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Coversheet for Thesis in Sussex Research Online
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sussex Research Online A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Children of the Red Flag Growing Up in a Communist Family During the Cold War: A Comparative Analysis of the British and Dutch Communist Movement Elke Marloes Weesjes Dphil University of Sussex September 2010 1 Statement I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature:……………………………………… 2 Abstract This thesis assesses the extent of social isolation experienced by Dutch and British ‘children of the red flag’, i.e. people who grew up in communist families during the Cold War. This study is a comparative research and focuses on the political and non-political aspects of the communist movement. By collating the existing body of biographical research and prosopographical literature with oral testimonies this thesis sets out to build a balanced picture of the British and Dutch communist movement. -
Women, Wobblies, Respectability, and the Law in the Pacific Northwest, 1905-1924
Beyond the Rebel Girl: Women, Wobblies, Respectability, and the Law in the Pacific Northwest, 1905-1924 by Heather Mayer M.A., University of California, Riverside, 2006 B.A., Portland State University, 2003 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Heather Mayer 2015 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2015 Approval Name: Heather Mayer Degree: Doctor of Philosophy (History) Title of Thesis: Beyond the Rebel Girl: Female Wobblies, Respectability, and the Law in the Pacific Northwest, 1905-1924. Examining Committee: Chair: Roxanne Panchasi Assoc. Professor Mark Leier Senior Supervisor Professor of History Karen Ferguson Supervisor Professor of Urban Studies/History Stephen Collis Internal/External Examiner Supervisor Professor of English Laurie Mercier External Examiner Professor, Department of History Washington State University- Vancouver Date Defended/Approved: February 20, 2015 ii Partial Copyright Licence iii ABSTRACT This thesis is a study of men and women associated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the states of Oregon and Washington, from the time of the union’s founding in 1905, to the release of a large group of political prisoners in 1924. IWW membership in this region has long been characterized as single, male, itinerant laborers, usually working in lumber or agriculture, and historians have generally focused on the perspective of this group of men. There were, however, women and men with wives and children who were active members of the organization, especially in the cities of Portland, Spokane, Everett, and Seattle. IWW halls in these cities often functioned as community centers, with family friendly events and entertainment. -
Histories the Impact of Historical Constructions on the British Labour Party
Géraldine Castel, The Impact of Historical Constructions Stories – History – Histories The Impact of Historical Constructions on the British Labour Party Géraldine Castel Univ. Grenoble Alpes, CEMRA, F-38000, Grenoble, France While some topics present the researcher with a starkly bare landscape in terms of resources, studying the British Labour party is the opposite. A plethora of data is available for analysis from speeches to manifestos, from minutes of governmental meetings to personal testimonies. Such a mass of information inevitably brings about a certain degree of confusion and frequent contradictions which make providing a consistent definition of the history of the movement extremely delicate. However, from such diverse material has emerged a fairly homogeneous narrative of past events related to the party and built around recurrent episodes, themes, measures and individuals. These elements are clearly visible in definitions of the movement such as the one provided by a standard reference book such as the Encyclopedia Britannica for instance: Labour Party: British political party whose historic links with trade unions have led it to promote an active role for the state in the creation of economic prosperity and in the provision of social services. In opposition to the Conservative Party, it has been the major democratic socialist party in Britain since the early 20th century.1 They appear as well in extracts from interviews with Labour students from the University of Manchester: What do you find important in what you know of the history of the Labour Party? Student n°1: I don’t know very much about the Labour Party’s history but I do think that the traditional link with the unions is very important. -
The British Labour Party Since the Hitler Era and World War II: from Anti-Zionism to Anti-Semitism Under Jeremy Corbyn
The British Labour Party Since The Hitler Era And World War II: From Anti-Zionism to anti-Semitism under Jeremy Corbyn by DR. HAROLD BRACKMAN SIMON WIESENTHAL CENTER DECEMBER 2019 wiesenthal.com ORIGINS UNDER POSTWAR LABOURITES Founded in 1900, the British Labour Party is the oldest, continuously existing social democratic party in the western world. World War I and the English people’s desire to “socialize” their economy propelled the Labour Party into power in the 1920s. An analogous dynamic did the same for Labour after World War II. During the 1930s, many Labour politicians opposed Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement of Adolf Hitler. However, the Party had a strong pacifist wing, which was also reflected in British public opinion. As a result, Labour was certainly not as opposed to appeasement as Churchill’s anti-Hitler Conservative followers.1 Specifically, as regards anti-Semitism, however, the Labour Party was consistently opposed to what they considered a domestic, as well as an international fascist menace—perhaps more so than were the Tories. Even today, elderly left-wing Brits (including Jeremy Corbyn) like to reminiscence about how their relatives Neville Chamberlain and Adolf Hitler - 1938 fought Sir Oswald Mosely’s fascists during 1936’s “Battle of Cable Street” in London’s East End.2 The return of the Conservative Party to power in 1951 began a half-century of jostling between Conservatives and Labour for dominance in Westminster. Moderate Labour governments under Harold Wilson in the 1960s and Tony Blair beginning in the 1990s maintained good relations with Israel.3 But after 2000, as the British political system began to polarize and fragment over both domestic and foreign policy issues, things started to change. -
'Flying the Red Flag? Communists in the National
1 ‘FLYING THE RED FLAG? COMMUNISTS IN THE NATIONAL UNION OF MINEWORKERS, 1945-1985’. SHERYL BERNADETTE BUCKLEY Ph.D. Thesis 2015. 2 ‘Flying the Red Flag? Communists in the National Union of Mineworkers, 1945-1985’. Volumes: I Sheryl Bernadette Buckley Submitted in partial fulfilment for the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Salford School of Arts and Media 2015 3 Contents I Communism and Coal pp.12- 38 1.0 The end p.12 1.1 Being British Communists p.13 1.2 The industrial strategy p.15 1.3 The Labour Party p.20 1.4 Building British Bolsheviks p.23 1.5 Perceptions of the strategy and party responses p.27 1.6 Perceptions of strength p.29 1.7 The CP and the NUM p.31 1.8 Self-identification p.37 II Literature Review pp.38- 61 2.0 Studying the CP and the NUM p.38 2.1 Why communist history? p.37 2.2 Ownership of the communist past p.40 2.3 Transparency p.41 2.4 Debates p.42 2.5 The CP and the Soviet Union p.44 2.6 The Cold War and industrial politics p.44 2.7 The link between King Street and coalfield Communists p.46 2.8 Proving the link: evidence p.48 2.9 Horner and the party p.49 2.1.0 Post-nationalisation changes? p.51 2.1.1 Unofficial strikes p.52 2.1.2 Official strikes p.53 2.1.3 Agitators or instigators? p.54 2.1.4 Wage militancy and surplus labour p.55 2.1.5 Economism and politicisation p.56 2.1.6 Scargillism p.58 2.1.7 Main research objectives and originality p.61 III Sources and Methods pp.62-71 3.0 The Historical Method p.62 3.1 Sources p.62 3.2 Labour History and Study Centre, Manchester p.63 3.3 Working -
User-Generated Ideology in the Age of Jeremy Corbyn and Social Media Fuchs, Christian
WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/westminsterresearch Red Scare 2.0: User-Generated Ideology in the Age of Jeremy Corbyn and Social Media Fuchs, Christian This is an author's accepted manuscript of an article published in the Journal of Language and Politics, 15 (4), pp. 369-398, 2016. The final definitive version is available online at: https://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.4.01fuc The article is under copyright and that the publisher should be contacted for permission to re-use or reprint the material in any form. The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: ((http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e-mail [email protected] Fuchs, Christian. 2016. Red Scare 2.0: User-Generated Ideology in the Age of Jeremy Corbyn and Social Media. Journal of Language and Politics 15 (4): 369-398. Red Scare 2.0: User-Generated Ideology in the Age of Jeremy Corbyn and Social Media Christian Fuchs <369:> Abstract This paper asks: How has Jeremy Corbyn been framed in discourses on Twitter in an ideological manner and how have such ideological discourses been challenged? It uses ideology critique as method for the investigation of tweets mentioning Jeremy Corbyn that were collected during the final phase of the Labour Party’s 2015 leadership election. -
Corporate Policing, Yellow Unionism, and Strikebreaking, 1890–1930
Corporate Policing, Yellow Unionism, and Strikebreaking, 1890–1930 This book provides a comparative and transnational examination of the complex and multifaceted experiences of anti-labour mobilisation, from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s. It retraces the formation of an extensive market for corporate policing, privately contracted security and yellow unionism, as well as processes of professionalisation in strikebreaking activities, labour espionage and surveillance. It reconstructs the diverse spectrum of right-wing patriotic leagues and vigilante corps which, in support or in competition with law enforcement agencies, sought to counter the dual dangers of industrial militancy and revolutionary situations. Although considerable research has been done on the rise of socialist parties and trade unions the repressive policies of their opponents have been generally left unexamined. This book fills this gap by reconstructing the methods and strategies used by state authorities and employers to counter outbreaks of labour militancy on a global scale. It adopts a long-term chronology that sheds light on the shocks and strains that marked industrial societies during their turbulent transition into mass politics from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s. Offering a new angle of vision to examine the violent transition to mass politics in industrial societies, this is of great interest to scholars of policing, unionism and striking in the modern era. Matteo Millan is associate professor of modern and contemporary history at the University of Padova, Italy. -
Intergenerational Memory, the Labour Party, and the Ghost of the Two Tony’S
Intergenerational memory, The Labour Party, and The Ghost of the Two Tony’s Daniel James Lewis MA by Research University of York History July 2018 Abstract This dissertation will examine the Labour Party memberships’ understanding of its own history. By use of an online survey the individual grassroots membership was contacted and asked to give their opinion regarding certain major leaders, figures, internal and external events in the recent history of the party. These results were cross referenced with published studies carried out by Seyd and Whiteley in the 1980s and 90s. The results illustrate that there is a generational split in the collective memory of the party between two groups, basically these two groups are younger and older party generations. This split can be explained by the ‘reminiscence bump’ which is a concept from the world of psychology. Those who identify with a particular ideological section of the party are much more likely to have a different perceptions of the past compared with other sections. As Whiteley has shown, people join the party for either instrumental or expressive reasons and that those two reasons become manifest in different perceptions of the two figures of Tony Blair and Tony Benn. These differing perceptions reinforce the idea that the past is always viewed through the lens of the present. This dissertation offers a framework for historians to use when analysing popular cultural perceptions of history with generational memory at its heart. 2 List of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………….p2 -
You Are Being Lied to About Immigration PAGES 4&5
NO. 9 • JANUARY 2017 • PRICE £1.00 • REDFLAGONLINE.ORG FEATURE You are being lied to about immigration PAGES 4&5 THEREDFLAPAGE 3 G NHS primed for Momentum: where next? PAGES 6&7 FRACKING privatisation RISK FOR HALF OF UK PAGE 7 leaked and some published. unflled with trainee numbers Hinchingbrooke Hospital, it had to BY DARA O’COGHAIDHIN • Leicester, Leicestershire & Rut- down 17 per cent cut over four withdraw from a 10-year contract land region will close one of three years. Tis will get worse when bur- due to patient neglect and inade- acute hospitals saries are scrapped in 2017. quate hygiene. SECRET COST-CUTTING plans • Te Black Country will shut down could force hospitals, Accident & an acute unit and one of its two PRIVATISATION SAVE THE NHS Emergency departments and wards general hospitals A YouGov poll found that 84 per On 26 November, thousands of to close, as stretched health workers • Mid and South Essex will down- cent of respondents want a publicly campaigners responded to a call struggle to cope. Te Guardian and grade Southend and Broomfeld owned NHS. But Tory cuts, along- from Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn campaign group 38 Degrees reveal A&Es, leaving Basildon alone to side private frms’ ability to under- to defend our NHS. Tis is just a that NHS Trusts face a shortfall of cope. cut public providers, will push start. £22 billion by 2020-21. Dr Tajek Hassan, President of the CCGs to outsource their contracts. Defending the NHS should be- Each of NHS England’s 44 “foot- Royal College of Emergency Medi- Tis is a deliberate strategy: run come a nationwide focal point for print” areas have been asked to sub- cine, warned that STPs “are poten- down the NHS; undermine public resistance to this government. -
Apocalypse, Utopia, Solidarity
Billy Bragg’s Revival of Aging Anthems: Radical Nostalgia or Activist Inspiration? 17 July 2007 A paper presented to the Working Class Studies Association conference, St. Paul, MN, Friday, 15 June 2007 David Walls, Ph.D. Professor Emeritus of Sociology Sonoma State University Rohnert Park, California Billy Bragg’s Revivial of Aging Anthems: Radical Nostalgia or Activist Inspiration? What makes a song an anthem of a social movement? Extending beyond the limited moment of topical or protest songs, anthems embody a movement’s often visionary, utopian or even apocalyptical values and goals by tapping deep cultural themes and metaphors, enduring over time and recalling participants to renew commitment and sacrifice. But even reasonably successful movements follow a course of emergence, ascendance and decline. Inevitably, over time, the master frame of a movement is superseded by new narratives. Anthems can be expected to rise and decline in potency along with their movements. When and how does time’s passing dampen the resonance of an anthem? Can an anthem be revised and revived? English punk rock singer Billy Bragg, in his 1990 album “The Internationale,” attempted to revive three venerable but fading movement anthems born in the context of the Nineteenth Century – “The Red Flag,” “The Internationale,” and “Blake’s Jerusalem.” “Jerusalem” has a specifically English context, but “The Red Flag” was once sung in the United States as well as Britain, and “The Internationale” was, of course, sung around the world. Although “The Red Flag” and “The Internationale” were creations of the late Nineteenth Century socialist movement, in the Twentieth Century they came to be identified with communism. -
The Significance of Political Colours
Red, White and Blue, What Do They Mean to You? The Significance of Political Colours Marian Sawer The political meaning of colours is a tantalising subject, something with which we may feel very familiar, but which also includes mysteries and controversies. Colours have long been important symbols of political parties or social movements. For centuries people have worn colours to show they identify with a cause and colours have also been part of the emotional life of social movements. When we see television coverage of election night in the United Kingdom at the declaration of the poll in different constituencies on election night in the United Kingdom (UK) we see the candidates lining up wearing their huge campaign rosettes. They are red for Labour, yellow (gold) for the Liberal Democrats, blue for Conservatives, and green for Greens.1 This particular alignment of colours with the political spectrum tends to be taken for granted in much of the world—leading to cognitive dissonance over recent developments in the United States of America (USA) where the strongholds of the (conservative) Republicans are now described as ‘red states’, while the Democrats have become blue. The discomfort caused by this seemingly arbitrary assignment of colours underlines the fairly stable meanings accumulated by political colours in much of the world. These meanings are reinforced by the stories told about them by social movements themselves—now available on numerous movement websites. These websites are the source for much of the following overview of meanings accruing to the colours red, black and green. Red and its dangers By the late nineteenth century red was being appropriated by the socialist movement. -
Health Warning ! the Best Health Care Is Given to the Rich
LEFLEFTT TRIBUNE THE MAGAZINE OF LABOUR YOUTH IN IRELAND VOL 3 ISSUE II 2008 HEALTH WARNING ! THE BEST HEALTH CARE IS GIVEN TO THE RICH Also in this issue>>>> Eamon Gilmore, US elections, Asylum Seekers, Democracy in Turkey, Homelessness, Lisbon Treaty 2 The Left Tribune On the Campaign Trail: Labour Youth 4 months on Since our last issue November Labour Youth have been involved in a number of campaigns and demonstrations. At the end of November we joined Labour LGBT candle lit vigil outside the Dail show our support for Same-Sex Marriages and Civil Unions. Following the Cancer Care scandal, Labour Youth were first to call on Mary Harney to publicly apol- ogise and resign. The unjust two-tier health service has been created and is being maintained by the current PD-Fianna Fail government. A Left Tribune is the magazine of worrying development in Ireland today is that not having private health Labour Youth in Ireland. We operate insurance in a sign of poverty. Dermot Looney has written an excellent on the basis of a sustainable and article for this issue on the current state of the Health Service. democratic socialist ethos. Fortunately there are people who stand up to the neo-liberal moves by various institutions, for example Dan O’Neill, UCD Branch Chair tells us As such, Left Tribune is printed on paper which is 50% recycled and on p.8 of the attempt by UCD to introduce student charges in the UCD 50% from sustainable forests. If you Health Centre, and how the student movement in UCD successfully are finished reading, we would ask stopped the college from doing just that.