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Oral History As History: Tutchone Athapaskan in the Period 1840-1920

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Oral History As History: Tutchone Athapaskan in the Period 1840-1920 Occasional Papers in Yukon History No. 3(1) ORAL HISTORY AS HISTORY: TUTCHONE ATHAPASKAN IN THE PERIOD 1840-1920 PART 1 Dominique Legros Yukon Tourism and Culture Cultural Services Branch Elaine Taylor, Minister 2007 Copyright © Dominique Legros 2007 All rights reserved. This is a non-profit publication. No part of this book may be edited, reproduced or transmitted for profit or otherwise in any form by any means without permission in writing from the author, except by a reviewer, a student, or a scholar, who may quote brief passages in a review, or a study. [email protected] To the Peoples of the Yukon Territory ABSTRACT Can orally transmitted historical knowledge fairly represent the past? This is, in a nutshell, the main question addressed by this book. It springs from a particular problem. Can we rely on eth- nographic interviews from the 1970s to reconstitute what Tutchone indigenous culture was in the nineteenth century? Tutchone elders consulted in the 1970s were then aged seventy and over. They had no direct and personal experience of the previous century. What they recounted about it was what their parents and grand parents told them between 1900 and 1920, well after the Klondike Gold Rush of 1997-98. True enough, these relatives were surely born before 1900. But did the new socio-cultural context brought about by the Klondike events lead the older genera- tions to hide certain aspects of their previous cultural practices? On the other hand, did the new context lead the children (our Tutchone collaborators in the 1970s) to ignore parts of what they were told? What kinds of cultural change could have brought about such inter-generational mis- communication? Had socio-cultural changes occurred even earlier, between 1840 and 1900? Could these eventual changes have also generated other alterations in the oral transmission of knowledge? What would then be the status of the information collected in the 1970s? The book answers such questions by delineating what sorts of change are likely to foster oral miscommunication and, depending on the transmission context, on what kinds of topics. It then proposes a methodology that charts how to ascertain whether or not, and to what extent, cultural changes may have taken place in a pre- and post-contact context. The methodology rests on the premise that in the absence of external pressures, cultural changes and re-adaptations will occur once techno-ecological structural changes have been set into motion. With respect to the nineteenth and early twentieth century Tutchone, the application of the method leads into a round about journey through largely uncharted landscapes. What actually happened before 1920, and earlier before 1900? What is the ethnohistory of the region? Not only that of the Tutchone, but also that of their neighbours with whom they interacted: the Pelly River Kaska, the Han, the Yukon River Gwich’in, and the Coast Tlingit who traded in the interior Yukon Territory. Were European epidemics indirectly or directly spread? When? Did they decimate the Yukon native populations? How did first nations react to such eventual demo- graphic disasters? Did it foster cultural changes? When? What characterized the indigenous cul- tural ecology and productive technologies during the pre-contact period? What impact did the introduction of European implements have on the Tutchone economy, and ultimately, on the culture itself? Did the arrival of thousands of miners during the Klondike Gold Rush alter the ecological balance between caribou and moose resources? Did such an eventual change induce a transformation in collective hunting practices and subsequently a cultural reorganisation? Why? When? Did cultural pressures exerted after 1900 by Euro-Canadian fur-traders, police forces, missionaries, have an impact on Tutchone culture? In what domains? To what extent? The answer to such historical questions is that almost no changes occurred between 1840 and 1900, whereas some significant alteration of the Tutchone political culture occurred after 1900. The content of the oral tradition collected after 1970 is then assessed taking into consideration the post-1900 socio-cultural context in which it was received by our Tutchone collaborators. The book will be of interest to first nations, historians and ethnohistorians of the Yukon, ar- chaeologists of Subarctic environments, cultural ecologists, anthropologists focusing on techno- logical and cultural change, and scholars interested in hunting and gathering peoples and the transmission of oral tradition across generations. CONTENTS List of Maps, Diagrams and Tables x List of Plates xi Acknowledgements xii PART 1 1 Introduction 1 2 The International Status Of Tutchone Society from 1740 to 1890 15 2.1 Tutchone Country before the Arrival of Europeans: 1740-1840 16 2.1.1 The First European Discoveries of Northwestern North America 17 2.1.2 Indigenous Groups in the Middle and Upper Yukon Prior to the Arrival of Europeans 20 2.1.3 Inter-Indigenous Relations Prior to the Arrival of Europeans in the Northwest 21 2.1.4 From the End of the Eighteenth Century to the 1840s 23 2.2 Tutchone Society and the Outside World from 1840 to 1890 31 2.2.1 Chronology: 1840-1890 32 2.2.2 Nature of Relations between Tutchone and Europeans Societies from 1840 to 1890 38 2.2.3 The International Status of Tutchone Society between 1840 and 1890 46 3 The Problem with the Historical Materials 55 3.1 Firsthand Ethnographic Observations: 1840-1890 56 3.2 After 1890 59 3.2.1 Ethnographic Data Gathered from 1890 to the 1970s 65 3.2.2 Ethnohistorical Status of the Data Gathered from 1890 to the 1970s. 69 3.2.3 1890-1920 as the Critical Period for the Transmission of Oral Knowledge 74 3.2.4 The Impact of Direct Euro-Canadian Socio-Cultural Pressures 75 4 From Wood Indians to Tutchone 85 4.1 Distribution of Groups around Fort Selkirk (1848-1852) 87 4.1.1 Ayans 90 4.1.2 Lewes River Indians 90 4.1.3 Tuhin Tatinnat 93 4.1.4 Stewart River Indians 93 4.1.5 Knife Indians 94 4.1.6 Tribe from Far Inland 95 4.2 Distribution of Ethnic Groups in 1880-1890 96 vi 4.3 Distribution of Ethnic Groups in 1890-1920 102 4.3.1 Tatchun Lake (I) 106 4.3.2 Little Salmon and Big Salmon (II and III) 108 4.3.3 Braeburn Lake (IV) 108 4.3.4 Hutshi (V) 108 4.3.5 Aishihik (VI) 109 4.3.6 White River (VII) 109 4.3.7 Lower and Middle Stewart (VIII) 111 4.3.8 Lower Macmillan (IX) 112 4.3.9 Tatlmain (X) 113 4.3.10 Fort Selkirk (XI) 115 4.4 Factors of Population Changes 116 4.4.1 Epidemics 116 4.4.2 Trading Posts 125 4.4.3 Intrusions and War 126 4.5 Conclusion 128 5 Moose and Caribou in Tutchone Country: 1840-1920 133 5.1 Basic Concepts for the Study of Economic and Socio-Cultural Changes 134 5.2 Geographical and Ecological Settings 137 5.2.1 Topography 139 5.2.2 Climate 141 5.2.3 Flora 143 5.3 A Puzzle: Moose and Caribou between 1840 and 1920 146 5.3.1 Kaska 147 5.3.2 Upper Pelly River Kaska/Kasini (Ross River) 147 5.3.3 Tagish and Southern Tutchone 147 5.3.4. Nabesna/Upper Tanana 148 5.3.5 Han 148 5.3.6 Tutchone: Disconcerting Initial Data 149 5.4 Theoretical importance of establishing the distribution of cervidae 151 5.4.1 Barren-ground Caribou 151 5.4.2 Woodland Caribou 152 5.4.3 Moose 152 5.4.4 Hunting Caribou in Groups 153 5.4.5 Hunting Moose 155 5.5 Establishing the Distribution of Cervidae between 1840 and 1920 162 5.5.1 1843-1852 162 5.5.2 1883-1898 166 5.5.3 1898-1920 168 5.6 Conclusion: Solving the Puzzle 170 vii 6 Indigenous Technologies: Impact of New European Implements 175 6.1 Forms of Appropriating Natural Resources: Working Definitions 176 6.1.1 Forms of Appropriating Materials 179 6.1.2 Terminology 180 6.1.2.1 Production, labour, product 180 6.1.2.2 Products and their functions: means of consumption, objects with a productive use, finished product, semi-finished product 180 6.1.2.3 Work phase 181 6.1.2.4 Subjects of labour 181 6.1.2.5 Means of Appropriation 183 6.1.2.6 Labour or labour power 183 6.1.3 Change in the Forms of Appropriation 184 6.1.4 The Stages of Analysis 186 6.2 Taking Stock of the Means of Appropriation: Methodological Problems 188 6.3 Means of Labour 190 6.3.1 Means of Communication and Travel 190 6.3.2 Means of Transportation 193 6.3.2.1 Snowshoes 198 6.3.2.2 Skin toboggan 198 6.3.2.3 Wooden toboggan 198 6.3.3 Means of Preservation and Storage 206 6.4 Indigenous Work Instruments (Tools and Implements) 210 6.4.1 Traps 210 6.4.2 General Procedures 215 6.4.3 Manual Prehension Instruments 215 6.4.4 Manual Percussion Tools and Implements 216 6.4.4.1 Hammering on direct contact percussion instrument. 216 6.4.4.2 Thrown instruments 216 6.4.4.3 Projected instruments 216 6.5 Work Instruments and Implements Borrowed from the European World 217 6.5.1 1840-1900 218 6.5.2 1900-1920 220 6.6 Reasons for the Survival of Indigenous Tools and Implements 222 6.6.1 Impact of Adopting Euro-Canadian Work Implements on the Social Patterns of Appropriating Natural Resources and Other Materials 227 6.6.2 Impact on the Traditional Branches of Industry 227 6.6.3 Incidence of the Use of Imported Tools 228 6.7 Conclusion 234 viii PART 2 7 Indigenous Forms of Appropriating Natural Ressources 237 7.1 Reconstruction of the Forms of Appropriating Materials Involved in Extracting Raw Materials circa 1840-1850 237 7.2 Extraction of Minerals: Inventory of Minerals Used 240 7.2.1 Limitations Associated with Harvesting Minerals 243 7.2.2 Synchronic and diachronic work and production patterns in mineral extraction 243 7.3 Harvesting Flora 244 7.3.1 The Environment 244 7.3.2 Inventory of Flora Used
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