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Re-Tweeting Election #Ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD
Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Aodhán O Ríordáin TD 1 Re-Tweeting Election #ge11 Introduction The 2011 General Election was the first Twitter Election in Ireland. The appetite for increased engagement, accountability and interaction via the social media platform followed the resignation of Defence Minister Willie O’Dea in February 2010, in part because of a carefully composed tweet. By January 2011, Twitter was part of the daily political discourse, as candidates posted their thoughts, policies, pictures and links in the competitive war to raise profiles and attract eyeballs. The beauty of Twitter is that it allows your ‘followers’ to view you in a different lens from the normal political script, and to engage with you on a variety of topics political, personal, trivial and even philosophical. It also allows politicians break some news at appropriate times, and share views on national events without the constraints of a formal press release. This ebook is based on all the tweets published over the course of the General Election campaign, from the announcement of Labour’s motion of no confidence in the government to the day of the election result. It is important to consider that the commentary on the tweets was completed in the months immediately after the election in February 2011, when my memory of events and emotions was still raw and fresh, and not two years later. Therefore, the commentary provided is frozen in 2011 and has not been altered to take account of two years in government and developments in 2013. The tweets and reflections are frozen in time. -
London Elections
London Local Elections 2018 – Time to Raise the Red Flag? On May 3rd Londoners in the capital’s 32 boroughs* will have the chance to decide who runs their local services for the next four years. Labour is widely expected to make significant gains and tighten its political hold on the city. This has big implications for development and housing delivery in the capital. Many of the incoming, first-time Labour councillors are likely to be from the far left of the party and view the private sector with hostility. Given that it is private developers that build the bulk of London’s new homes, if these political purists want to deliver more than hot air for their constituents they may soon find themselves on a collision course with reality. The Politics of London Government Labour running London is not a new phenomenon. Since The Current State of Play 1 the 1960s Labour politicians have dominated the inner London boroughs with the exception of Westminster and Last local elections - 2014: Kensington & Chelsea. The richer, outer suburban boroughs • Labour controls 20 boroughs 4 of like Bromley, Kingston and Richmond have traditionally which have directly elected mayors voted Tory. This is known as the “Donut” effect. The arrival – Hackney, Lewisham, Newham and of the Liberal Democrats in the 1980s shook up the model Tower Hamlets. when they won in places like Southwark, Richmond and • Conservatives nine. Sutton but the general principle still applies. • Liberal Democrats one. • In Havering no group has overall Indeed the last time the Conservatives controlled a majority control. -
The Reemergence of Emigration from Ireland
THE RE-EMERGENCE OF EMIGRATION FROM IRELAND NEW TRENDS IN AN OLD STORY By Irial Glynn with Tomás Kelly and Piaras Mac Éinrí TRANSATLANTIC COUNCIL ON MIGRATION THE RE-EMERGENCE OF EMIGRATION FROM IRELAND New Trends in An Old Story By Irial Glynn with Tomás Kelly and Piaras Mac Éinrí December 2015 Acknowledgments Much of the research on which this report is based was carried out as a result of a one-year Irish Research Council grant, which enabled the completion of the EMIGRE (“EMIGration and the propensity to REturn”) project at University College Cork between October 2012 to September 2013. The resulting paper was completed with the support of a Marie Curie Intra-European Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Program. Thanks go to Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan and Kate Hooper from the Migration Policy Institute for their insightful comments on earlier drafts. This research was commissioned by the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), for its twelfth plenary meeting, held in Lisbon. The meeting’s theme was “Rethinking Emigration: A Lost Generation or a New Era of Mobility?” and this paper was one of the reports that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: Open Society Foundations, Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Barrow Cadbury Trust, the Luso- American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. -
THE PEACE PROCESS in COLOMBIA Statement by Eamon
THE PEACE PROCESS IN COLOMBIA Statement by Eamon Gilmore, EU Special Representative to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, April 4, 2019. A Chathaoirligh, A Theachtai agus Seanadoiri: Go raibh maith agaibh, as an cuireadh bheith libh ar maidin, chun cur sios gearr a dheanamh ar mo chuid oibre ar son an Aontas Eorpaigh, i dtaobh an proiseas siochana sa Choloim. Ta me sasta bhur gceisteanna a thogail tar eis mo raiteas. In October 2015, I was appointed by the High Representative, Vice President Federica Mogherini, as the EU Special Envoy for the Peace Process in Colombia. My role was to accompany the concluding stages of the Peace Negotiations between the Government of Colombia, and FARC which were taking place in Havana, Cuba, and thereafter, to accompany the implementation of the Peace Agreement, on behalf of the European Union. As the Committee is aware, a Peace Agreement was concluded in August 2016, to end the 52-year long FARC conflict, in which almost a quarter of a million people had been killed, 40,000 were still missing and 6 million people had been displaced from their homes. The Agreement was defeated in a National Plebiscite on October 2, 2016 (49.8% Yes; 50.2% No), was then renegotiated, and approved by the country’s parliament in December 2016, and all of this was subsequently upheld by the Constitutional Court. Implementation of the Agreement commenced on January 1, 2017. The Agreement, which took four years to negotiate, is very comprehensive, over 300 pages, and divided into 6 chapters which correspond to the 6 point agenda of the Peace Talks. -
Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939
Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor A Thesis in the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montréal, Québec, Canada March 2019 © Kyle McCreanor, 2019 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Kyle McCreanor Entitled: Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: _________________________________ Chair Dr. Andrew Ivaska _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Ted McCormick _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Cameron Watson _________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Gavin Foster Approved by _________________________________________________________ Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director _______________ 2019 _________________________________________ Dean of Faculty iii Abstract Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor This thesis examines the relationships between Irish and Basque nationalists and nationalisms from 1895 to 1939—a period of rapid, drastic change in both contexts. In the Basque Country, 1895 marked the birth of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (Basque Nationalist Party), concurrent with the development of the cultural nationalist movement known as the ‘Gaelic revival’ in pre-revolutionary Ireland. In 1939, the Spanish Civil War ended with the destruction of the Spanish Second Republic, plunging Basque nationalism into decades of intense persecution. Conversely, at this same time, Irish nationalist aspirations were realized to an unprecedented degree during the ‘republicanization’ of the Irish Free State under Irish leader Éamon de Valera. -
James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party
James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party Donal Mac Fhearraigh 100 years of celebration? to which White replied, `Put that furthest of all1' . White was joking but only just, 2012 marks the centenary of the founding and if Labour was regarded as conservative of the Irish Labour Party. Like most politi- at home it was it was even more so when cal parties in Ireland, Labour likes to trade compared with her sister parties. on its radical heritage by drawing a link to One historian described it as `the most Connolly. opportunistically conservative party in the On the history section of the Labour known world2.' It was not until the late Party's website it says, 1960s that the party professed an adher- ence to socialism, a word which had been `The Labour Party was completely taboo until that point. Ar- founded in 1912 in Clonmel, guably the least successful social demo- County Tipperary, by James cratic or Labour Party in Western Europe, Connolly, James Larkin and the Irish Labour Party has never held office William O'Brien as the polit- alone and has only been the minority party ical wing of the Irish Trade in coalition. Labour has continued this tra- Union Congress(ITUC). It dition in the current government with Fine is the oldest political party Gael. Far from being `the party of social- in Ireland and the only one ism' it has been the party of austerity. which pre-dates independence. The founders of the Labour The Labour Party got elected a year Party believed that for ordi- ago on promises of burning the bondhold- nary working people to shape ers and defending ordinary people against society they needed a political cutbacks. -
The Jim Kemmy Papers P5
The Jim Kemmy Papers P5 University of Limerick Library and Information Services University of Limerick Special Collections The Jim Kemmy Papers Reference Code: IE 2135 P5 Title: The Jim Kemmy Papers Dates of Creation: 1863-1998 (predominantly 1962-1997) Level of Description: Fonds Extent and Medium: 73 boxes (857 folders) CONTEXT Name of Creator: Kemmy, Seamus (Jim) (1936-1997) Biographical History: Seamus Kemmy, better known as Jim Kemmy, was born in Limerick on 14 September, 1936, as the eldest of five children to Elizabeth Pilkington and stonemason Michael Kemmy. He was educated at the Christian Brothers’ primary school in Sexton Street and in 1952 followed his father into the Ancient Guild of Incorporated Brick and Stonelayers’ Trade Union to commence his five-year apprenticeship. When his father died of tuberculosis in 1955, the responsibility of providing for the family fell onto Kemmy’s shoulders. Having qualified as a stonemason in 1957, he emigrated to England in the hope of a better income. The different social conditions and the freedom of thought and expression he encountered there challenged and changed his traditional Catholic values and opened his eyes to the issues of social injustice and inequality, which he was to stand up against for the rest of his life. In 1960, encouraged by the building boom, Kemmy returned to Ireland and found work on construction sites at Shannon. He also became involved in the Brick and Stonelayers’ Trade Union, and was elected Branch Secretary in 1962. A year later, he joined the Labour Party. Kemmy harboured no electoral ambitions during his early years in politics. -
Landslide Win for Ff in Elections
Page 2 - BELFAST SEX SCANDAL Page 3 — POSTSCRIPT TO STRIKE Page 4 - POLLUTION MYSTERY Page 5 - LAGAN LIGHTS IMo 497 JULY 1985 Page 6 - IRISH SONGS Page 7 - BOOKS PUBLISHED LANDSLIDE WIN Page 8 - DONALL MacAMHLAIGH Anti-pollution conference FIFTY delegates from eighteen organizations attended a conference FOR FF IN ELECTIONS held in Liverpool on Saturday June 15th, which may well be the start of something. The subject was the "Pollution DUBLIN LABOUR DECACLE and militarisation of the Irish Sea," and sponsors included Liverpool Labour M.P.s, Dafydd WP AND SF BUOYANT Wigley of Plaid Cymru, Messrs Brian Stowell and Alec Doswell, THE great swing against the unprincipled Fine Gael/Labour coalition should be a warning and the Merseyside County Council. shot across the bows of Garrett (we almost wrote Dermot) Fitzgerald). Speakers included Mr Dermot Nolan, General Secretary of Irish Here are some of the opportunism which must make OMINOUS CND, Mr Paul McGhee of figures. their founder James Connolly An ominous sign was the low Greenpeace (Barrow-in-Furnace), turn in his grave. turn-out in Dublin where only In Cavan, Galway, Laois, Mr Bernard Moffat of the Celtic In Galway the Labour share of 43% of the electorate went to vote. Limerick, Mayo, Meath, North League (Peel, IOM), Mrs Susan the vote was 0.2%. Can you The same was true in Cork and Tipperary, Fianna Fail had an Schafer of Merseyside Action for imagine it! A national party, and South County Dublin where only overall majority over all other Peace, Mr Victor Marshall 0.2%! Only 124 people voted 47% turned out, and Dun Laoire parties combined. -
BMH.WS1751.Pdf
ROIILN COSANTA. HISTORY, 1913-21 BUREAU OF MILITARY STATMENT BY WITNESS. 1,751 DOCUMENT NO. W.S. Witness The Hon, Justice Cahir Davitt, Dungriffan, 2, Sidney Parade Ave., Dublin. Identity. Circuit Judge Republican Courts, Dáil Éireann 1920-1922; Judge Advocate General, Irish Free State Army, 1922-1926. Subject. First Judge Advocate General of the Defence Forces of the Provisional Government and afterwards of the Irish Free State. Conditions,if any, Stipulatedby Witness. To be placed under seal for a period of 25 years as from 9th January, 1959. FileNo 1,637 Form B.S.M.2 JUDGE ADVOCATE GENERAL. PREFACE. Some few years ago, at the request of Colonel John Joyce, I wrote a memorandum upon the Dá11 Court for the Bureau of Military History. I had kept no diaries for the years 1920 to 1922 and had very few records with which to refresh my memory of the events which I attempted to describe. The memorandum had therefore to take the form of reminiscences of my personal experiences as a Judge of the Dáil Courts. What follows is intended to be a kind of sequel to that memorandum and a similar record of my personal experiences as the first Judge-Advocate-General of the Defence Forces of the Provisional Government and afterwards of the Irish Free State. I kept no diaries f or the years 1922 to 1926; and will have again to depend upon my unaided memory with occasional resort, in all probability, to the contemporary press and books of reference for the purpose of checking or ascertaining names or dates or the sequence of events. -
Constitution
LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION As amended at Party Conference 21-23 April 2017, Wexford Part 1: Principles and Objects OUR OBJECTIVE is to build a society based on political, social and economic democracy. We seek to challenge and redistribute all inequalities of power and wealth in society through the empowerment of ordinary people. We strive for social and economic justice, where everyone has a guaranteed standard of security and well-being, and fair opportunity to develop their personal and social selves and to participate in the economic, social and cultural life of the nation in conditions of freedom, solidarity, justice, economic security and equality. OUR DETERMINATION is to change Irish society through the broadest possible engagement with and empowerment of all progressive social forces – Irish, European and international – and through contesting elections and pursuing policies in government that further progressive ends. OUR PARTY is a democratic socialist party and, through its membership of the Party of European Socialists and the Progressive Alliance, is part of the international socialist movement working for equality and to empower of citizens, consumers and workers in a world increasingly dominated by big business, greed and selfishness. IT WAS FOUNDED from the trade union movement by James Connolly, Jim Larkin, Tom Johnson and others as a means for working people to organise politically, to combat squalor, ignorance, want, idleness and disease. These aspirations remain valid today. Despite Ireland’s economic wealth, class divisions continue to exist and many of its citizens continue to experience, from childhood, major inequalities in wealth, health and life chances. -
Five Days in Labour Party History by Brendan
SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS IN LABOUR PARTY HISTORY Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 By Brendan Halligan 1 SNAPSHOTS: FIVE DAYS OF LABOUR PARTY HISTORY By Brendan Halligan Essays originally published in The Irish Times, 1978 1. The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 2. The Day Labour almost came to Power: Tuesday, 16 August 1927 3. Why Labout Put DeValera in Power: 9 March 1932 4. Giving the Kiss of Life to Fine Gael: Wednesday, 18 February 1948 5. The Day the Party Died: Sunday, 13th December 1970 2 No. 1 The Triumph of the Green Flag: Friday, 1 November 1918 William O’Brien Fifteen hundred delegates jammed the Mansion House. It was a congress unprecedented in the history of the Labour Movement in Ireland. Or, in the mind of one Labour leader, in the history of the Labour movement in any country in Europe. The euphoria was forgivable. The Special Conference of the Irish Labour Party and Trade Union Congress (to give it its full name) was truly impressive, both in terms of its size and the vehemence with which it opposed the conscription a British government was about to impose on Ireland. But it was nothing compared to what happened four days later. Responding to the resolution passed by the Conference, Irish workers brought the economic life of the country to a standstill. It was the first General Strike in Ireland. Its success was total, except for Belfast. Nothing moved. Factories and shops were closed. No newspapers were printed. Even the pubs were shut. -
Coversheet for Thesis in Sussex Research Online
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sussex Research Online A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Children of the Red Flag Growing Up in a Communist Family During the Cold War: A Comparative Analysis of the British and Dutch Communist Movement Elke Marloes Weesjes Dphil University of Sussex September 2010 1 Statement I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature:……………………………………… 2 Abstract This thesis assesses the extent of social isolation experienced by Dutch and British ‘children of the red flag’, i.e. people who grew up in communist families during the Cold War. This study is a comparative research and focuses on the political and non-political aspects of the communist movement. By collating the existing body of biographical research and prosopographical literature with oral testimonies this thesis sets out to build a balanced picture of the British and Dutch communist movement.