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'New Urbanism' Or Metropolitan-Level http://jtlu.org . 4 . 1 [Spring 2011] pp. 25–44 doi: 10.5198/jtlu.v4i1.170 ‘New urbanism’ or metropolitan-level centralization? A comparison of the inuences of metropolitan-level and neighborhood-level urban form characteristics on travel behavior Petter Næss Aalborg University, Denmark a Abstract: Based on a study in the Copenhagen Metropolitan Area, this paper compares the inuences of macro-level and micro-level urban form characteristics on the respondents’ traveling distance by car on weekdays. e Copenhagen study shows that metropolitan-scale urban- structural variables generally exert stronger inuences than neighborhood-scale built-environment characteristics on the amount of car travel. In particular, the location of the residence relative to the main city center of the metropolitan region shows a strong effect. Some local scale variables oen described as inuential in the literature, such as neighborhood street pattern, show no signicant effect on car travel when provisions are made to control for the location of the dwelling relative to the city center. Keywords: Residential location; travel; regional accessibility; centrality; neighborhood characteristics; rationales 1 Introduction center and sub-centers within the metropolitan-scale spatial structure. Studies in a number of cities in different European In the United States, research into relationships between land as well as Asian and South American countries have shown use and transport during recent years has been largely focused that residents living close to the city center travel less than their on the inuence of local-scale urban structural conditions on outer-area counterparts and carry out a higher proportion of travel behavior, comparing traditional suburban residential ar- their travel by bicycle or on foot (e.g. Mogridge 1985; Næss eas with areas developed according to the so-called ‘New Ur- 2006b; Næss et al. 1995; Zegras 2010). banism’ or ‘Transit Oriented Development’ principles (e.g. Based on a study in the Copenhagen Metropolitan Area, Cervero 1989; Krizek 2003). Oen, studies comparing the this paper compares the inuences of macro-level and micro- travel behavior of residents living in different kinds of built en- level urban form characteristics on respondents’ traveling dis- vironment do not take the location of the investigated neigh- tance by car on weekdays. e main results of the Copen- borhoods into consideration. For example, among 38 research hagen Metropolitan Area study have been published else- studies reviewed in a recent American article Cao et al. (2009), where Næss (2005, 2006a,b, 2009b) and will therefore only only six included variables indicating the location of the neigh- be presented briey here. e same applies to the theo- borhood relative to the city center, and one of these stud- retical background and the research methods used. ese ies was actually European. According to Boarnet and Crane have been described in detail in the above-mentioned pub- (2001, 49),a relatively limited geographical scale (not much lications and in a separate paper in which the Copenhagen more than a census tract) was, when their book was published, Metropolitan Area study is used as a reference case for a dis- typical of virtually all recent American empirical research into cussion of the ontological, epistemological and methodologi- relationships between built environment characteristics and cal basis of research into relationships between residential lo- travel. cation and travel (Næss 2004). e present paper concen- In a European context, research into relationships between trates on a comparison of the effects of metropolitan-scale and land use and travel has focused much more strongly on the location of the residence relative to the main metropolitan is also includes the issue of residential self-selection, which has been examined in detail in Næss (2009a) and hence will not be a focus of the [email protected] present paper. Copyright 2011 Petter Næss. Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution – NonCommercial License 3.0. . neighborhood-scale urban form characteristics on the amount is exible and the location may vary. A heterogeneous inter- of car travel, and an explanation of why the former variables mediary group includes trips where the time of the activity is turn out to be more inuential. more or less xed but the location may vary, and trips where In the next section, the theoretical background of the study the location is more or less xed but the time may vary. e is presented, followed by a section about the case urban region extent of space-time xity varies substantially between indi- (Copenhagen Metropolitan Area) and the research methods. viduals. For example, although the journey to work has a high e empirical results are presented in sections 4–7. degree of xity for most workforce participants, some workers (e.g. service mechanics and builders) work at different places, and the duration of work at the same location may also vary. 2 Theoretical background For some facility types, we almost always choose the closest e so-called activity-based approach (Fox 1995; Jones 1990; facility, because the various facilities are more or less equal (e.g. Vilhelmson 1999) is a useful conceptual framework for our post offices) or have regulated catchment areas (e.g. local gov- study. According to this approach, nearly all travel activity is ernment offices). But for other facilities, qualitative or sym- derived from the need or wish to carry out other, stationary ac- bolic differences within each facility category may cause peo- tivities. Activities are carried out to fulll physiological needs ple to travel beyond the nearest facility to a more attractive one (eating, sleeping), institutional needs (work, education), per- farther away. For cinemas and a number of other recreational sonal obligations (childcare, shopping), and personal prefer- facilities, many types of shops, and not the least workplaces, ences (leisure activities) (Vilhelmson 1999, 178). In recent a number of features other than proximity are also important years, this view has been challenged by theorists who consider when choosing among facilities. travel in late modern society to be increasingly a purpose in it- Despite decentralizing trends, most cities still have a higher self, rather than an instrument to move from one place to an- concentration of workplaces, retail businesses, public agen- other (Steg et al. 2001; Urry 2000). is may be true to some cies, cultural events, and leisure facilities in the historical ur- extent for vacation and leisure trips, but the activity-based ap- ban center and its immediate surroundings than in the periph- proach remains, in my opinion, a useful tool for understanding eral parts of the urban area. For residents in the inner and cen- and analyzing daily travel behavior. tral parts of the city, the distances to this concentration of fa- Hägerstrand (1970) distinguishes between three types of cilities will be short. Downtown is usually also close to the ge- time-geographical restrictions on human activities: capabil- ographical center of gravity of the workplaces and service facil- ity constraints, coupling constraints, and authority or steer- ities that are not themselves located to the city center (Nielsen ing constraints. Together, the different types of restrictions 2002). erefore, the average distance to the peripheral work- constitute a signicant limitation on people’s use of time and places and facilities will also be shorter for those living close to on the spatial distribution of their activities, in particular for the city center. Local-area densities are usually also higher in workforce participants and pupils on workdays and school- the inner parts of cities than in the peripheral suburbs. With days. Hence, the scope for “free” activities on weekdays far a higher density of residences or workplaces in the local area, from home is limited, in particular for those who do not have the population base for various types of local service facilities a private motor vehicle at their disposal. erefore, there will will increase. Hence, the average distance from residences to be “distance decay” in the attractiveness of facilities (Maddi- local services will also be shorter. Inner-city residents could son et al. 1996). e impact of a remote residential location thus be expected, on average, to make shorter daily trips than in terms of longer traveling distances is therefore likely to be their outer-area counterparts to both local and more special- counteracted to some extent by a lower frequency of trips, at ized facilities, and a high proportion of destinations might be least for non-compulsory activities. easily reached on foot or by bicycle. Based on Vilhelmson (1999, 181), trips can be classied A large number of empirical studies conducted during the into different categories, depending on how xed or exible last couple of decades have concluded that the amount of they are in time and space. “Bounded trips” are those under- travel and the proportion travel by car are higher among taken in order to reach activities for which both the time and suburbanites than among inner-city residents. is relation- geographical location are xed and cannot freely be deviated ship holds true when controlling for demographic and so- from, e.g. journeys to work or school. According to Vilhelm- cioeconomic variables, and also in the cases where control son, the majority of trips on weekdays belong to this category. has been made for transport attitudes
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