cafes and youth accessories shops grand mosque, Masjid Raya Al - were established in Ternate, created most- Munawwarah Ternate. The mosque was ly by Ternatan Chinese and local entrepre- built near to the beach, not far from the neurs to a lesser extent. At the same time, governor’s office and Gamalama business a number of youth style-based associations center of Ternate. have been also created, for example, Physically, the new space in town scooter and vespa groups, Rasta music development began in 1997 when the pro- bands, and even graffiti makers clubs. ject of Ternate beach reclamation was These emerging groups can bee seen as a

133 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(2), 2017 site of youth culture flourished by youth centers on seaside of sweering is for enter- creative connections from Java, particular- tainment, restaurants and hotels, the loca- ly . Creation of these associations tion itself is in a very small area. Perhaps may partly be attributed to or triggered off the only thing that can be said to symbol- by Ternatan youth’s access to the modern ize Ternate as a developing modern town media, particularly the internet. is the development of shopping centers, On the other level of development, hotels and cafes. Otherwise Ternate town it is also important to note that the post- remains dominated by symbols of the 1999 conflict Ternate is characterized by kampung, such as the tradition of gather- the presence of international organiza- ing in kampong corners, the freedom to tions, particularly UNDP, within the play soccer in public places and the spread framework of encouraging peace pro- of informal motorcycle taxi business (ojeg) grams associated with development issues and other ‘kampung mentalities’. Even through the "peace through develop- government offices are located near kam- ment" (PTD) program. The presence of pung, so kampung youth use their open UNDP and other international agencies spaces as soccer fields. Arguably, this is such as UNICEF, USAID, and Save the probably the exceptional character of a Children, has a serious impact socially and small island town making it difficult to intellectually among young people. They determine demarcations of physical dis- actively participate in the activities of in- tances and land use (Amin, 2012). ternational institutions primarily because The economy of the kampung is almost all UNDP’s gatherings provide generally informal in nature. Small shops, money for local transportation, consump- food stores, motor workshops, sewing en- tion or accommodation for the partici- terprises and home industries are domi- pants. For students in particular, this kind nant in kampung. Although large shop- of special occasion is very attractive. ping centers are located in the downtown Official activities of UNDP and of Gamalama, seaside area of Ternate USAID are mostly held in hotels, so for beach, and its distance from surrounding young people, this is a rare experience. kampung is very close. Thus, it still re- Global narratives are simultaneously dis- mains visible for informal business activi- seminated so that young people in Ternate ties surrounding the Gamalama trading are increasingly becoming familiar with centers. It is in this place that large num- terms and usages of global discourse in bers of migrant groups participate in infor- governance, such as transparency, ac- mal businesses. countability, cooperation, partnership, etc. It is in the central and southern part In addition, I noted also that some of the of the city, given the dense population and newer NGOs were established primarily the plurality of ethnicity. The entertain- to exploit the money and resources those ment and shopping complexes are central- international agencies are willing to pro- ized significantly. Thus, with easy accessi- vide in their many grassroots projects and bility to various prolific entertainment and programs such as community empower- lifestyle spots, the process of cosmopoli- ment. It seems that the international agen- tanism and global culture is being mediat- cies promote and sustain the implementa- ed, such as access to CD movies, fashion, tion of the ‘participatory development ap- fast food restaurants, cafes, internet cafes, proach’ as an ideal instrument to strength- etc. en peace in North Maluku. It is difficult to say in a strict way that the kampung is identical with the The Kampung Town and social class compound of the lower class, because al- Ternate is typically a kampung town. Al- most in every kampung there are people most no areas within the town can be sep- who have a high employment status with arated from the influence of kampung cul- a particular social prestige, such as bu- ture. Although the location of shopping reaucrats, parliamentarians, businessmen

134 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(2), 2017 or civil servants. But, in the same location guishes social classes in Ternate has more of kampung there are also those who work to do with people’s types of work, their as ojeg drivers, informal traders and shop- daily routines, and their life aspirations. In ping workers. Of course, they are differ in fact, it is very difficult to find any striking terms of properties such as the size and difference from the location of their resi- style of their homes. But, in everyday in- dence. When walking around in a kam- teractions, there is almost no rigid friction pong, the only obvious sign of difference between social classes in Ternate. I wit- in terms of social class symbols is the style nessed that the identity of the kampung of house, type of fencing and car park. It is itself became a strong bond between com- clear that middle-class houses have iron munity groups in many kampung. The fences, often quite high, car parks, a gar- feeling of being a man of kampung (orang den, and usually having cable TV. The kampung sini) is profoundly mentioned in size of the house itself is a relative issue, many occasions. because there are some bureaucrats, politi- For long period of its social history, cians and businessmen in Ternate whose Ternate dis not have an elite housing com- houses are small when compared to mid- plex. Later, about 2005, a middle class dle-class houses in Sulawesi, for example. housing complex in Ternate was built by a Recently, there is a new trend where mid- Chinese developer; it was located Jati, at a dle class families in kampung are building mountain area in the southern Ternate. two-floor homes. That housing complex is called Jatiland Socially, stability of the kampung is Residence. It was the first middle class or depends on many things. Clearly, the elite housing in Ternate. Its inhabitants fights and other forms of violence between are a few local businessmen and some kampung in Ternate are not caused by middle echelon of bureaucrats in the class tension. Fights are often caused by North Maluku province. They are the dissatisfaction, for example from soccer 'new generation' of Ternatan elite, which match results or decisions, and are usually generally have become the new middle perpetrated by minorities of drunken class in the local government or in local youths. Thus, one drunken groups’ action parliaments (since 2000). may attract other kampung youth groups I have observed that many other to fight. It has been noticed that several elites, such as the Mayor of Ternate and kampung which have a bad record of some members of parliament have their fights, irrespective of their gravity, have a homes located in the kampung areas, in significant number of middle-class fami- the midst of ordinary people's housing. As lies. Also, there are high numbers of mid- an example, parliamentary leader of the dle class families in kampung Tanah Ting- North Maluku Province has his house lo- gi and Bastiong. Perhaps because of secu- cated in Kampung Pisang. Khairun Uni- rity reasons middle class families’ houses versity Rector’s house is in kampung Jati, tend to have high fences or maybe since, so are many other middle class figures. in recent times, a fight between the kam- Their housing locations are quite narrow pung may result in serious damage to the as well. For example, the chairman of private property. KNPI Ternate’s house is in kampung Ma- kassar, an area mostly occupied by lower Regional politics and Ethnic Sentiments class traders. I also found a young activist Many scholars recognize that ethnic senti- of KNPI who worked as a civil servant in ment in North Maluku was expressed the Mayor’s office; he lived in Kampung more widely since 1999 in the wake of the Kota Baru, a kampung in central Ternate. era of decentralization. It is mentioned in It is important to note that Ternate Indonesian studies that this primordial is not one that has a history in which so- sentiment is related to struggles for power cial classes grew along with differences in and resources among local elites. This terms of residence location. What distin- elite competition thrives within the frag-

135 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(2), 2017 mented conditions of existing ethnic instance ojeg drivers for men or selling groupings at the grass root level of society. snack and cigarettes for women, or other Every political moment produces new im- kind of informal economic activities in- aginations within society in North Maluku cluding selling alcohol beverages in IDPs’ which in turn produces political tensions. barrack areas. This is a crucial outcome of the political Based on my archival observation, decentralization project that led to the re- since 2005 the new generations of local vival if not articulation of primordial tradi- scholars and former student activists of tions as mechanisms to respond to and North Maluku are more interested in eth- adjust to modern circumstances and op- nicity and local political issues (Ibrahim, portunities (Wendyartaka, 2014; Bubandt, 2004; Oesman, 2005; Ruray, 2006; Ton- 2004; Nordholt & Klinken, 2007; Claire, irio, 2011; Machmud, 2013). Generally, 2009). they received their higher education out- Communal conflicts in North Malu- side of Ternate, in Ambon, and ku erupted shortly after the province was Java. Perhaps, this kind of multi-cultural officially established and recognized by experience triggers their passion in their the central government (August 1999-June own region where ethnicity is a ‘latent 2000). As many studies have explained, problem’ of development in this region. the communal conflict in North Maluku They express their anxiety in various pub- associated with many conditions and ac- lic meetings as well as through writings in tors, among others, how local elites failed the local newspapers and books. to manage the issues of resources and set- It seems that ethnicity is a problem- tlements between local peoples and immi- atic theme in the history of North Maluku. grants in Halmahera, how economic inter- Darsis Hoemah, a lecturer at STAIN Ter- ests of certain political and military elites, nate wrote that 'ethnic conflict in North as well as how local elites compete with Maluku had never dropped out in its his- one another to gain new political positions tory….”. (cf. Portrait of a Peripheral State, by using ethnic sentiments and the tradi- 2005: 55-56). According to Hoemah, the tional forces such as sultanates of Ternate politics of government in the North Malu- and Tidore and their relations to ethnic ku has always been influenced by ethnic groups in the islands of North Maluku rivalry and regional sentiments, and never (Wilson, 2008; Duncan, 2005; Bubandt, based on a rational meritorious system. 2004; Abadi, 2004; Klinken, 2007; This problem, as Hoemah explained, was Tomagola, 2000; Ahmad & Oesman, formed from a long history of this region 2000). where competition between ethnic groups Since mid-2000 and early 2001, the and the kingdoms has been established central government imposed civil emer- since the 15th century in order to control gency policy in North Maluku (Laring, the economy through political power. 2004; Abadi, 2004) and at the same time Furthermore, Hoemah (2005) went programs on conflict recovery were under- on to present a contemporary picture of taken by a number of national and inter- how local political elites employ violence national agencies, such as UNDP, during significant political moments. Lo- UNESCO, etc. But still, people are in a cal politicians mobilize ethnic groupings state of trauma, especially because there to stage public demonstrations in order to were thousands of Muslim IDPs who ar- preserve their pragmatic interests. This rived and ‘flooded’ Ternate. Thus, they was confirmed during my fieldwork where needed special care (e.g. barracks, logis- I observed the hate words being used by tics, security, etc.). Not long after that, in demonstrators who protested against Ar- early 2001, the need of employment be- maiyn, an elected governor of North Ma- came a new problem. This may be the rea- luku in 2008. This view seeks to reaffirm son why so many informal jobs were historical explanations of conflict narra- freely opened in Ternate since 2001, for tives within a setting of island kingdom

136 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 27(2), 2017 rivalries (Putuhena, 2001; Leirissa, 1996; CONCLUSION Hanna & Alwi, 1996; Andaya, 1993). This article mainly discusses the social This part will take an entry point of history and local mobility patterns of eth- an ethnic group that is perceived to be a nic groups in North Maluku. This has dy- dominant group in the socio-political his- namics impacts on the political and social tory of North Maluku. Ethnic sentiment is class structure in North Maluku society. coloring the people of the North Maluku For example, an ethnic group of Makean, in recent years. As such feelings of ani- has long been recognized as an ethnic mosity were increasingly circulated and group that has a strong tradition of migra- stimulated in every moment of regional tion (Lucardi, 1987). In addition, some politics. Murid Tonirio, an anthropologist ethnic groups in North Maluku have a in Ternate, wrote a headline article titled good reputation in terms of their mobility. "Makean" in a leading newspaper the Ma- They reside in many locations in Halma- lut Post (26 May, 2011), expressed his hera and other islands including Tidore views and experience about the anxiety of and Ternate town. Bujang noted that ethnic sentiment, especially towards groups of Makean, Galela, and Tobelo are Makeanese in North Maluku’s political well distributed among the islands of landscape. He cited a phrase that was con- North Maluku archipelago (Bujang, 2005: veyed by some of his friends, who said 72-82). They are large in numbers, and that ethnic Makean are dominating more therefore it is not surprisingly that these and more political positions in North Ma- three ethnic groups influence the socio- luku. The phrase “ethnic Makean is such cultural and political landscapes of con- a political caste” is an expression of pro- temporary North Maluku. test that emerges when a political rivalry The locality of Ternate cannot be occurs. Tonirio’s article above was actual- separated from historical context experi- ly a response to the ethnic interest that enced in Indonesia in recent years, partic- ensued during a local election in the Dis- ularly in the issue of decentralization. Ter- trict of Morotai Island when the issue of nate is different from other cities because Makean groups and locals occurred in ear- it has been burdened with social and spa- ly May 2011. tial challenges, especially in the post-1999 In this case, the new elected District communal conflict, which involves ethnic Head (Bupati) on Morotai Island was sus- and religious tensions. As a result, tension pected of being unfairly supported by a between immigrants and locals often spark political network of Makeanese since he is public debate, when a heavy flow of mi- a Makean elite. This perception became grants from Halmahera, Sulawesi and Ja- stronger when the election result was hast- va crowded Ternate. ily accepted by the KPU (Election Commis- Ethnic sentiments are growing and sion). The candidate did not poll signifi- becoming an important part of the politi- cantly at sub-district levels. He was also cal history of contemporary North Malu- not the candidate with popular support ku. The trend became relentless in the even before surveys were conducted to wake of the decentralization process. For determine this. Initially, it was revealed example, a few years ago, an ethnic con- that there were a number of electoral ma- testation occurred in the district of Moro- nipulations, indirectly condoned by the tai (2011) as well as in the district of North election committee members –-who have and South Halmahera and the District of a Makean network. As a consequence, the Sula Island. There is a strong expression local media exposed this scandal which in called putra daerah, "the son of the soil" or turn led to daily strikes with some vio- "prohibited area" where government jobs lence in Morotai Island (Malut Post, 20-28 or an elected office can only be occupied May 2011). In the end the national court by certain ethnic groups and not for every- in intervened to re-examine the one. In North Maluku, provincial elites election results (Malut Post, 7 June 2011). who live in the city go back to their home

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