Mediated Sankarism: Re-Inventing a Historical Figure to Reimagine a Future
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Lessons from Burkina Faso's Thomas Sankara By
Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance in Contemporary Africa: Lessons from Burkina Faso’s Thomas Sankara By: Moorosi Leshoele (45775389) Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy At the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: Prof Vusi Gumede (September 2019) DECLARATION (Signed) i | P a g e DEDICATION I dedicate this thesis to Thomas Noel Isadore Sankara himself, one of the most underrated leaders in Africa and the world at large, who undoubtedly stands shoulder to shoulder with ANY leader in the world, and tall amongst all of the highly revered and celebrated revolutionaries in modern history. I also dedicate this to Mariam Sankara, Thomas Sankara’s wife, for not giving up on the long and hard fight of ensuring that justice is served for Sankara’s death, and that those who were responsible, directly or indirectly, are brought to book. I also would like to tremendously thank and dedicate this thesis to Blandine Sankara and Valintin Sankara for affording me the time to talk to them at Sankara’s modest house in Ouagadougou, and for sharing those heart-warming and painful memories of Sankara with me. For that, I say, Merci boucop. Lastly, I dedicate this to my late father, ntate Pule Leshoele and my mother, Mme Malimpho Leshoele, for their enduring sacrifices for us, their children. ii | P a g e AKNOWLEDGEMENTS To begin with, my sincere gratitude goes to my Supervisor, Professor Vusi Gumede, for cunningly nudging me to enrol for doctoral studies at the time when the thought was not even in my radar. -
From the Arab Spring to Black Lives Matter & Beyond
Youth struggles: from the Arab spring to black lives matter & beyond LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/100376/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Honwana, Alcinda Manuel (2019) Youth struggles: from the Arab spring to black lives matter & beyond. African Studies Review, 62 (1). pp. 8-21. ISSN 0002-0206 https://doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.144 Reuse Items deposited in LSE Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the LSE Research Online record for the item. [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ Youth Struggles: From the Arab Spring to Black Lives Matter & Beyond Alcinda Manuel Honwana Abstract: The majority of young people in Africa are today living in ‘waithood,’ a prolonged, difficult, and dynamic transition into adult life. This experience is shared with an increasing number of young people in the developed North who are also grappling with issues of joblessness and political exclusion. This waithood generation is increasingly losing faith in the ability of its leaders to address young people’s needs and expectations, and it is rebelling against the status quo. From the youth uprisings that led to the Arab Spring and the ousting of Abdoulaye Wade in Senegal and Campaore in Burkina Faso, to political protest movements such as Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter in the US and Los Indignados in Spain, young people have been at the forefront of political change. -
Civil Resistance Against Coups a Comparative and Historical Perspective Dr
ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES Civil Resistance Against Coups A Comparative and Historical Perspective Dr. Stephen Zunes ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES Cover Photos: (l) Flickr user Yamil Gonzales (CC BY-SA 2.0) June 2009, Tegucigalpa, Honduras. People protesting in front of the Presidential SERIES EDITOR: Maciej Bartkowski Palace during the 2009 coup. (r) Wikimedia Commons. August 1991, CONTACT: [email protected] Moscow, former Soviet Union. Demonstrators gather at White House during the 1991 coup. VOLUME EDITOR: Amber French DESIGNED BY: David Reinbold CONTACT: [email protected] Peer Review: This ICNC monograph underwent four blind peer reviews, three of which recommended it for publication. After Other volumes in this series: satisfactory revisions ICNC released it for publication. Scholarly experts in the field of civil resistance and related disciplines, as well as People Power Movements and International Human practitioners of nonviolent action, serve as independent reviewers Rights, by Elizabeth A. Wilson (2017) of ICNC monograph manuscripts. Making of Breaking Nonviolent Discipline in Civil Resistance Movements, by Jonathan Pinckney (2016) The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle, by Tenzin Dorjee (2015) Publication Disclaimer: The designations used and material The Power of Staying Put, by Juan Masullo (2015) presentedin this publication do not indicate the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of ICNC. The author holds responsibility for the selection and presentation of facts contained in Published by ICNC Press this work, as well as for any and all opinions expressed therein, which International Center on Nonviolent Conflict are not necessarily those of ICNC and do not commit the organization 1775 Pennsylvania Ave. NW. Ste. -
African Coups
Annex 2b. Coups d’Etat in Africa, 1946-2004: Successful (1), Attempted (2), Plotted (3), and Alleged (4) Country Month Day Year Success Leaders Deaths Angola 10 27 1974 2 Antonio Navarro (inter alia) 0 Angola 5 27 1977 2 Cdr. Nito Alves, Jose van Dunen 200 Benin 10 28 1963 1 Gen. Christophe Soglo 999 Benin 11 29 1965 1 Congacou 0 Benin 12 17 1967 1 Alley 998 Benin 12 13 1969 1 de Souza 998 Benin 10 26 1972 1 Maj. Mathieu Kerekou 0 Benin 10 18 1975 2 Urbain Nicoue 0 Benin 1 16 1977 2 unspecified 8 Benin 3 26 1988 2 Capt. Hountoundji 0 Benin 5 1992 2 Pascal Tawes 0 Benin 11 15 1995 2 Col. Dankoro, Mr. Chidiac 1 Burkina Faso 1 3 1966 1 Lt. Col. Sangoule Lamizana 0 Burkina Faso 11 25 1980 1 Col. Saye Zerbo 0 Burkina Faso 11 7 1982 1 Maj. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo 20 Burkina Faso 8 4 1983 1 Capt. Thomas Sankara 13 Burkina Faso 10 15 1987 1 Capt. Blaise Campaore 100 Burkina Faso 10 20 2003 4 Norbert Tiendrebeogo, Capt. Wally Diapagri 0 Burundi 10 18 1965 2 unspecified 500 Burundi 11 29 1966 1 Capt. Micombero 999 Burundi 5 1972 4 unspecified 100000 Burundi 11 1 1976 1 Lt. Col. Jean-Baptiste Bagaza 0 Burundi 9 3 1987 1 Maj. Pierre Buyoya 0 Burundi 3 4 1992 2 Bagaza? 0 Burundi 7 3 1993 2 officers loyal to Buyoya 0 Burundi 10 21 1993 2 Gen. Bikomagu, Francois Ngeze 150000 Burundi 4 25 1994 2 Tutsi paratroopers 999 Burundi 7 25 1996 1 army 6000 Burundi 4 18 2001 2 Lt. -
Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser: Soldiers As Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen
H-Announce Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser: Soldiers as Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen Announcement published by Sabella Abidde on Monday, March 29, 2021 Type: Call for Papers Date: May 30, 2021 Location: Alabama, United States Subject Fields: African History / Studies, Area Studies, Black History / Studies, Middle East History / Studies, Political Science Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser Soldiers as Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen Editors: Sabella Abidde, Ph.D. and Felix Kumah-Abiwu, Ph.D. In the annals of modern African political history, four soldiers and coup plotters -- Jerry Rawlings (Ghana), Moammar Gaddafi (Libya), Thomas Sankara (Burkina Faso), and Gamal Abdel Nasser (Egypt) -- were rarities. They were at once intellectuals, nationalists, pan-Africanists, and statesmen. Their exceptionality is the reason for this edited volume. For more than four decades, beginning in the early 1950s through the tail-end of the twentieth century, Africa was the bastion of military coups bested perhaps only by Latin America. These sudden and extralegal overthrows of governments were so routine that many came to view coupists as unprofessional and unpatriotic members of the military that were ill-equipped to govern modern states and their various institutions. Nonetheless, there were exceptions to the typical: soldiers who transformed their immediate communities and, by extension, the continent. While the military’s role in politics is still a subject of intense debate in the scholarly/public domain, it is indisputable that some of Africa’s former military leaders went on to become icons and respected leaders of their time. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine why and how Rawlings, Gaddafi, Sankara, and Nasser became rarities in African and world politics. -
New Broom in Burkina Faso?
alexandra reza NEW BROOM IN BURKINA FASO? n late october 2014, hundreds of thousands of people poured onto the streets of Burkina Faso, incensed by Blaise Compaoré’s bid to change the constitution and seek a fifth presidential term.1 Many of their placards displayed photographs of Thomas Sankara, ICompaoré’s revolutionary predecessor. Others simply read: ‘Blaise, Get Out.’ Pressure had been building all year among citizens of the impov- erished West African state, and by October the mood had hardened. Compaoré clung on, sometimes defiant, sometimes pleading: suggesting reforms, appealing for stability, issuing reminders about the importance of the rule of law. The protests continued nonetheless. Police lined the streets. Many demonstrators were injured; at least thirty were killed. A group called Balai Citoyen (‘Citizens’ Broom’) played a key role in the protests. Balai was founded by prominent musicians: Smockey, a rapper, and the reggae artist Sams’K Le Jah, whose music helped to energize the mainly young crowd—60 per cent of Burkinabès are under 24. As well as Balai Citoyen, other social movements mobilized, among them the Mouvement Ça Suffit (‘That’s Enough’), along with trade unionists and established opposition politicians such as Zéphirin Diabré and Saran Sérémé, who had formerly been members of Compaoré’s ruling party. Sérémé and her colleague Juliette Kongo organized a major women’s protest in the capital Ouagadougou on 27 October. Thousands marched, holding wooden cooking spatulas and megaphones in the air. Eventually, on the 30th, a huge crowd—the opposition claimed it was a million strong—marched on the parliament building and breached its security cordon. -
Latest Revelations on the Assassination of Thomas Sankara
Latest revelations on the assassination of Thomas Sankara from The Italian documentary -‘African Shadows’ SILVESTRO: Were you there? Of Course I was in Burkina Faso, I was part of the operation. SILVESTRO: And were you present when Sankara was assassinated? MOMO: Of course, I was in the room when he was assassinated.SILVESTRO: What do you remember of that moment? MOMO (laughs). SILVESTRO: Sankara was waiting to meet Blaise Compaoré? NARRATOR: As General Momo states, Taylor was at this point working for the CIA, spying on Gaddafi and infiltrating African liberation movements that were training in Libya. PRINCE: There was an international plot to get rid of this man, and if I tell you how this happened, are you aware the secret services could kill you? SILVESTRO: An international plot. Because the truth would harm the current president Blaise Compaoré. In 1987 when Sankara was murdered, Compaoré was considered his best friend. Immediately after Sankara’s death, Compaoré said 'I was ill' 2009-09-03, Issue 446 http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/58463 Astounding allegations have come forth about the 1987 assassination of the former president of Burkina Faso, Thomas Sankara, through a documentary aired on Italy’s public channel RAI3. The documentary, entitled ‘African Shadows’ and by Silvestro Montanaro, details the alleged links of the American and French secret services to Sankara’s assassins and the involvement of the current President of Burkina Faso Blaise Compaoré. This week’s Pambazuka News brings you the striking three-part transcript of the recent documentary, featuring the testimonies of well-known Liberian figures. -
The Rise and Fall of a Political Party: Handling Political Failure In
kritisk etnografi – Swedish Journal of Anthropology VOL. 2, NO. 1–2 URN:NBN:SE:UU:DIVA-409768 The Rise and Fall of a Political Party: Handling Political Failure in Municipal Elections in Burkina Faso Sten Hagberg | Professor of Cultural Anthropology, Uppsala University ABSTRACT This article examines the socio-political transformations of Burkina Faso, following the ousting of President Blaise Compaoré from power in October 2014 and culminating with the municipal elections in May 2016. In particular, I develop a case-study on a political party (la Nouvelle Alliance du Faso, NAFA) that was founded in early 2015 around a presidential candidate who in mid-September the same year was deemed ineligible with reference to a newly adopted Electoral Law, and by the end of September was arrested and put in jail for having supported a failed coup d’état. Yet rather than considering this failed attempt to access power, I would like to analyse its local repercussions on municipal elections the following year. I describe the political failure from the perspective of NAFA regional and municipal political leaders, particularly by analyzing the actions of two local politicians. Beyond the specific case-study, the issue of political failure highlights how local political leaders are caught between their constituencies of voters and supporters, on the one hand, and the party’s headquarters and State administration, on the other. I look at the framing and timing of political failure and try to understand them as part of local leaders’ attempts to turn it into a socially and morally loaded virtue. Keywords: political transition, failure, elections, party politics, Burkina Faso Introduction At the end of October 2014, a popular insurrection – at the time most often called a revolution – ended the 27 years of reign of Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso. -
Regime Change in North Africa and Implications
Journal of Language, Technology & Entrepreneurship in Africa Vol. 4 No. 1 2013 Regime Change in North Africa: Possible Implications for 21st Century Governance in Africa Frank K. Matanga [email protected] Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kenya. Mumo Nzau [email protected] Catholic University of Eastern Africa (CUEA), Kenya. Abstract For most of 2011, several North African countries experienced sweeping changes in their political structures. During this period, North Africa drew world attention to itself in a profound way. Popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt forced long serving and clout wielding Presidents out of power. Most interestingly, these mass protests seemed to have a domino-effect not only in North Africa but also throughout the Middle East; thereby earning themselves the famous tag- “Arab Spring”. These events in North Africa have since become the subject of debate and investigation in academic, social media and political and/or political circles. At the centre of these debates is the question of “Implications of the Arab Spring on Governance in Africa in the 21st Century”. This Article raises pertinent questions. It revisits the social and economic causes of these regime changes in North Africa; the role of ICT and its social media networks and; the future of repressive regimes on the continent. Central to this discussion is the question: are these regime changes cosmetic? Is this wind of change transforming Africa in form but not necessarily in content? In this light the following discussion makes a critical analysis of the implications of these changes on 21st century governance in Africa. -
Facts and Figures
44 FACTS AND FIGURES Area: 274,000 sq km (slightly bigger than the United Kingdom) Population: 8.8 million (1989 estimate) Population growth rate: 2.7 per cent per annum Main ethnic groups: Mdssi, Peul, Lobi, Mande, Bobo, Gourounsi, Gourrhantche, Senoufou Life expectancy: 48 years Climate: Three climatic zones: the Sahelian (north), maximum annual rainfall 300 mm; Sudano- Sahelian (central), max. rainfall 300-600 mm; Sudano-Guinean (south/south west), rainfall 600- Preparing the evening meal In Titao 1200 mm. village: the leaves of the baobab tree will go in the sauce which flavours the Religion: Traditional animist 60 per cent, Moslem 30 per to. cent, Christian 10 per cent (all approximate) (Jeremy Hartley/Oxfam) Languages: Official language: French. Main national languages: Moore, Dioula, Fulfulde Capital: Ouagadougou (pop. 500,000). Other towns: Bobo Dioulasso (250,000), Koudougou (54,000), Ouahigouya (40,000) Currency: Franc CFA =100 centimes (under a fixed exchange rate, 50 FCFA = 1 French franc) National budget: FCFA 100 billion (£200 million) (1988 est.) 0 Average income: £135 p.a. per capita Exports: Gold, raw cotton, livestock, shea nuts, hides and skins, sesame seeds Foreign debt: £480 million (at 1 January 1988). Debt service as a percentage of export earnings, 1987: 12.7 per cent (due), 7.8 per cent (paid) (Jeremy Hartley/Oxfam) (Mark Edwards/Oxfam) 45 DATES AND EVENTS 1100-1400 An early branch of the Mossi people arises north of the River Niger and captures Timbuktu (1337) and other lands, before being finally defeated by Moslem forces of the Songhai empire. Late 1400s Naaba Oubri founds the Kingdom of Ouagadougou, marking the beginning of the Mossi empire. -
Burkina Faso: Echoes of a Revolution Past
5/5/2017 Africa at LSE – Burkina Faso: Echoes of a Revolution Past Burkina Faso: Echoes of a Revolution Past Ernest Harsch discusses the enduring appeal and influence of the revered revolutionary leader, Thomas Sankara. There is probably no time when people are more aware of history than when they are in the midst of making it. In Burkina Faso, President Blaise Compaoré had scarcely fled from huge crowds of angry demonstrators when protesters and commentators alike began drawing parallels with other momentous uprisings. The revolutionary spirit of the former Burkina Faso leader Thomas Sankara is still a source of inspiration to some, 27 years after his assassination Some recalled the Arab Spring revolts three years earlier, and wondered if this was the start of a subSaharan “Black Spring”. For others, the sacking and burning of the National Assembly on 30 October 2014 was reminiscent of the storming of the Bastille—an event featured in the former French colony’s school textbooks. Yet others saw similarities with January 3, 1966, when a popular outpouring ousted the first president of Upper Volta, as Burkina Faso was then known. The most common reference, however, has been to the revolutionary period led by Thomas Sankara, who was president from August 1983 until his assassination in Compaoré’s October 1987 military coup.[1] Some of today’s older protest figures had been colleagues of Sankara. Yet the big majority of insurgent youths who mobilised to bring down Compaoré are far too young to have had any direct experience with that charismatic leader. Despite the passage of time, the ideas promoted by Sankara remain attractive to disgruntled youth. -
Research Master Thesis
Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose? Understanding how and why new ICTs played a role in Burkina Faso’s recent journey to socio-political change Fiona Dragstra, M.Sc. Research Master Thesis Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose? Understanding how and why new ICTs played a role in Burkina Faso’s recent journey to socio-political change Research Master Thesis By: Fiona Dragstra Research Master African Studies s1454862 African Studies Centre, Leiden Supervisors: Prof. dr. Mirjam de Bruijn, Leiden University, Faculty of History dr. Meike de Goede, Leiden University, Faculty of History Third reader: dr. Sabine Luning, Leiden University, Faculty of Social Sciences Date: 14 December 2016 Word count (including footnotes): 38.339 Cover photo: Young woman protests against the coup d’état in Bobo-Dioulasso, September 2015. Photo credit: Lefaso.net and @ful226, Twitter, 20 September 2015 All pictures and quotes in this thesis are taken with and used with consent of authors and/or people on pictures 1 A dedication to activists – the Burkinabè in particular every protest. every voice. every sound. we have made. in the protection of our existence. has shaken the entire universe. it is trembling. Nayyirah Waheed – a poem from her debut Salt Acknowledgements Together we accomplish more than we could ever do alone. My fieldwork and time of writing would have never been as successful, fruitful and wonderful without the help of many. First and foremost I would like to thank everyone in Burkina Faso who discussed with me, put up with me and helped me navigate through a complex political period in which I demanded attention and precious time, which many people gave without wanting anything in return.