Irish Political Review, October 2010
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The Reemergence of Emigration from Ireland
THE RE-EMERGENCE OF EMIGRATION FROM IRELAND NEW TRENDS IN AN OLD STORY By Irial Glynn with Tomás Kelly and Piaras Mac Éinrí TRANSATLANTIC COUNCIL ON MIGRATION THE RE-EMERGENCE OF EMIGRATION FROM IRELAND New Trends in An Old Story By Irial Glynn with Tomás Kelly and Piaras Mac Éinrí December 2015 Acknowledgments Much of the research on which this report is based was carried out as a result of a one-year Irish Research Council grant, which enabled the completion of the EMIGRE (“EMIGration and the propensity to REturn”) project at University College Cork between October 2012 to September 2013. The resulting paper was completed with the support of a Marie Curie Intra-European Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Program. Thanks go to Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan and Kate Hooper from the Migration Policy Institute for their insightful comments on earlier drafts. This research was commissioned by the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), for its twelfth plenary meeting, held in Lisbon. The meeting’s theme was “Rethinking Emigration: A Lost Generation or a New Era of Mobility?” and this paper was one of the reports that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: Open Society Foundations, Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Barrow Cadbury Trust, the Luso- American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. -
THE PEACE PROCESS in COLOMBIA Statement by Eamon
THE PEACE PROCESS IN COLOMBIA Statement by Eamon Gilmore, EU Special Representative to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, April 4, 2019. A Chathaoirligh, A Theachtai agus Seanadoiri: Go raibh maith agaibh, as an cuireadh bheith libh ar maidin, chun cur sios gearr a dheanamh ar mo chuid oibre ar son an Aontas Eorpaigh, i dtaobh an proiseas siochana sa Choloim. Ta me sasta bhur gceisteanna a thogail tar eis mo raiteas. In October 2015, I was appointed by the High Representative, Vice President Federica Mogherini, as the EU Special Envoy for the Peace Process in Colombia. My role was to accompany the concluding stages of the Peace Negotiations between the Government of Colombia, and FARC which were taking place in Havana, Cuba, and thereafter, to accompany the implementation of the Peace Agreement, on behalf of the European Union. As the Committee is aware, a Peace Agreement was concluded in August 2016, to end the 52-year long FARC conflict, in which almost a quarter of a million people had been killed, 40,000 were still missing and 6 million people had been displaced from their homes. The Agreement was defeated in a National Plebiscite on October 2, 2016 (49.8% Yes; 50.2% No), was then renegotiated, and approved by the country’s parliament in December 2016, and all of this was subsequently upheld by the Constitutional Court. Implementation of the Agreement commenced on January 1, 2017. The Agreement, which took four years to negotiate, is very comprehensive, over 300 pages, and divided into 6 chapters which correspond to the 6 point agenda of the Peace Talks. -
Seanad E´Ireann
Vol. 193 Tuesday, No. 5 20 January 2009 DI´OSPO´ IREACHTAI´ PARLAIMINTE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES SEANAD E´ IREANN TUAIRISC OIFIGIU´ IL—Neamhcheartaithe (OFFICIAL REPORT—Unrevised) Tuesday, 20 January 2009. Commemoration of the Ninetieth Anniversary of the First Da´il………………261 Business of Seanad ………………………………277 Order of Business …………………………………279 Allocation of Time: Motion ……………………………282 Anglo Irish Bank Corporation Bill 2009: Second Stage …………………………………282 Committee and Remaining Stages …………………………308 Earlier Signature Motion ……………………………325 SEANAD E´ IREANN ———— De´ Ma´irt, 20 Eana´ir 2009. Tuesday, 20 January 2009. ———— Pursuant to Resolutions passed by Da´il E´ ireann on 18 December 2008 and by Seanad E´ ireann on 17 December 2008, both Houses met in the Round Room of the Mansion House, Dublin, at 11 a.m., the Ceann Comhairle presiding. ———— Paidir. Prayer. ———— Commemoration of the Ninetieth Anniversary of the First Da´il. An Ceann Comhairle: A dhaoine oirirce, 90 bliain o´ shin nuair a tha´inig an Che´ad Dha´il le che´ile, bhı´ 34 duine as 105 de na comhaltaı´ tofa i bprı´osu´ n. Bhraith roinnt mhaith de na com- haltaı´ a tha´inig go dtı´ an fhoirgnimh seo go rabhadar i mbaol. Sheasadar i dtoghcha´n agus tha´ngadar anseo ar chu´ is amha´in: chreideadar sa neamhsplea´chas agus chreideadar sa daonlathas. No´ cha bliain ina dhiaidh sin, is minic a bhraithimid easpa spe´ise a bheith ag daoine sa pholai- tı´ocht no´ go bhfuiltear ag de´anamh talamh sla´nda´r bhain na daoine cro´ ga sin amach 90 bliain o´ shin. Ach, ar shlı´, is comhartha ratha e´ sin o´ thaobh na ndaoine misniu´ la a tha´inig go dtı´ an seomra seo 90 bliain o´ shin, agus o´ na dtaobh siu´ d a tho´ ga´rna´isiu´ n agus a´r gco´ ras polaitı´ochta o´ shin. -
Complaint, an Tost Fada (The Long Silence), Written and Narrated By
Four pages 1 Complaint, An Tost Fada (The Long Silence), written and narrated by Eoghan Harris, produced and directed by Gerry Gregg, Praxis Films, RTÉ One, 16 April 2012, 7.30pm From: Tom Cooper, 23 Delaford Lawn, Knocklyon, Dublin 16 Telephone: 085 7065200, Email: [email protected], 14 May 2012 (replaces 10 May complaint, please reply by email if possible) Eoghan Harris scripted and narrated an Irish language programme broadcast on RTÉ on 16 April 2012, produced and directed by Gerry Gregg, made by their company, Praxis Films. An Tost Fada (The Long Silence) told a compelling story of Rev’d George Salter’s father, William, being forced to abandon his West Cork farm in 1922. The story was personally moving but the telling of it was historically misleading. The subject matter of the programme concerns matters of public controversy and debate: (a) the specific killing of 13 Protestant civilians in Ballygroman, Dunmanway, in and around Ballineen- Enniskeane and Clonakilty, between 26-9 April 1922; (b) and, generally, the treatment of the Protestant minority in Southern Ireland. The programme makers broadcast incorrect information, seemingly so as to maintain the programme’s pre-selected narrative drive. It would appear, also, the programme makers did not avail of the services of a historical adviser. Had they done so, it might have prevented obvious errors. Here are some examples of the errors. THE SALTER FAMILY 1. The programme contained the following statement: ‘George’s father [William] had six sisters and two brothers. But every one of them left Ireland by April 1922. -
James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party
James Connolly and the Irish Labour Party Donal Mac Fhearraigh 100 years of celebration? to which White replied, `Put that furthest of all1' . White was joking but only just, 2012 marks the centenary of the founding and if Labour was regarded as conservative of the Irish Labour Party. Like most politi- at home it was it was even more so when cal parties in Ireland, Labour likes to trade compared with her sister parties. on its radical heritage by drawing a link to One historian described it as `the most Connolly. opportunistically conservative party in the On the history section of the Labour known world2.' It was not until the late Party's website it says, 1960s that the party professed an adher- ence to socialism, a word which had been `The Labour Party was completely taboo until that point. Ar- founded in 1912 in Clonmel, guably the least successful social demo- County Tipperary, by James cratic or Labour Party in Western Europe, Connolly, James Larkin and the Irish Labour Party has never held office William O'Brien as the polit- alone and has only been the minority party ical wing of the Irish Trade in coalition. Labour has continued this tra- Union Congress(ITUC). It dition in the current government with Fine is the oldest political party Gael. Far from being `the party of social- in Ireland and the only one ism' it has been the party of austerity. which pre-dates independence. The founders of the Labour The Labour Party got elected a year Party believed that for ordi- ago on promises of burning the bondhold- nary working people to shape ers and defending ordinary people against society they needed a political cutbacks. -
Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic -
Ibis Newsletter
IInsBtitute Ifor SBritish-NIrish SEtudieWs SL ETTE R Winter 2008 Issue 11 Contents IBIS 2008 Conference From Conflict to Consensus: The Legacy of the Good Friday Agreement...............1 IBIS Events IBIS Book Launch................2 Breaking the Patterns of Pictured (l-r): John Coakley, IBIS; An Taoiseach, Mr Bertie Ahern, TD; UCD Conflict..................................2 President, Dr Hugh Brady; Rt Hon Mr Shaun Woodward, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland IBIS News Latest Working Papers......3 The 2008 IBIS Annual Conference , then introduced the guest of honour Recent Activities.................3 From Conflict to Consensus: The and keynote speaker, An Taoiseach , IBIS Update..........................3 Legacy of the Good Friday Agreement , Mr Bertie Ahern, TD . The Taoiseach was held on 3 April at the Clinton began his address by paying tribute to British-Irish Developments Auditorium, UCD. The conference, those who were central to the peace which marked the 10th anniversary of and settlement process. Looking Chronology..........................4 the Belfast Agreement, took place ahead, he noted new British-Irish New IBIS Publications.........4 amid a whirl of media activity as it initiatives in Northern Ireland such as coincided with the resignation of the ‘massive programme of joint keynote speaker Mr Bertie Ahern, TD , investment in infrastructure ’. He as Taoiseach. noted too that the task of developing the economy, ‘including on an all- The conference began with an island dimension ’ is crucial to the overview of the factors that brought future. The Taoiseach ended his the Agreement into existence. Lord speech to a warm standing ovation Bew addressed the role of the parties with a quote from Thomas Paine: ‘If in formulating the Agreement, there must be trouble let it be in my focusing on government policy as day, that my child may have peace ’. -
37 Seanad Éireann 535
37 SEANAD ÉIREANN 535 Déardaoin, 6 Bealtaine, 2010 Thursday, 6th May, 2010 10.30 a.m. RIAR NA hOIBRE Order Paper GNÓ POIBLÍ Public Business 1. (l) An Bille um Chúram Leanaí (Leasú) 2009 — An Tuarascáil. (a) Child Care (Amendment) Bill 2009 — Report Stage. 2. An Bille um Bunachais Pórúcháin Madraí 2009 — An Tuarascáil. Dog Breeding Establishments Bill 2009 — Report Stage. 3. An Bille um Fhorbairtí Ilaonad 2009 — An Tuarascáil. Multi-Unit Developments Bill 2009 — Report Stage. 4. An Bille um Sheirbhísí Maoine (Rialáil) 2009 — An Tuarascáil. Property Services (Regulation) Bill 2009 — Report Stage. 5. An Bille Fíneálacha 2009 [Dáil] — An Tuarascáil. Fines Bill 2009 [Dáil] — Report Stage. 6. An Bille Cróinéirí 2007 — An Coiste. Coroners Bill 2007 — Committee. 7. An Bille Cumarsáide (Sonraí a Choimeád) 2009 [Dáil] — An Coiste. Communications (Retention of Data) Bill 2009 [Dáil] — Committee. 8. An Bille chun Airm Úráiniam Laghdaithe a Thoirmeasc 2009 — An Coiste. Prohibition of Depleted Uranium Weapons Bill 2009 — Committee. —Senators Dan Boyle, Fiona O’Malley. 9. Bille na dTeangacha Oifigiúla (Leasú) 2005 — An Dara Céim. Official Languages (Amendment) Bill 2005 — Second Stage. —Senators Joe O’Toole, Paul Coghlan, David Norris. P.T.O. 536 6 Bealtaine, 2010 10. An Bille um Chosaint Coigiltis Comhair Creidmheasa 2008 — An Dara Céim. Credit Union Savings Protection Bill 2008 — Second Stage. —Senators Joe O’Toole, David Norris, Feargal Quinn, Shane Ross, Ivana Bacik, Rónán Mullen. 11. An Bille um Chumas Meabhrach agus Caomhnóireacht 2008 — An Dara Céim. Mental Capacity and Guardianship Bill 2008 — Second Stage. —Senators Joe O’Toole, David Norris, Feargal Quinn, Shane Ross, Ivana Bacik. -
Congressional Record—Senate S9724
S9724 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE September 7, 2005 be incurred if current law remains in place When John Smith died tragically in 1994, their ceasefire appeared to be collapsing in and the annual fee declines, the total cost to Mo Mowlam, a fellow north of England MP, January 1998, following several murders. the private sector of extending this mandate was a principal lieutenant of Tony Blair in Not only did she hold the ring, albeit with would be close to $300 million annually, be- his leadership campaign. Her reward in being difficulty, but it was the moment the British ginning in fiscal year 2006. Measured that appointed Northern Ireland spokeswoman system realised that agreement would only way, the cost of the mandate would exceed marked a shift away from the moderate pro- happen if it involved a radical programme to the annual threshold for the private sector nationalist stance of McNamara and release paramilitary prisoners, however as defined in UMRA. By contrast, measured Labour’s formal policy through the 1980s of awful their convictions. She well understood against the fees paid for fiscal year 2005, the Irish unity by consent. that to obtain peace one had to be prepared mandate would impose no additional costs Whether Labour would ever have been ac- to get one’s hands dirty. on the private sector because the fees under tive persuaders for unity is doubtful. That In the last hours of the Good Friday nego- the bill would not differ much from those policy was devised as a means of containing tiations, she sat with the Taoiseach Bertie currently in effect. -
Irish Political Review, September 2009
Bank Nationalisation Afghan 'Bad Lands' Bill O'Brien Editorial Pat Walsh Labour Comment page 5 page 17 back page IRISH POLITICAL REVIEW September 2009 Vol.24, No.9 ISSN 0790-7672 and Northern Star incorporating Workers' Weekly Vol.23 No.9 ISSN 954-5891 Northern Ireland: Democracy Identity And Crisis And Justice Denis Bradley is one of the couple of political commentators who have anything to say Democracy—government of the about the Northern situation that is worth reading. His Irish News article on July 3rd was people, for the people, by the people"— headed Unity Argument Should Be Sinn Fein's Only Argument. He argues that Sinn Fein has gone through strange evolution. When is. greatly mistaken in presenting itself as a socialist party in the Free State and Britain invaded Iraq with the object of condemning Fianna Fail on socialist grounds for its handling of the economic crisis: destroying the state, the opinion of the "Instead of putting its energy into reminding and challenging each southern party to people was against it as far as one could live up to and work for their own stated aim of a united Ireland, Sinn Fein behaves like tell. But the Government said that was any other political party and fights elections on local bread-and-butter issues. Sinn Fein OK because Britain was a democracy and is attempting to be the primary champion of a united Ireland and a normal political party its people had the right to be against the at one and the same time. It can be a champion or it can be a normal political party. -
2013/27/1485 Creation Date(S): 21
NATIONAL ARCHIVES IRELAND Reference Code: 2013/27/1485 Creation Date(s): 21 April 1983 Extent and medium: 3 pages Creator(s): Department of Foreign Affairs Access Conditions: Open Copyright: National Archives, Ireland. May only be reproduced with the written permission of the Director of the National Archives. Mise. IT. OINN AN TAOIS GH -' - ~. ____-r __ ___________________________________________________U_i _m_h_ir_.. _.. -...- .. _"._.. _... _ .. _... _ .. _.. ..._ _ .. To: From: New Ireland Forum Meeting with Dr. Marti n Mansergh, Fianna Fail, 21 April, 1983 1. On 20 April, 1983, Dr. Mansergh had asked, on the instruction of Deputy Haughey, whether bny advantage would be seen by the Government parties in Dr. Mansergh and I meeting to tease out some of the issues for discussion at the meeting of party leaders on 21 April to discuss arrangements for the Forum. The T~oiseach agreed that I should have such an exploratory discussion with Dr. Mansergh ad referendum to the party leaders. 2. We met at 12.15 p.m. in the leas-Cathaoirleach's room in Leinster House. He said that he had been asked to raise three matters: the name of the body, the number of representatives for each party and the cha1rmanship. 3. On the name of the body he said that Fianna Fail suggested, not for their own but for the SDLP's sake, that there was considerable merit in reverting to the title originally suggested by the SDLP. The word IIForum ll had connotations of a larger and more loosely organised body than was now intended. The Taoiseach had wished that participation be open to the Alliance and other parties. -
Introduction: Parties and Policy Making in Ireland
Introduction: Parties and policy making in Ireland C o n t i n u i t y One of the most remarkable aspects of post-Treaty Ireland was how well the political institutions established by the British colonial administration survived. This is not altogether surprising when one considers that the Irish struggle for independence ended in ‘a compromise with the former coloniser which denied true emancipation’. 1 Many members of the new elite ‘found nothing better to do with their freedom than to duplicate the British system’ while ‘a new use was found for the Irish language as a kind of green spray-paint to be coated over the remaining British pillar boxes, systems and titles, in order to conceal the ever-growing similarity with the British way of life’. 2 Kevin O’Higgins ’ s conviction that they ‘were probably the most conservative-minded revolutionaries that ever put through a successful revolution’ 3 gives some idea of the limitations and parameters within which the Free State would take shape. The survival of the British civil service, based in Dublin Castle, provides a striking example of the basic continuity that followed the Treaty. ‘Independence’, Basil Chubb notes, ‘did not much aff ect the well-established and powerful departments’ and for the former British civil service ‘life went on much as before’. 4 Under the Treaty, the position of former colonial administration employees was protected and most managed to exchange political masters with equanimity. A small number (about one hundred) voluntarily transferred to Belfast to serve the Northern Ireland administration. The transition from colonial power to a native administration did not, therefore, impinge greatly on the civil service.