EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL ADJUSTMENT OF TEN ARAB MUSLIM STUDENTS IN CANADIAN UNIVERSITY CLASSROOMS

By

Ibrahim Abukhattala

The Department of Integrated Studies in Education

Faculty of Education McGill University

Montreal. Canada

JULY, 2004

A Thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for The degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Education

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

1 wish to first acknowledge God for the guidance, faith and affirmation to complete this course of life. A number of people have provided the support needed for me to complete this pro gram of study. It is indeed pleasure to thank and acknowledge sorne of the people who contributed to this thesis.

1 would like to express my deep appreciation and profound gratitude to Dr. Joan

Russell who served as my thesis supervisor. 1 was always impressed by the eagemess and speed with which she read each draft. Throughout this academic endeavor, Dr. Russell was a great mentor, whose wisdom, keen insight and expertise guided this project through every stage. Her critical thinking allowed me to see my text and make meanings of my words. Her support, encouragement, and patience were a great source of inspiration to me. 1 only hope to repay what 1 have leamed from Dr. Russell by passing it to another student someday.

Appreciation is also extended to the members of my doctoral committee: Dr.

Boyd White for his ongoing support, encouragement and constructive suggestions and comments, and Dr. Shaheen Shariff for her critical feedback and insights. 1 sincerely thank both ofthem.

1 would like also to cordially thank my wonderful friends Sarnia Costandi and

Neomi Kronish and all ofmy lovely colleagues, professors and former students at McGill

Faculty of Education for their support and being so involved in my life.

Finally, 1 am grateful to the ten Arab students in this study for sharing their sometimes very personal experiences with me. Without their enthusiasm, trust, input and cooperation, 1 could not have conducted this research. They have my deepest respect. II

ABSTRACT

Arab Canadians are a heterogeneous and frequently misunderstood group whose educational background and cultural heritage have received little attention in the scholarly literature. In multicultural Canada, educators, curriculum developers, textbook authors and policy makers rely on available literature to inform their decision-making processes. Mainstream media, as a source of information and insight, do not fill this need.

In this inquiry, l examine the cross cultural and educational experiences of ten

Arab undergraduate students in two English-language universities in Montreal.

Participants were from Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco and have been in Canada for three to seven years.

Classic qualitative methodological tools of in-depth interviews, participant observation and document analysis were employed to record, analyze and interpret the experiences of the se students. In order to give voice to these students' insights and experiences, a narrative approach is used in presenting and interpreting the data.

Seven themes identified as educational issues emerged from the analysis: Student­

Teacher Relationship; Teaching Methodology; Democratic dialogue in the classroom;

Teaching and learning foreign languages; Examinations; Research and Library Facilities; and Problems encountered in interactive classroom. Two themes, identified as cultural issues, emerged: Canadians' perceptions of Arabs and Muslims from the perspectives of the participants; Islamic dress (hijab) and Sex-segregated relationships.

The analysis revealed differences in culture, language, and social and educational systems between these students' countries of origin and Canada as the major sources of III these students' positive and negative experiences. The study concludes that Canadian educators can assist these students by becoming aware of their home culture, different leaming styles, frustrations in adjusting to schoollife and in overcoming cultural shock; and by helping them adjust to Canadian educational system and le am about the Canadian culture. IV

RESUMÉ

Les canadiens arabes forment un groupe hétérogène et fréquemment mal compris dont le cadre éducatif et le patrimoine culturel ont été peu étudié dans les milieux universitaire.

Au Canada multiculturel, les éducateurs, développeurs de programmes, auteurs d'ouvrages éducatifs et autres créateurs de lois doivent reposer sur la documentation disponible pour guider leurs décisions vers le courrant dominant. Ici, comme source d'information ou d'idées, les médias ne comblent aucun besoin.

Dans cette enquête, j ai examiné l'expérience éducative et interculturelle de dix

étudiants arabes de premier cycle universitaire dans deux universités anglophones de

Montréal. Les participants à mon étude sont originaires de Libye, de Tunisie, d'Algérie et du Maroc et ils résident au Canada depuis trois à sept ans.

L'expérience de ces étudiants a été enregistrée, analysée et interprétée en employant des méthodes qualitatives traditionnelles d'entrevues approfondies, d'observation de participants et d'analyse de documents. Les données sont présentées et interprétées de manière narrative afin de donner voix à l'expérience et aux perceptions de ces étudiants.

L'analyse a révélé sept thèmes problématiques relatifs a l'éducation: les rapports entre élèves et professeurs; les méthodologies d'enseignement; le dialogue démocratique dans les salles de cours; l'enseignement et l'apprentissage des langues

étrangères; les examens; les installations de recherche et les bibliothèques, et les problèmes rencontrés dans les classes interactives. Deux thèmes relatifs a la culture ont v

émergé: La perception des arabes et des musulmans par les canadiens depuis la perspective des participants; l'habit islamique (le hijab) et la ségrégation des relations.

L'enquête a désigné les différences culturelles et linguistiques et de systèmes sociaux et éducatifs entre le Canada et les pays d'origines des participants comme source d'expériences négatives et positives pour ces derniers. L'étude conclue que les éducateurs canadiens peuvent soutenir ces étudiants en prenant conscience de leurs cultures d'origines, de leurs différents styles d'apprentissage, des frustrations causées par l'adaptation a la vie universitaire et les chocs culturel, et en les aidant a s'ajuster au système d'éducation canadien et a découvrir la culture canadienne. VI

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... 1

ABSTRACT ...... 11

RESUME ...... IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... VI

LIST OF TABLES ...... X

<=1I)\]J1r~Ft ()~~: ~~1rlJ~ ()}f 1r1l~ ~1rlJl)1{ ...... •.•.•...... •.•...... •...... l

Introduction And Statement Of The Problem ...... 1

Authenticity Of The Study ...... 5

Significance Of The Study And Its Contribution To Knowledge ...... 7

Assumptions Of the Study: ...... 10

Research Questions ...... 11

<=1I~P1r~Ft 1rW(): <=()~<=~P1rlJ~L }fAAM~W()RK ...... 12

Definitions of Culture ...... 12

Cultural Ethnocentrism ...... 19

Western ethnocentrism and Islamic Cultures ...... 21

Western Orientalists and Muslims ...... 22

Ethnocentrism in Schools ...... 25 VII

Cultural Relativism ...... 27

Culture Shock ...... 29

Multicultural Education in a Pluralistic Society ...... 30

Diversity and Pluralism ...... 33

CHAPTER THREE: RELEVANT LITERATURE ...... 35

Empirical Research on Arabs in North America ...... 35

Classification Of Ethnic Minorities in North America: Power and Number...... 39

Arabic minorities and their position in the majority society ...... 40

Arabs and Muslims in the Western Media ...... 41

Arabs and Muslims in the Western School Textbooks ...... 43

CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 46

Setting and Characteristics of the Study Population ...... 48

The Participants: 10 Biographical Sketches ...... ,50

Qualitative Interviewing ...... 55

Date Collection Procedure ...... 59

Data Analysis ...... 62

The Issue of Trustworthiness ...... 64 VIn

CHAPTER FIVE: INTERPRETATIONS AND ANAL YSIS ...... 70

Emergent Themes ...... 71

Educational Issues ...... 72

Student-Teacher Re1ationship ...... 72

Teaching Methodology ...... 73

Democratie Dialogue in the classroom ...... 81

Teaching and Leaming Foreign Languages ...... 93

Examination ...... 95

Research and Library Facilities ...... 98

Problem encountered in interactive classrooms ...... 100

Summary ...... 102

Cultural Issues ...... 105

Participants Views on Canadians' Perceptions Of Arabs And Muslims ...... l05

Islamic dress (Hijab) ...... 119

Sex-Segregated Relationships ...... 129

Summary ...... 140

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS ...... 144

The Major Research Findings And Their Implications ...... 145

Reflections And Recommendations ...... 154

Issues For Future Inquiry ...... 170 IX

REFERENCES ...... 173

APPENDICES ...... 185

Appendix A: Consent Fonn to Participate ...... 186

Appendix B: Interview Consent Fonn ...... 187

Appendix C Skelton of Interview Guide ...... 188

Appendix D Transcription Validation Letter...... 189

Appendix E Biographical Data Fonn ...... 190

Appendix F Sample ofCoded Data ...... 191

CERTIFICATE OF ETHICAL ACCEPTABILITy ...... 192 x

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Summary Of Students' Experiences In Their Arabie And Canadian Classrooms ...... 102 CHAPTER 1: NATURE OF THE STUDY

INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Canadian society is made up of many groups divided by differences III ethnicity, language, culture, religion and other social and economic characteristics. While the aboriginal peoples were the first inhabitants of Canada and have continued to play a relatively marginal role in Canadian society, English and French are the dominant social and demographic groups. They are the ones who founded the constitution on which the country was built as weH as the institutions and systems (e.g., education, health, banking, governrnent, transportation) that provide the social frarneworks that define the Canadian way oflife. However, Canada is not comprised ofthese originating cultures only. It has a constantly changing, multicultural presence that encompasses a diverse population representing almost aU of the peoples and nations of the world. There is a reciprocal impact of aH these groups on each other and on society at large. This diversity is naturaHy extended into schools where many of these minority groups are represented.

AH immigrants to Canada bring with them more than their physical possessions.

Their subjective realities - their views of life and the world - have been profoundly shaped by the religious, farnily and socio-educational environrnents of their past and also influenced by their knowledge of the host country and their expectations for, and perceptions of, life in their new country. As minority groups attempt to maintain their distinct identities and ways of life in Canada, sorne psycho-social issues and problems begin surfacing. Research (e.g., Scott, 2001; Nieto, 2004; Baruth & Manning, 2004;

Ogbu, 1982; 1987; 1998; Westwood & Barker, 1990; Talbani, 1991; Furnham &

Bochner, 1982; 1986; Haj-Yahia, 1997; Ishiyama, 1989; Waite, 1991) has documented

1 that the problems that ethnic-minority students face in Canadian schools arise from

having to adjust to a new culture and to function in an unfamiliar educational setting, "the

school." For the purposes ofthis study, "the school" is treated as an agent ofsocialization

(Dewey, 1902/1996) into the dominant culture. The difficulties of adaptation may be

conceptualized in terms of the difference between the values and expectations of the

home and those of the culture into which newcomers are attempting to integrate.

Cultural differences between the home and the school may prevent students from

having the opportunity to develop integrity and self-esteem, and at the same time may

destabilize their sense of identity and their relationships within their families (Phelan &

Davidson, 1991; Heath, 1988; Hoffman, 1990; Ogbu, 1982). Research shows that

ethnicity, language and background are important issues in social adjustment and

educational success (Church, 1982; Furnham & Bochner, 1982; 1986; Ogbu, 1998;

Yousif, 1992; Abu-Laban, 1983).

Another factor related to social adjustment is the language difference between

mainstream and minority groups. Language is both the symbol of ethnic identity and the

most profound expression of culture (Geertz, 1973; Bosher, 1997; Norton, 1997). Many

sociolinguists acknowledge that language and culture are dimensions of each other,

interrelated and inseparable. Language both reflects and shapes one's world view. Stress

arises when people from different linguistic backgrounds cannot meet their everyday

needs as they would in their own culture. They are unable, or find it difficult to

communicate; they can not make themselv~s understood; they can not figure out why hosts speak or behave the way they do (Erickson, 1987; Ogbu, 1982; 1987; Krywulak,

1997; Brisilin, 1993; Bosher, 1997). Krywulak (1997), for example, found that lack of

2 proficiency in the host language was the most frequently mentioned problem of adjustment by foreign students.

In my study, l examine sorne of the cultural-educational challenges facing Arab students attending English-Ianguage universities in Canada. As a Libyan-Arab Muslim student, pursuing studies in Canada, l have had an interest in investigating the educational and cultural issues members of my Arab Muslim communities face in the process of integrating into the fabric of Canadian society. Scarcity of educational research on Arab Muslim immigrants, and the particularity of the Arab Muslim background whether historically, in terms of the Arab civilization, or in terms ofreligious and cultural experiences and perspectives, have compelled and inspired me to conduct an in-depth examination of the issues of adaptation and integration identified by Arab

Muslim students in Canada. l expect that my findings will contribute positively to the discourse on cultural adaptation, specifically as it pertains to the adaptation and integration of Arab Muslim students.

My study focuses on the values, attitudes and expectations that ten Arab students

(four women and six men) bring to their Canadian c1assrooms and the ways in which their values, attitudes and expectations intersect with those they encounter in Canadian social life, with a focus on their school experience. The study aims to uncover the complexity of the ways in which the psycho-social factors, educational background, and religious orientation shape the perceptions of these Arab students as they interact with students who have been enculturated through their schooling into the Canadian mainstream. There is a specificity to the Arab Muslim-Canadian experience that warrants investigation, particularly with respect to c1assroom dynamics in Arabic educational

3 systems. With this study, 1 expect to achieve sorne insights and reach sorne conclusions about the influence of culture and background on the capacity of these students to study and their perceptions of these influences.

When comparing what 1 shall call the Arab Muslim perspective and the dominant

Western, or Canadian perspective, what cornes to the forefront are the values, worldviews and social order that have shaped Arab Muslim students' experiences in their countries of origin. My contacts with Arab Muslim students here and my conversations with them accentuate the fact that when they first arrive they are surprised by the extent of the difference between the educational systems of their countries of origin and the Canadian classrooms.

Cultural differences, or ways of seeing the world and being in the world may arouse resistance towards schooling among Arab Muslim students, and may result in personal conflicts expressed in the form of discomfort about the content of the curriculum and even unease toward their teachers.

This study seeks to uncover the educational experiences and cultural values of ten students from four different areas of the Middle East and North Africa (i.e., Libya,

Tunisia, Aigeria, Morocco) that are shaping the processes of their adaptation to Canadian education and their perception of themselves as students. This study does not aim to make generalizations about a people that constitute about two hundred million and live in twenty-two Arabic countries or alternatively about 31 million Canadians of diverse ethnic, linguistic and religious backgrounds. The experiences and perceptions of the ten students in this study are but a window on the "types" of experiences, expectations, and values Arab students might bring with them to their Canadian classrooms.

4 AUTHENTICITY OF THE STUDY

As the research "instrument", 1 need to situate myself in order to strive for transparency in the research. According to Merriam (1988), research interest can arise from a number of sources. One of them is personal experience. 1 was taught and raised in Libya with a particularset of cultural and educational values and perspectives. In the traditional educational system where 1 received my primary, secondary and initial university education, education is viewed as an avenue to not only the learning of sciences but also as a way of worshipping God and maintaining Arabic language, cultural heri~age and moral character. Memorization of Quranic passages and Arabic poems are essential components of the curriculum. It was a "typical" education, in the sense that in educational systems of the Arabic world spiritual and moral upbringing are among the first objectives of education.

In accordance with religious teachings, the teacher is an exemplar in education and in character. Teachers are viewed as having power and authority emanating from their knowledge, which is highly respected in Islam. These values which profoundly foster honor and appreciation of teachers and classrooms create a certain social hierarchy and standards of behavior.

Those of us who have experienced schooling in such societies learn to take a dependent role in typical teacher-centered classrooms and to look to the teachers to provide the information needed to successfully pass the course. The unarticulated value conveyed to students is that passing the course is the primary goal of education (Abou­

Chacra, 1991). Another behavior which is related to the extreme respect towards teachers is students' reluctance to give their opinions, ev en when asked. If they have to give one,

5 it is only after careful consideration. They do not ask teachers questions in class perhaps because they are afraid that questions might be thought of as implying that the teacher does not teach weIl. In such conditions, I learned that knowledge is neither negotiable or dynamic; nor is it socially constructed.

In Arabie schools, I was taught to take tremendous pride in my Islamic and

Arabie heritage as it pertains to Islam's historical, cultural, religious and linguistic contributions to the world. I arrived in Canada with self-confidence and hopes of integrating fairly closely with mainstream members. Therefore, it was a disappointment for me when I swiftly realized that my hosts have a different view of Islam and Arabie cultures and when I did not encounter in my new society as much recognition, respect or appreciation as I expected of the Arabic-Islamic role in the world and its significance. In brief, these Arab-Islamic educational and cultural backgrounds I have lived and experienced have helped me in terms of understanding the Islamic values that I have committed myself to explore and compare in this study. What further allows me to deal with educational and cultural issues from Islamic and Western perspectives is my well­ rounded and multi-disciplinary educational and cultural backgrounds.

AU of my undergraduate education was in Arabic-Islamic schools. Since my arrivaI in Canada in 1995, I have had three years of study at Concordia University where

I received my M.A. in the domain of sociolinguistics, foUowed by a year as a doctoral student in the Université de Montréal in the field of educational studies and five years at

Mc Gill University as a doctoral student and candidate in the Faculty of Education. For the last three years, I have been teaching multicultural education classes to pre-service teachers at Mc Gill University. The experience of teaching multicultural education

6 courses has made me even more aware of the range and diversity of the issues of ethnic

diversity and cultural differences in the academy.

During this period of learning and teaching, l experienced, on a practical level,

cooperative leaming, critical thinking, independence of thought, and active participation

in classrooms. l have learned that these notions are greatly emphasized by many Western

educators. Since l stand between two cultures, the Arabic and the Western, and have

experienced lengthy processes of reflection on contrasting educational philosophies and

practices and how to integrate them, l am well-positioned to contribute to the èiscourse

on comparative and multicultural education, particularly the education of Arab Muslim

students in Western universities. l bring my experience and history to bear on this

inquiry.

These are sorne of the factors that have inspired me to conduct this investigation.

Drawing on my personal experience and my educational background in these two worlds,

l combine the knowledge and insights gained as l pursue this topic. This brief

introduction suggests that being involved in two different worlds is a challenging learning

process that requires integrating new concepts and accommodating previous ones.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO

KNOWLEDGE

Despite the existence of a substantial Arab population in the USA and Canada (Haddad,

Smith, & Esposito, 2003; Haddad & Smith, 2002; Abu-Laban, 1983), there is a lack of research on their presence and experience in these societies in general, and on their

7 learning and social situations in particular. Since political and cultural debates in Québec are dominated by the conflicts between French and English and between the provincial and federal governments, the concems of other minorities have received less attention.

Despite increased discussion nationally on the topic of multiculturalism and diversity in

Canada, there is a lack of studies that "particularize" the experience of Arab Muslim students in the West by seeking their points of views and letting them express their experiences in their own words.

An understanding of Arabic culture is best achieved through a combination of concerted scholarly analysis and social criticism from the perspectives of Arabs. The study will bring the experiences of ten Arab Muslim students in two Canadian universities to the forefront by presenting their narrative voices as they reflect on their cultural and educational backgrounds, and their CUITent studies in Canada. As educators, we want to he1p students interpret and analyze the cultural cues that are presented to them. My study aims to provide an insider view that can become a starting point for broader discussion and more dialogue with Arab students and their Canadian counterparts. Both groups stand to benefit from increased understanding of one another's cultural values and how these values shape their identities. The findings of the study will contribute to the literature on post-secondary education of Arab Muslim students and increase awareness of the backgrounds and needs of these students when they enter

Canadian c1assrooms.

As a primary goal, l expect the results of my research to yield information about the values and attitudes that Arab-Canadian students bring to their Canadian c1assrooms and the ways in which these values and attitudes intersect with the values and

8 expectations of Canadian schools. As a secondary goal, l hope to help teachers understand the barri ers Arab students face when they enter Canadian classrooms. This greater understanding will help teachers plan their strategies for teaching Arab-Muslim students in efficient ways.

The findings of this research have the potential to enhance pre-service and in­ service teacher education in terms of the interface among classroom teachers and special education professionals who interact with tnese minority ethnie students. Based on the findings, the study will provide recommendations for addressing problems of adaptation, for both teachers and students. The results of this study will, potentially, have an impact on curriculum developers, textbook publishers and authors in that it will enable them to take a position of more awareness, and signal to them an urgent need for a more accurate presentation and understanding of the Arabie culture and Islam in the production of course materials.

Although this study aims to investigate how learning and teaching strategies and approaches differ significantly between Arab and Western cultures, it is not the intention to make value judgments or to show that sorne cultures pro duce better and more sophisticated leamers while others are backward leamers. Although there is a wide variation in ways of learning throughout the world, people learn with relatively equal efficiency what their educational systems and cultures deem is important for them to know and according to these systems' objectives and the facilities available to them to carry out their educational projects (Tucker, 2003).

9 ASSUMPTIONS OF THE STUDY

Educational and cultural difficulties and ~djustments are the two broad topics that evolved from my association with the Arabie student community for the past eight years, and guide the questions for this research. My study focuses on the ways in which a selected group of ten Arab Muslim students (4 women and 6 men) from the Arab Muslim student population in Montreal deal with the barriers they say they face as they try to integrate into Canadian society and adjust to their Canadian educational milieux. l have adopted a qualitative methodology that will allow the students whom l interviewed to have their own voices heard. Throughout this research, l have sought to document the dynamics and processes through which Arab Muslim students participate in Canadian classrooms, namely tension, interaction and acculturation, from their points ofview.

This study proceeds on the following assumptions:

• In a pluralist democratic society, all groups have the potential to benefit from

understanding and leaming about one another's beliefs and values.

• Education holds the promise of teaching us how to co-exist harmoniously in this

giant multicultural society and of helping students to recognize and respect

diversity as they interact with other people in and out of school.

• It is especially important at this moment in history to contribute to understanding

among different ethnie minorities.

• Arab Muslim students face unique adaptation issues due to the fact that their

culture and religion are misunderstood by many Westemers.

10 • Knowledge of cultural and educational backgrounds of students helps teachers to

determine how to structure classroom interaction and assignments to take

advantage of students' learning styles.

• Teaching can be more effective when teachers have an understanding of the

cultural backgrounds of their students.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

This inquiry focuses on the experiences of ten Arab Muslim students in two English

Canadian universities. Specifically, the questions addressed are:

• How do Arab Muslim university students in Canadian universities perceive

themselves and their place in the Canadian social context?

• What has been their experience with the Canadian educational system in the

context of their university classes?

• What attitudes and perspectives do they hold with regard to the embedded values

in the Arabic educational systems and the Canadian educational systems?

• How do these students view their Canadian schooling experience with respect to

their perceptions of self?

• What is the impact of Canadian schooling and socialization on their relations with

other cultural groups?

11 CHAPTER 2: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

DEFINITIONS OF CULTURE

Literature shows that anthropology, as a distinct field of inquiry, is a relatively recent activity of Western civilization. While the first docurnented accounts of other peoples were written by the Greek Herodotus in the fifth century B.e. and later on by the Arab philosopher and anthropologist Ibn Khaldun in the fourteenth century, it was not untillate eighteenth century that Europeans began to use anthropology as a way of studying other cultures (Haviland, 1996; Scupin, 1998). The first European who introduced the concept of culture as an explanation of the differences among hurnan societies was the British anthropologist Edward Tylor, whom sorne caU the father of anthropology. Writing in

1871, Tylor defined culture as the "complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as member of society". Since Tylor's time, the term 'culture' has been used in different ways, and definitions abound in the literature on the meaning of culture, although Tylor's early definition is still quoted widely as a useful way of looking at culture (Haviland, 1996;

Ferraro, 1995).

However, this abundance of definitions should not lead to the impression that consensus does not exist among scholars. In fact, most of the definitions of culture consist essentiaUy of the same components. Sorne scholars define culture very broadly to include the whole way of life of a people. For example, Ferraro (1995) regards culture as

" ... everything that people have, think, and do as members ofa society" (p. 16). Although this definition, as one can see, is broad, it can be instructive because the three verbs correspond to the three major components of culture. That is, everything that people have

12 refers to material positions, everything people think refers to ideas, values, and attitudes,

and everything that people do refers to behavior.

Beyond these generalities, culture is interpreted and classified in many different

ways depending on the theoretical dimensions and levels of concem of researchers (e.g.,

sociobiology; postmodemism, and interpretive anthropology). Sociobiologists, for

example, proposed that all meaningful cultural traits were genetically based and insisted

that understanding connections between biology and culture should be the focus of

anthropology (Haviland, 1996; Ferraro, 1995). Cultural anthropologists, on the other

hand, believe that culture is completely independent from biology. As a result,

sociobiology has been criticized by cultural anthropologists and has remained a small and

isolated theoretical position.

Postmodemism grew from the insight of feminist anthropologists, interpretive and

symbolic anthropologists and neo-Marxists. They believe that because understandings of

culture must reflect the observer's biases, culture can never be completely or accurately

described (Carter, 1996; Lather, 1991). They ho Id that all accounts of culture are partial,

and are conditioned by the observer's personal history and experience. According to

postmodemists, anthropological writing tells us a great deal about anthropologists and their societies, but little about the societies anthropologists observe. Issues of power and voice are critical to postmodem scholars. They assert that a great many different interpretations of history or culture are valid. The interpretations held by the wealthy and powerful, however, are likely to be considered legitimate while others are likely to be discredited (Munro, 1993). For postmodemists culture is often viewed as a battle between opposing interpretations. They assert that objectivity is impossible; this implies that no

13 interpretation or analysis can be better or worse than another. Postmodemism sensitized anthropologists to whose story they are telling as well as their own motivation and agendas in telling it.

Another theory which is c10sely relevant to the study l have conducted is called symbolic and interpretive theory. Interpretive anthropologists are fundamentally concemed with the ways in which people formulate their reality. Clifford Geertz (1973), who is considered to be the major spokesperson for the interpretive school of anthropology defines culture as a literary text that can be analyzed for meaning.

According to him, members of every culture imbue their world with stories and symbols.

Ideas, words, and actions not only are practical, but have symbolic meaning and emotional force as well. Human beings not only c1assify the world, but they also fill it with meaning. The central histories and legends of our religion and our culture are not simply stories but have powerful emotional resonance for us. As Geertz states, culture is the "web of significance" that gives meaning to our lives and actions and it consists of the shared practice and understandings within society. He goes on to explain that a human being is "an animal suspended in webs of significance which he himself has spun". This is to say that a culture is a story people tell themselves about themselves. It is the way people understand who they are and how they should act in the world. It is the context within which human actions can be understood. In my inquiry, l tried to "access the conceptual world" of the ten Arab students that Geertz talks about. This dictates a total engagement with the Arabic community. Geertz elaborates "The trick is to figure our what the devil think they are up to .... no one knows this better than they do themselves; hence the passion to swim in the stream oftheir experience" (1983, p. 58).

14 Defined this way, culture, is based on shared meanings that are to sorne extent

"public" and thus go beyond the mind of any individual. These publicly shared meanings

provide designs or recipes for surviving and contributing to society. According to Geertz,

differences in culture arise in part from the fact that different groups of human beings, for

various reasons, create, share, and participate in different realities, assigning different meanings to experiences. For an idea or behavior to qualify as cultural, it must have a meaning shared by at least two people within a society. It is this aspect of culture that makes our lives relatively uncomplicated. When people share a common culture, they are able to predict, within limits, how others will think and behave.

Among interpretive anthropologists, culture is seen as a collection of symbols, understandings and meanings that permit us to understand others and ourselves. In other words, culture is not only observable behaviors, but rather the shared ideals, values and beliefs that people use to interpret experience and generate behavior and which are reflected in their actions. This is to say that behaviors offer us insights into the culture.

Haviland (1996), for example, speaks from this perspective to define culture as "a set of rules or standards that, when acted upon by the members of a society, produce behavior that falls within a range of variance that members consider proper and acceptable" (p.32).

Anthropologists who analyze culture in these ways generally refer to themselves as interpretive or symbolic anthropologists. Their theoretical position implies that culture is like a novel. That is, it consists of actions, ideas and stories through which we not only participate in our community but come to reflect through ourse Ives and our society.

Through actions, ideas and stories we not only make our lives, but make our lives

15 meaningful. In brief, these scholars believe that just as a literary critic might analyze a novel, so an anthropologist might analyze a culture as a text. Although anthropologists in other schools have argued that their theoretical position rests on scientific principles, symbolic and interpretive anthropologists make no such daim. Rather, they suggest that anthropology is an art of cultural interpretation, more of a humanity than a science.

Despite the fact that there are sorne who are critical of this position, symbolic and interpretive thinkers have had a powerful impact on CUITent anthropology.

We do not inherit our culture through our genes. Instead, we learn our culture, consciously or subconsciously, through the process of "enculturation" (Haviland, 1996;

Scupin, 1998). One learns one's culture by growing up in it. Enculturation is the process through which humans acquire by observing behaviors of dassmates, teachers, parents, friends and the media and then adding them to a collection of behaviors. As humans leam the basic values, beliefs, and norms of their society, they become committed to them, and their societies expect their total conformity to these social norms. Although it is true that there will always be sorne members of the culture' s population that, for a number of reasons, deviate from these norms, most people integrate most of the cultural values most of the time. These cultural values are emphasized and reinforced in institutions such as schools, religious places and host of other places. Sorne people are literally willing to sacrifice everything for their religious and moral beliefs. Actions that abuse or cast doubt on a symbol of religion or challenge a central meaning of our culture often bring an immediate and passionate response (e.g., evolution theory in the Islamic and Christian worlds) (Gollnick & Chinn, 1998).

16 The view that culture is a body of ideas and behavior patterns transmitted from generation to generation through the process of leaming tends to emphasize its static rather than dynamic aspects. Yet, a fundamental principle underlying all cultures is that they are dynamic systems that change continuously (Ferraro, 1995). Culture must be able to change to remain adaptive. However, as Illany anthropologists observe, sorne cultures, particularly the technologically-simple societies change quite slowly, while fOf others, change occurs more rapidly. Despite the wide variation in the speed by which cultures change, no cultures remain complete1y static year after year (Nanda & Warms, 1998;

Ferraro, 1995).

One good example of this dynamic characteristic is the Arabic culture. Contrary to the daims of sorne writers (e.g., Patai, 1983; Laffin, 1975) that it is static in nature,

Arabic culture is and has been a product of its interaction both with its own environment and with other cultures. In the past it represented a mixture of Arab-Islamic culture with ancient civilizations. However, modem Arabic history has witnessed a dialectal interaction with Western cultures through colonization. One outcome of these kinds of interaction has been the imitation of the advanced culture of the conquerors: emulation of

Western modernization has been the only standard of measurement to see if a culture is dynamic, as opposed to static. An opposite response has been to strongly reject the invading culture and to seek refuge in a revival of the past. In between these two opposed alternatives, there have been sorne significant processes of acculturation and transformation emanating from new realities and changing needs. Sorne Western intellectuals such as Patai (1983) fail to consider this fact when writing their accounts of

Arabic culture. In fact, Patai makes the mistake of examining Arabic culture as if it were

17 monolithic, as if it were a simple thing. A critical reading of Patai' s book, Th.? Arabie

Mind exposes his reductionist perspective on an ancient, multi-faceted and complex culture, as a critic explains:

It is rather like writing "The North American Mind" and treating Mexico, the United States and Canada as part of one culture .... Patai's book lacks intellectual rigor. Worse, it's a smear job masquerading under the merest veneer of civility. In fact, it's so sloppy and so biased that the best reason to read "The Arab Mind" today is for what it tells us about Westerners and what we want to hear about Arabs ....the larger point is that no one seems to have cared much about accuracy, neither Patai nor his neocon readers. Patai says more or less what we have long wanted to believe, and that was enough ....the objectifying, dehumanizing and contemptuous tone of Patai' s discussion of a people he c1aims to like is inseparable from his arguments ... Patai doesn't spend even a page on the scientific aspect of "the Arab mind", and to the extent that he takes notice of Arab cultural achievements at aIl it is to proc1aim their inferiority to Western models (Marlowe, 2004).

In multicultural societies (e.g., Canada), people from different cultural backgrounds are constantly choosing which traditional features they will retain and which modem ones they will embrace. As anthropologists as sert, when two cultures come into contact, not every cultural item is exchanged with another (Haviland, 1996; Ferraro,

1995). If that were the case, there would be no cultural differences in these societies.

Adjustments to these rapid changes are difficult if not impossible in sorne cases. It is important to remember that in the Western world, modernization occurred gradually over a number of generations. Newcomers to these societies, however, are faced with monumental changes within the time span of a single generation. This type of exposure to

18 the forces of rapid change does not come without a high psychological cost. Many people find themselves caught between two different and, in sorne cases, opposed systems of values. Sometimes people give up their traditional life without fully embracing any new alternative. At other times, an individual may be expected to behave according to different sets of cultural norms depending on the social situation (e.g., one set of norms at home, and another at school or the workplace). The effort to live in two different worlds can induce enormous anxiety.

CULTURALETHNOCENTIDSM

Whenever different societies come into contact with one another, they compare and contrast their respective cultural traditions. There are probably two ways of responding to unfamiliar cultures: ethnocentrism and relativism (Ferraro, 1995; Haviland, 1996). People usually evaluate each other' s behavior based on the standards of their own cultural assumptions and practices. This way of responding to culturally different behavior is known as ethnocentrism. It, indeed, refers to the belief that one's own culture is the standard, or norm by which aIl others may be measured. It refers to the belief that one' s own culture is the one that is the most desirable; it is superior to aIl others. Sorne people regard their own culture as superior, and sorne even consider peoples from other cultures to be less than human.

One of the most important things we can learn by studying cultures is that despite the efforts of racists to emphasize differences among cultures and posit them on a hierarchy of inferiority and superiority, the biological differences among cultures are inconsequential. As many anthropologists explain, scientifically there is only one race

19 which is the "human race"; cultural differences in terms of behavior, values and meanings assigned to things can be put in the context of "different ethnicities". Sorne scholars (e.g., Nieto, 2004) argue that we should use the term "ethnicism" instead of

"racism".

However, no society has a monopoly on ethnocentrism, for it is a deeply ingrained attitude found in all known societies. It should be quite obvious why ethnocentrism is so pervasive throughout the world. Since most people are raised in a single culture and never leave that culture during their lifetime, it is only logical that their own way of life, their values, their attitudes, ideas, and ways of behaving would appear to them to be the most natural. Because we are either unaware of our ethnocentrism, or find it difficult to suppress it, we may find ourselves expressing surprise, horror, outrage, disgust or amusement - as weIl as admiration - when encountering a lifestyle different from our own.

Even though ethnocentrism is, as anthropologists report, a universal phenomenon and, to sorne degree, present in aIl people and cultures, there is a growing disapproval of this perspective. There is little doubt that it serves as a major obstacle to the understanding of other cultures and even people who think ofthemselves as open-minded will have difficulty controlling the impulse to evaluate the ideas or actions of culturaIly different people. When individuals do make a value judgment, it will in alllikelihood be based on their own cultural standards. Although we cannot eliminate ethnocentrü:m, if we become aware of our own ethnocentrism, we will be able to temporarily set aside our own value judgments long enough to leam about how other cultures operate.

20 In summary, ethnocentrism is built on the notion that certain cultures possess a set of absolute standards by which aIl other cultures can be judged. Scupin (1998) employs the term "cultural hegemony" to refer to the ideological control by one powerful and dominant cultural group over the beliefs and values of others.

WESTERN ETHNOCENTRISM AND ISLAMIC CULTURES

The ethnocentrism of Western societies has greater consequences than the ethnocentrism of developing, less technologically-advanced societies. The historical and economical circumstances that led to the spread of Western culture have given its members a strong belief in its rightness and superiority. An early racial determinism began to gather strength in the seventeenth century and was widespread among scholars, theologians and the public during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Western Europe (Said, 1978,

1993). During that period, the European explanation of the differences between themselves and the peoples of the rest of the world were that there were distinct and separate species of humans rather than a single one. In this view, cultural differences between groups were based on biological differences which reflect superiority and inferiority on a graded scale. In a work cited by Ferraro (1995), William McGee, the first president of the American Anthropological Association, states that:

Possibly the Anglo-Saxon blood is more potent than that of other races; but it is to be remembered that the Anglo-Saxon language is the simplest, the most perfectly and simply symbolic that the world has ever seen; and that by me ans of it the Anglo-Saxon saves his vitality for conquest instead of wasting it under the juggernaut of a

21 cumbrous mechanism for conveyance of thought (McGee 1895, as cited by Ferraro, p. 281).

Sometimes this extreme1y ethnocentric explanation ofhow non-European cultures differed from the European (and thus superior) cultures took a theological form. Instead of geographic isolation being the cause of what were viewed as "barbaric" ways of living, they were attributed to a faH from divine grace (Bedjaoui, 1985). It was believed that the people of Europe remained closest to the physical condition as it was at Creation (as explained in Genesis, but in Asia, Africa, and the Americas there had been physical deterioration caused by climate, disease and breeding. This deterioration was taken to be responsible for the sorts of cultures found in the non-European groups just as Europe's

"superior" culture was the result of the physical state of Europeans (Kabbani, 1994).

The establishment of the colonial European empires created a need for economic expansion. This was achieved through geographicaHy "discovering" and colonizing non­

European nations, which had to be sustained by ethical justification (Nanda & Warms,

1998). In other words, with the aim of legitimizing the process of colonization, historical and moral justifications were inevitably required in order to impose European culture as the dominant mode1 to be foHowed. Thus, the project of "civilizing the uncivilized" came into being. The missionary aim of overseas colonization was to 'spread the light of faith;' in fact the colonizers were suppressing peoples and exploiting their wealth.

WESTERN ORIENTALISTS AND MUSLIMS

Western political hegemony was accompanied by biased Western cultural studies exclusively focused on "the other" (Nanda & Warms, 1998). This social reality was

22 constructed by skewed interpretations of the 'other cultures' ways' through studies conducted by orientalists whose job was to investigate Middle East cultures during the colonization period. These studies present the Arab as a 'deprived' creature to whom must be extended the benefits of European civilization. The result was that in Europe and in North America in particular, the image cf Islam and the Arab culture was either left out of the account, or was distorted, as revealed in this excerpt from Laffin (1975):

Because of the frustration and repressions which follow from the rigidly held sexual mores and prohibitions of his own society, the Arab is dangerous to women of other nationalities... It is impossible for a woman to walk down a public street at night without serious risk. .. Arab men in groups are constantly on patrol in their own cars, watching for such prey .... In one sense, the Arab concept of cruelty is grotesquely simple: it is better to be unjust, the Arab thinks, than to have others cruel to him. It is a variation on the kill or be killed idea" (pp. 98-109).

One in fact gets confused whether the author is describing a jungle or a society; one wants also to question the author's scholarship, and the motivation of the publisher.

This type of distortion has been quite destructive. It has negatively influenced the attitudes of many Westerners, psychologically at least, towards everything relating to

Arabs and Islam, as if this were yet the age of the Crusades. Such texts are still found in

Western university libraries today and best serve as examples of biased Western writings.

Another example of prejudiced thinking is revealed in The Arab Mind (Patai,

1983). Patai follows an approach emanating from antagonistic attitudes toward the Arabs in the context of power relations and Western domination, or what anthropologist Fanon called colonizer-colonized relationship (Memmi, 1967, p. 56). Seen in these terms, it

23 cornes as no surprise that in Patai's book not one positive value is mentioned regarding

Arabic culture. One would think that sociologists and anthropologists would want to base their views on field research and empirical data. Instead, Patai relies solely on carefully selected Western readings, quotations and orientalist scholarship to argue his points. He indulges in oversimplified generalizations about Arabic culture without providing the context or the facts that would support his claims. In other words, such unsupported generalizations give the false sense of homogeneity and timelessness to Arabic cultures.

The first thing we learn about culture today is that it is not static, not monolithic and not simple. These ideas have long been abandoned by anthropologists as obsolete.

Cultural studies have become a Western social science through the work of

European intellectuals attempting to critique the Western colonial past. The West's material successes, which are now centuries old, constitute the rationale behind Western ethnocentrism. This material power of Europe, since it was the prime motivator behind the conque st of the Orient, blinded the West to discovering the Arab Orient as it really is;

Europeans portrayed it as they wished it to be or as their limited frameworks permitted.

Many articles and books show how Europe has fashioned its own 'orient' with its own imagery, its own fantasies, its biased version ofhistory and its culture which, deliberately or unconsciously, have been falsified. There is plenty of evidence of this in Edward

Said's (1978) Orientalism, and in Barakat's (1993), The Arab World Both authors show how the ethnocentrism of Western writers confirmed the West's unilateral approach to civilization. It cornes as no surprise therefore that sorne European intellectuals of the 20th century found it necessary to deny that they owed their medieval civilization and its

24 Renaissance to other cultures, since they had to invent an ethical-cultural justification for the colonization ofthat very culture (e.g., the Arab) in the 19th century.

Westerners have been in a position to impose their beliefs and practices on other peoples not only because of their industrial technology, but also because many of their societies are hosts of minority groups. This may be one of the reasons why Westerners seem to be culturally insular. In other words, the influx of the 'other' coming to the

Western host society to live freely, find employment and escape sorne undemocratic practices in their countries of origin, has been perceived by sorne Westerners as a threat to the stability and security of their own societies. Insularity, as a characteristic, is inevitably accompanied by cultural domination over others. What is good for themselves seems to sorne Westerners equally good for the whole world. In such societies, minority groups are often forced to accept the ideologies and standards of the economically and politically dominant groups.

ETHNOCENTRISM IN SCHOOLS

Teachers and educators in mainstream institutions cannot help but be influenced by

Western ethnocentrism. For example, there have been numerous explanations for the generally low school achievement of minority students in schools in the U.S and other developed societies. Based on psychological theories propounded early in the 19th century and occasionally in the present, a common explanation has been that of genetic deficit: poor students of minority cultural or language background have been seen as inherently inferior, intellectually and morally, to the students of the middle class whites

(Ogbu, 1982, 1987, 1998; Erikson, 1987). However, in the 1960's, as Erickson (1987)

25 points out, as the anthropology of education became a distinct field, its members were appalled by the ethnocentrism of the genetic deficit theories. They recognized this to be a racist theory. Thus, among professional educators, cultural deficit explanations began to replace the genetic deficit, or in other words, nurture replaced nature as the main reason for school failure. If minority students did not achieve, it was because they were culturally deprived. Ethnicity and background were blamed for not pro vi ding students with the cultural capital that would help them succeed in schools. Although culturally biased, the cultural deficit explanation was attractive because it enabled educators, frustrated by their difficulties in working with minority students, to place the responsibility for school failure outside the school. However, recent studies have confirmed that although social and economic conditions of families could be contributing factors, they are not alone the cause of students failure and success. In her classic research with a Black community she called "Trackton", Heath (1983) demonstrated conclusively that school success was related to cultural coherence between schools and homes.

At the same time, sorne ethnocentrism seems positively necessary as a kind of unifying force to hold a society together and to give any group or nation its unique identity. For example, classical Arabic language, throughout the ages, holds the position of the national language for all Arabs from the Atlantic Ocean to the Arabic Gulf. For

Arabs, the word "Arabic" evokes a sense of belonging; it is a powerful factor in the reintegration of their scattered and divided culture (Hourani, 1991: Hitti, 1972; Y azigy,

1994; Barakat, 1993; 1985). Another good example is the French language in Québec where a group's beliefin their own way oflife binds its members together and helps them

26 to perpetuate their values. When the value of a culture is not accentuated by its people

through pride in language, history, heritage, art, music, literature and other facets, the

people may experience great emotional stress and feel inferior (Nieto, 1992). People of

that culture may become vulnerable to absorption by other groups; their culture, and

therefore their identity, may be lost. As we will discuss later, many scholars (e.g.,

Bosher, 1997; Norton, 1997 Ogbu, 1982; 1987; 1998) discuss the impor.:ance of

maintaining the "heritage" cultural identity and language in the successful adaptation of

the host culture.

CULTURAL RELATIVISM

Cultural relativism refers to the notion that any part of a culture such as an idea, a thing,

or a behavioral pattern must be viewed from within its proper cultural context rather than

from the viewpoint of the observer's culture (Scupin, 1998). A cultural relativist asks

"how does a cultural item fit into the rest cf the cultural system of which it is a part?" rather than "how does it fit into my OWll culture?" Cultural relativism rejects tl:e notion that any culture, inc1uding our OWll, possesses a set of absolute standards by which all

other cultures can be judged. Cultural relativity is a cognitive tool that helps us understand why people think and act the way they do. This notion fits very well with

Geertz's (1973) assertion that culture is essentially a system to ensure the continued well­ being of a group of people; therefore, it may be termed successful as long as it secures the survival of a society in a way that its members find reasonably fulfilling.

As one who plans to investigate cultural and educational experiences of ten Arab students as they try to adopt to Canadian society and c1assroom processes, l agree with

27 this approach (i.e., cultural relativism) but with reservations. First, from a methodological

perspective, if every society is a unique entity that can be interpreted only in terms of its

own standards, then any type of cross cultural comparison would be virtually impossible.

Clearly, if we want to understand the students' descriptions and perceptions about the

meanings of those experiences (e.g., teacher-student relationship; beliefs and attitudes towards teaching and leaming), sorne basis for comparison is needed.

Another dilemma with developing the notion of a cultural relativist position

literally is that we would have to conclude that absolutely no behavior found in the world would be immoral or acceptable provided that the people who practice it concur that it is morally acceptable or that it performs a function for the weIl-being of the society.

Therefore, it is not reasonable to view aIl cultures as moraIly equivalent even if they

show "rationale" behind their traditions. That is, not aIl cultural practices are equaIly worthy of tolerance and respect. For example, honor killings as committed in sorne parts of the world and ethnic destruction of Arabs, both Christians and Muslims in Palestine;

Bosnia and Kosovo are morally reprehensible within any cultural context; female genital mutilation in rural Egypt, for example, is a morally abhorrent practice because it is an aggression against female body and is not a consensual ritua1. Therefore, as Haviland

(1996) suggests, cultural relativism must be used as a research too1. It does not require suspension of judgment forever or insist that we must defend the right of any people to engage in any practice, no matter how reprehensible. All that is necessary is that we avoid premature judgments until we have a proper understanding of the culture in which we are interested.

28 CULTURE SHOCK

Culture shock is a term initially introduced by anthropologist Oberg (1960). Furnham &

Bochner (1982) define culture shock as "the distress experienced by the sojourner as a result of losing aIl the familiar signs and symbols of social interaction" (p.167). Oberg

(1960) mentions six aspects of culture shock:

1) a sense of confusion over how to behave, 2) a sense of loss of old familiar surroundings, 3) a sense of being rejected, 4) confusion in role, role expectations, values, and self-identity, 5) surprise, anxiety, and disgust after becoming aware of cultural differences, and 6) a sense of doubt when your own cultural values are brought into question (p.168).

Sorne researchers maintain that culture shock is not an indication of failure to adjust to another culture (Brislin, 1993); it shows that people are interacting with host nationals. It also suggests that people who do not experience culture shock may be so rigid as to not see cultural differences where they clearly exist, or they may be interacting only with fellow nationals who happen to be living in that country.

Another major theme in the literature on culture shock has been the notion of the

U-curve of adjustment. In a work cited by Church (1982), Lysgaard (1955) describes the newcomers' level of adjustment as a function oftime in the new culture. He believes that after a period of time the majority of new members begin to cope with their new environment, and lead effective and satisfying lives. This in essence is the content of U- curve hypothesis (Church, 1982; Furnham & Bochner, 1982; 1986; Westwood & Barker,

1990). However, Furnham & Bochner (1982) propose that the extent and duration of what has been described as culture shock is dependent on conditions that can be classified

29 into three categories: Cultural differences between the culture of origin and the receiving society, individual differences in the ability of people to cope with the newenvironment, and Sojourn experience of the new culture especially at the beginning of the visit (p.171).

MULTICUL TURAL EDUCATION IN A PLURALISTIC SOCIETY

The ways in which people share a single culture are even more obvious III larger multiethnic societies like Canada. In such societies, cultural variation lS especially marked and not aIl standards and values are held in common (Woodraw, 1997). One can say that in a multi-ethnic mosaic like Canada's, there is a diversity of cultural groups ranging from dominant (English and French) to ethnic minorities (e.g., Arabic, Chinese); sorne of these minorities are visible (e.g., Asian) and sorne are invisible (e.g., Polish). In addition, within such societies, sometimes the term subculture is used to de scribe groups that function within the dominant culture. A subculture within a school could be the sports teams, for instance, whose members share norms and values that pertain to their values, beliefs and actions as team members. Ogbu (1982) states that "dominant-group members usually assume fatherly postures toward subordinate-group members; and the latter must reciprocate by behaving more or less like grown-up children" (p. 300).

The feelings of alienation and marginalization that many powerless groups experience can lead to groups emphasizing their differences especially as a way of distancing themselves from the dominant group and reinforcing their identity (e.g., wearing Islamic dress among Muslims and wearing kirpans and turbans among Sikhs).

According to Wayland (1997), in September 1994, three girls insisted on wearing Muslim hijab to class ev en though they were threatened to be expelled from a high school in

30 Montreal. A similar incident has occurred in Ontario where sorne Sikh students were suspended from attending classes as they refused to comply with the rules of not wearing the Kirpan. These incidents reveal the intense attachment group rnembers feel towards the symbols of their identities as weIl as the strength of emotion that these symbols evoke in school authorities.

Because culture, as Geertz (1973) puts it, is based on "shared meanings" in a culturaIly plural society, it may become difficult for the members of any one subculture to comprehend the different standards by which the dominant culture operates. At the very least, this can lead to major misunderstandings, misperceptions and even conflict.

Nations may engage in cultural assimilation, which they rationalize by saying that assimilation of ethnic or cultural minorities is not only good but inevitable (e.g., the concept of melting pot in V.S). This ideal has been challenged by many multicultural scholars (e.g., Banks, 1994; Nieto, 1999,2004; Ogbu, 1982, 1998) who argue for respect for and validation of ethnic identities.

Instead of thinking of the many distinctive heritages and identities to he found among them as constituting a problem, many Canadians recognize the ethnic diversity of their country as a rich resource. They take pride in the fact that people have come and are coming to Canada from aIl parts of the world, bringing with them varied outlooks, knowledge, skills and traditions to the great benefit of aIl (Wieviorka, 1998). To understand differences arnong ethnic groups, scholars have developed the concept of cultural survival (Nanda & Warms, 1998) as a strategy to increase the abilities of ethnic minorities to improve their adaptive capacity within a multiethnic or culturaIly pluralistic nation. Cultural survival helps these groups retain their cultural identities while adapting

31 gradually to the new mainstream culture. Cultural survival does not insist that peoples

hold on to every aspect of their traditional culture. Recognizing that culture is always

changing, cultural survival helps groups to maintain the aspects of their culture that they

think are important.

However, when educators are glven the responsibilities of a multicultural

classroom, they need the knowledge and skills for working effectively in a culturally

diverse milieu. In her final term paper titled "Educating against hate", a student in one of

my multicultural education classes at McGill Faculty of Education conducted a study to

assess pre-service teachers' knowledge of Islam and their feelings about the portrayal of

Muslims in the media. In her discussion of the findings, she concluded:

It would be safe to assume that students in a university level course in the faculty Education at an international university would be more culturally aware than the population at large .... [However], Of the 33 questionnaires, only Il people had a more than superficial understanding of the religion. Of those, 3 were Muslims and six had Muslim friends who educated them .... 8 students claimed to know things that were in fact incorrect.. .. These are the results of the educated that will be in charge of the education of our children [italics added] (L.C., 2003).

An educational concept that addresses cultural diversity and equality in schools is multicultural education (Banks, 1994; Gollnick, & Chinn, 1998; Ogbu, 1982; 1987;

1998). Multicultural education includes various components that often manifest themselves in courses, units of courses, and degree programs. These components include multiculturalism in education, ethnic studies, women's studies and special education. For a multicultural education to become a reality, the total environment must reflect a

32 commitment to it (Banks, 1994). Universities and research centers, for example, could conduct extensive studies to investigate and understand the diverse cultural backgrounds of students and families. These studies are crucial in developing effective instructional strategies.

DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM

It is important to explain at this point that there is a substantial difference between

'cultural diversity' and 'cultural pluralism'. As philosopher of education Richard Pratte

(1979) explains, cultural diversity refers to an empirical condition and is basically descriptive in nature, whereas cultural pluralism is "a normative claim that seeks to suggest a particular course of action" (p. 124). In other words, when we say that a given society is culturally diverse, aIl we are saying is that there are different cultural groups within that society. We are not indicating whether or not we see that as a good thing, bad thing or a problem. Thus, it is clear that mùst countries in the contemporary world are culturally diverse (e.g., Russia, Yugoslavia, India). On the other hand, when we talk about cultural pluralism, we are asserting both the presence of diversity and indicating that such diversity should be valued, respected and encouraged. This means that cultural pluralism is but one of several possible ways of responding to the presence of cultural diversity.

To promote cultural sensitivity in multicultural classrooms, teachers, educators and curriculum developers should not, rely on static and oversimplified views of any group, for that matter. In the case of Arabic countries, the social realities of the se countries differ dramatically from the picture presented by orientalists. Many scholars

33 (e.g., Said, 1978, 1993; Barakat, 1993) have shown that the Orient has been uncterstood, dissected, interpreted, packaged and presented to Western audiences through Western eyes. Never were the authentic voices of the Arab peoples included in any discussion of the Arab world.

The task of understanding Arab culture can best be achieved through a combination of concerted scholarly analysis and social criticism through various media

(e.g., art, literature, film) from an Arab perspective. As educators, we must help students interpret and analyze the cultural cues that are presented to them. My study aims to aid teachers and educators to understand the unique cultural values of Arab students and how these values shape their identities.

In the light of this discussion, l have adapted interpretive cultural theory, in its many dimensions, as the most appropriate framework for understanding and interpreting the educational and cultural experience of Arabic-Canadian students in this larger society.

The rationale for using this cultural theory is that it allows the voices inside the tradition to be heard. By listening to the authentic voices of Arabs as they deconstruct their social, economic, literary, historical, and artistic experiences with the overlapping (or 'nesting') of cultures we can obtain authentic views of the culture under discussion. The personal perspectives of individuals can engage the imaginations of readers in ways that larger­ scale generalizations cannot.

34 CHAPTER 3: RELEVANT LITERATURE

EMPIRICAL RESEARCH ON ARABS IN NORTH AMERICA

To date, a search of the literature has yielded few studies on Arab Muslim communities in North America. Those that do exist have focused exclusively on Lebanese and Syrian communities (e.g., Haddad & Smith, 1996; Fahlman, 1983; Haj-Yahia, 1997; Abu-Rabia,

1997; Yazigy, 1994) or other non-Arab Islamic populations such as Iranians, Pakistanis and Malaysians (e.g., Yousif, 1992; Hofman, 1990; Talbani, 1991; Qureshi & Qureshi,

1983). Research-based evidence of Arabs' adaptive experience is rather limited, and much of it tends to explore only certain aspects of their problematic relationships with the host society. This is to say that these previous studies an seem to focus on one or two facets of adjustment. No studies have been found that deal with a more comprehensive view of adjustment in the form of a multifaceted inventory, namely an inventory that includes educational adjustment.

For example, Haddad & Smith (1996), scholars who have written extensively on

Muslims in America, conducted a study of the social problems of Lebanese Muslims residing in Michigan. The issues explored were marriage, birth control and abortion.

Interesting and useful as these studies are, they contribute little to our understanding of the adjustments students face in their North American educational experiences. The paucity of educational research regarding cultural differences on Arab Muslim communities makes it difficult, if not impossible, to draw any conclusions about the nature of issues they face in classrooms and the ways in which Arab Muslim students adjust to Canadian educational realities.

35 However, considerable research has been carried out on cultural differences and adjustment among non-Arab minorities in North America (e.g., Tucker, 2003; Myles &

Cheng, 2003; Dinh, 1996; Krywulak, 1997; Kring, 1985; Westwood & Barker, 1990;

Ogbu, 1982; 1987; Bosher, 1997). A review ofthese studies reveals that minority groups experience culture shock when they enter mainstream culture, and cultural differences play a major role in adaptation and adjustment in the new environment. Whell people move from one culture to another they frequently find the experience difficult, confusing, anxiety-provoking, stressful and challenging. The following discussion focuses on the studies who se themes are most closely related to the study l have conducted.

Hoffman (1990) employed qualitative strategies (interviews and participant observation in schools and community events) to investigate the self-perception, identity and cultural adaptation and adjustment among 22 Iranian-American students in Los

Angeles. Her findings showed that the students viewed their adaptation to American society as an occasion for positive learning and self-enhancement. Although they expressed strong attachment to Iran, they described that their cultural adjustment in U.S not as cultural shock, conflict or confusion but as a learning experience. They felt that they were quite successful in learning American culture and adapting to it, yet they did not feel that they were in any sense becoming a part of the American system, or losing their identity as Iranians. This finding, according to Hoffman, was confirmed by the

American teachers interviewed who had the opportunity to work with the Iranians who participated in this study.

Although it is not stated explicitly, the experience of Iranians in this study may be an example of what many multicultural educators refer to as accommodation without

36 assimilation. It contrasts with the American "Melting pot" policy which assmnes that adaptation entails total assimilation into the new cultural system. Assimilation implies that the old cultural ways gradually lose ground and are replaced by the new. Intercultural educators believe that their task is to help newcomers adapt successfully to the new life while keeping an attachment and a sense of belonging to their cultural heritage. Furnham and Bochner (1986), in their discussion of the conceptualization of 'culture learning' insightfully explain that "Culture leaming does not imply that a person must undergo a basic shift in values and conform to a new set of norms. Culture leaming makes a distinction between skills and values, between performance and compliance" (p. 250).

They conclude that newcomers should work on developing "bicultural skills" rather than giving up their traditional values.

Another study with similar results was conducted by Bosher (1997), who investigated the cultural adjustment of 100 Hmong students in 9 postsecondary institutions in Minnesota and Wisconsin. Students interviewed for this study showed a bicultural adaptation to life in the U.S. That is, they did not assimilate into the American mainstream culture, nor did they adhere exclusively to Hmong culture. They generally sought a middle path between the two cultures that combined elements of both. They made conscious choices about which elements of both cultures to keep and not to keep. A more interesting finding in this study is that participants' increased independence from their families did not result in a rejection of Hmong culture but in a closer identification with and pride in their heritage, as well as greater association with other Hmong students in college.

37 Another related study was conducted by Liberman (1994) in which he investigated the educational and leaming experiences among 680 Asian students in the context of cultural conflict; these students were attending the university of Oregon in the

U.S. InformaI qualitative interviews in public places by the researcher and his undergraduate students, was the technique employed in collecting the data. Among other findings, this study found that although Asian students were highly critical of American social life, they expressed approval of certain aspects of their educational experience.

They enjoyed the student-centered classes and appreciated the democratic structure of professor-student interaction. However, Asian students were rather shocked by what they perceived as the 'boldness' with which American students addressed American professors, this boldness being a value that is antithetical to values they cherish like respect towards elders and authority. Considering many of the statements of these students in their interviews, one can say that these Asian students were selective in the way they interacted with American values. Perhaps this selective learning process, having critical views of both cultures, and not adopting everything the U. S has to offer is related to their level of education.

There is however a notable absence of studies that address or consider the importance of social-structural assimilation, a necessary condition for full assimilation, although many scholars (e.g., Gordon, 1964; Fumham & Bochner, 1982) have argued for its role in cultural adaptation. As Gordon (1964) states, the degree to which immigrant youth are able to adjust and integrate to the host culture is closely related to the majority culture's acceptance ofthese newcomers. Such acceptance is also a critical factor in the ability of immigrant groups to engage in positive interaction with members of the

38 majority culture, without which social distance will prevail and inter-group contact will be minimal. Gordon believes that "As social contact initiates interaction, assimilation is its final perfect product. The nature of the social contacts is decisive in the process .... Assimilation has not taken place, it is asserted, until the immigrant is able to function in the host community without encountering prejudiced attitudes or discriminatory behavior" (p. 62-63). Because of the negative stereotypes surrounding

Arabs and Muslims in the West, their acceptance remain uncertain (Shaheen, 2001). In her book titled Priee of Honor, Goodwin (1994) reports that " .. .in the West today, it is fashionable to designate all Muslims as the new pariah: terrorists, fundamentalists, fanatics" (p.9).

CLASSIFICATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN NORTH AMERICA: POWER

AND NUMBER

Many scholars (e.g., Ogbu, 1998) believe that, by definition, minorities are seen as subordinate groups and are held in low regard in society by the dominant group. They are the ones who are most often the victims of negative stereotyping, social derogation and exclusion. However, this is not true for all minorities. Ogbu (1998) defines minority status on the basis of power relationship between groups, not in terms of numerical representation. He classifies minority groups into "autonomous", "voluntary"

(immigrant) and "caste-like" minorities.

Although autonomous minorities are minorities in the numerical sense, according to Ogbu, they are not perceived as second-class citizens. They maintain a distinct cultural identity and are not socially or politically isolated. Examples of this group, according to

39 Ogbu, are the Amish, Jews and Mormons. Caste-like minorities have become incorporated into a society involuntarily through slavery, conquest or colonization. They usually experience greater and more persistent cultural and linguistic difficulties. The list in this category inc1udes African Americans and Native Americans. The third group is the immigrant minorities which inc1udes those who have come voluntarily. While they may be socially and politically subordinate, they maintain a positive self-concept. Sorne examples of this c1ass are immigrants from China, India, Japan and, presumably, Arabic countries, though Ogbu does not mention them. Although Ogbu acknowledges that sorne immigrant minorities may have caste-like relationships with the dominant group, he refers only to the Chinese immigrants in the Mississipi Delta in the 19th century.

ARABIC MINORITIES AND THEIR POSITION IN THE MAJORITY SOCIETY

Although racist attitudes are intolerable toward any group (e.g., African-Americans,

Chinese, First Nations peoples), these attitudes still seem to be accepted by many when directed against Arab Muslims. Arab Muslims in the Canadian milieux experience misunderstanding, prejudice, and even hatred from sorne non-Arabs, although usually not in its violent form (Lamb, 1987; Salloum, 1993; Wingfield & Karaman, 1995; Schwartz,

1999). Lamb (1987) writes "probably no ethnic or religious group has been so constantly and massively disparaged in the media as the Arab over the past two decades. Being Arab is a liability everywhere but in the Arab homelands, for virtually everywhere else the

Arab is stereotyped in negative terms" (p. 126). Arabs have been subjected to misrepresentations about their culture and religion by mass media and books. While formaI education has created many of the misconceptions about Arabs that abound in the

40 West, many of the misconceptions can be traced to the umegulated and informaI education of the public by the media and popular culture.

ARABS AND MUSLIMS IN THE WESTERN MEDIA

Film and television function as both art and entertainment. They also educate. Screen images provide information and help shape values. Intentionally or unintentionally, images teach people whom to fear, whom to hate, and whom to love and admire.

Negative images of Arabs have been formed largely in response to media coverage of events in Middle East countries. (Abukhattala, 2004; Ghareeb, 1983; Suleiman, 1988;

Salloum, 1993; Nydell, 1987; Shaheen, 2001). Shaheen (2001) reviewed extensively nearly one thousand Hollywood movies and documented that most of these movies totally distort the images of the Arabs and Muslims and never show them in their authentic reality. Sorne of these films are True Lies (1994), Terrar Squad (1988),

Executive Decision (1996), The Siege (1998), The Voyage ofTerror (1990), and Indiana

Jones and the Last Crusade (1989).

These movies portray, with no justification, Arabs and Muslims as being at war with the West. These kinds ofunfavorable messages have been extensively described and documented. For example, when Sergent, Woods and Sedllacek (1992) assessed the attitudes of 156 American college students toward Arabs they found that strong negative attitudes and prejudice exist among students toward people of Arab descent. The researchers related the se negative attitudes to media influence.

41 The Western image of the Arab is a fictional one. Literature and popular humor often show Arabs as nomadic Bedouins. For instance, according to Richardson (1985), many North Americans regard Arabs as primitive, and opposed to aH forms of progress.

Although 1 have already discussed negative stereotyping in Chapter Two, it is important to stress here that underlying deliberate distortion there is an equalization between the notion of the "Westernization" and the notion of "Modernization". People in the Western media, seem unable or unwilling to comprehend that Arabs have never rejected technology or development. In fact, they may have rejected those Western behaviours that conflict with their cultural and religious teachings. Thus, the differences in values between the West and the Arab worlds seem to be fertile ground for negative stereotyping.

What is more important to the discussion here is that this intense stereotyping and negative image purveyed by Western media, has, as Suleiman (1988) daims, made sorne young Arabs in Western societies "feel ashamed of their ancestors and their former homeland. As a result, sorne avoid reference to their Arab heritage, for instance, often describing themselves in terms of geographic region from which they came or the religious sect to which they belong" (p. 150-151). It is dear that media have had a negative influence on the integration and accommodation of Arabs in Western societies, induding Canada. The failure of Arabs to adjust and integrate has important implications for the self-esteem and self-perception of Arab-Canadian students. It has important implications also for their cultural adaptation and educational achievement.

42 ARABS AND MUSLIMS IN THE WESTERN SCHOOL TEXT -BOOKS

The perceptions of North Americans of Arabic cultures are not influenced only by the mass media. Indeed, Western children, at a very early age, are often given an image of

Arabs which is negative. School textbooks play a vital and distinctive role in influencing students' social images and interactions (Wingfield, 1995). Textbooks are a formaI me ans of learning about other cultures. Images of other cultures, which students receive from their textbooks, are symbolic representations and students usually do not attempt to look further for alternative realities. Since texts used for education convey images of and ideas about other nations, students are likely to form their images and value judgments of

'others' during their school years.

Studies have been conducted in the last two decades on the representation of

Arabs in textbooks in North America. Kenny (1975) reviewed 70 Canadian geography and history textbooks and examined the manners in which images of Arabs and their culture, as well as Islam were presented. In these textbooks, he found many factual errors, questionable assertions and omissions: the coverage of the Middle East is "" .narrow, parochial, and Western oriented" (p.144). The treatment of Islam in these texts, Kenny concluded, contributed to the perpetuation of fundamental misconceptions about Islam as a religion, culture and civilization.

Burke (1986) analyzed several textbooks used in the Teaching ofWorld Religions in colleges in Britain and investigated the ways in which images of Mohammed, the

Quran, Muslims and Islam were presented. He reported that the facts contained in these textbooks are "extremely dubious" .based on accounts which were factually misleading and in sorne cases inaccurate" (p.75). For example, in one of these texts,

43 "Mohammedism" is used to refer to "Islam". This usage is not only offensive to Muslims but it is incorrect. Mohammed is not God, and Muslims do not worship Mohammed.

According to Muslims, Mohammed is just God's messenger. Burke concludes that "if our study in the classroom aims at an initial understanding of what Islam means to Muslims, then we need texts which present this" (p. 88).

Abu-Absi (1996) reviewed the Middle East chapter in an American sixth grade

Social Studies textbook, People and Culture, and examined how images of Muslim women and their culture, as well as Islam were presented. According to Abu-Absi, the book contains shockingly misleading information on a number of aspects of Islam. For example, according to People and Culture, Islam is a primitive and oppressive religion; it humiliates women, it forbids girls from schooling, and it emphasizes a subordinate role for females. After giving the most simplistic explanation for the role of women in Islam, the authors ask the reader "would you like to be a woman in the Middle East?" In the absence of other sources of information, students using this textbook could be forgiven for developing negative attitudes towards Muslims and Islam.

Such textbooks portray Arabs as primitive and backward. Nomadism is highly visible in the discussions regarding the Arab world, giving the wrong impression that it is the dominant way of life in the area. Islamic contributions to world civilization are either briefly mentioned or overlooked. These textbooks give misleading images about Arabic as a culture and Islam as a religion. The distorted pictures of Arabs provide us with a context for understanding how students perceive what the words "Islam" and "Arabs" mean or imply when used in Canadian classrooms.

44 1 have briefly explained how images of Arabs and Islam have been disst:minated through western popular media and textbooks. The seriousness of this problem distinguishes the Arab experience from that of many other ethnic groups. Different minorities have different experiences in their relationships with the host society.

Therefore, adding the notion of cultural acceptance to the lexicon employed to understand the Arab students' experience in Canada, will pro vide us with deeper and more salient dimensions in the interculturallearning experience.

This review of the most recent and relevant cultural and educational studies and the crucial issues they address identifies sorne gaps in previous research and demonstrates that the present study will fill an urgent and demonstrated need in this area of knowledge and practice.

In the next chapters, 1 present an account of the experiences of ten Arab-Canadian students as they represent themselves, followed by a thematic analysis of these experiences. 1 examine how these students negotiate the transition from their old Arabic­

Islamic educational system to the new Canadian one. 1 address also how they accommodate themselves and get along in Canadian society in the face of the myths and biases about how Arab Muslims think, act and live.

45 CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

A qualitative research method was adopted to respond to the questions in this inquiry.

Eisenhart & Borko (1993) suggest that "Valid studies require designs that have been cogently developed from research questions" (p.4 7). They also note that methods should be linked epistemologically to the focus of the study and to the research questions. Thus, based on a conceptual understanding of the reciprocal relationship between the purpose of the research, the research questions and the research design, the present research used qualitative methodology to investigate the experiences of ten Arab students in Canadian universities. l used classic qualitative methodological tools of interviews, participant observation and document analysis.

The research questions became more focused as the analysis of the data proceeded. They changed and evolved as time went on. The topics explored could best be understood by probing these individuals' perceptions of their experiences. For example, the interaction between students of different cultural backgrounds from their teachers, the thoughts and values of students and other nuances of behavior could only be elicited and understood by the qualitative technique used in this study, namely qualitative interviewing.

The qualitative perspective of research traces its roots to interpretive anthropology, using the analytical techniques of what Geertz, a well-known figure in cultural anthropology, calls "thick description." In his seminal book, The Interpretation of Cultures, Geertz (1973) defines culture as a literary text that can be analyzed for meaning. According to this interpretive approach, cultures can be best understood by listening and recording the ways that the members of the culture explain their own values

46 and behaviors. He explains that ethnographers choose to interpret the meaning of culture from an emic (insider) and etic (outsider) perspectives (p. 85). Researchers using the emic perspective attempt to provide an insider's view of culture, which sorne scholars call the native 's point of view. The etic perspective allows researchers to analyze data in a way that may not be part of the native's cultural awareness. People who are in favor of this methodological theory believe that it is the only achievable goal in investigating cultural practices because they do not be1ieve it is possible to de scribe cultural phenomena in scientific experimental ways.

As will be explained in the next section, in the study l conducted, l felt l was unique1y positioned to address the research questions because of my insider (emic) and outsider (etic) positions. Bresler (2002) notes that the "emic/etic productive tension is at the basis of all qualitative research. Awareness of this productive tension between myse1f as an Arab Muslim with seven years of experience, studying and teaching in a Canadian university and adapting to life in Canada, and my relationship to the Arab Muslim community in Montreal was always present during the interview and interpretive process. l was ideally positioned to ask my informants to share their thoughts and feelings with me. Being a member of the community l ir.vestigated he1ped me to establish a positive rapport with my informants and, it helped me to know which questions to ask, and how to interpret the responses. At the same time, my extensive experience adapting to Canadian society and western values positioned me outside Arab Muslim culture so that l could see my participants from an outsider's perspective.

47 SETTING AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY POPULATION

In this study the focus was on gaining a "deeper understanding of experience from the perspectives of the participants selected for study" (Maykut & Morehouse, 1993, p. 44).

To gain a deeper understanding of the participants' experience, the study had to be narrowly construed (p. 98). Unless a study is quite narrowly construed, researchers cannot study aIl relevant events or people intensively and in depth; they select samples.

The first and most global decision - choosing the population - was fundamental to the design of this study. Eschewing a survey mode of research that would yield statistical data on a narrow issue from a large sample, l chose to seek a "deeper understanding" of the issues from the perspectives of a small (10) sample of students. This early, significant decision shaped aIl subsequent decisions. Care was exercised to ensure that members of the cultural group chosen to participate represented the population being studied.

l sought to ensure that the study would be trustworthy (Eisner, 1991) by seeking what Merriam (1988) would calI a good sample, that is, a sample that was representative of the population from which it was selected. l arranged to meet participants by contacting the Arabic community centers and weekend Arabic schools in Montreal. l also used personal friendships to gain access to sorne Arab Muslim communities that were more conservative. Access to these Arabic institutions and individuals was facilitated by the fact that l am Arab-Libyan and have had about seven years' experience among Arabs in Canada and my network of friends includes Arab acquaintances. The friendships l have developed in Arab communities helped me to establish a social base from which to approach participants for the study. As with any relatively closed, recently

48 arrived minority population, it is essential to establish close acquaintances in the Arabic communities in order to get beyond superficial social interaction.

1 began to join Arab students in their social gatherings and religious festivals. 1 tried not to miss any Friday ceremonies at McGill or Concordia mosques. On the se occasions 1 had opportunities to socialize with Arabs 1 knew and, through them, to me et others. In my conversations with fellow Arabs 1 was interested in exploring a wide range of topics re1ating to their lives in Canada and their countries of origin- everything from their educational experience to their social life and to re1igious observance, !Jut with special emphasis on the connections between the three are as of experience.

Meeting a large number of students with different academic backgrounds from the

Arabic communities in Montreal helped me to decide criteria for the inquiry. To achieve

"maximum variation sampling" (Maykut & Morehouse, 1993, p. 56), 1 varied the participants by (a) domain of study (Arts, Engineering and Science); (b) country of origin

(Libya, Tunis, Aigeria, and Morocco); and (c) gender (6 men, 4 women). Using these criteria ensured that the study would be kept to a manageable size while permitting in­ depth inquiry. It ensured that it would be possible to obtain the participants' points of view, expressed in their own words. From this group emerged 10 participants who met the criteria and agreed to participate. Their commonalities were that they were Arab­

Muslims, first generation immigrants who received part of their education in their countries of origin and were undergraduates enrolled in two English universities in

Montreal.

The purpose of the study was immediately conveyed to potential participants by phone, email or in person. Special attention was given to the ethical conduct of this

49 research. l completed an ethics form and submitted it for approval to the Ethics Review

Board of the Faculty of Education, Mc Gill University. l then asked the potential participants questions pertaining to the criteria for participation, to ensure they met the requirements. Once qualification was established, l asked the potential participants to read and sign a consent form prepared for this purpose. AlI the participants were informed clearly of their rights, according to McGill research code of ethics. They were informed that their participation was voluntary, that they could withdraw from the study at any time and that their identity would remain confidential.

THE PARTICIPANTS: 10 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES

Sara:

Sara is a 29-year-old married woman who speaks Arabie and English. She is studying

Arts and has lived in Canada for 3 years. Sara came to Canada when she was in the third year of her undergraduate studies in her home country. In her Canadian university she was required to take sorne ESL (English as a Second Language) courses. She became a

Canadian landed immigrant as soon as she arrived because her husband, who cornes from the same country, sponsored her in 1999. l knew her through a mutual female friend who is a doctoral student in political science at the same university. At her wish, she was interviewed by this mutual friend, although she communicated with me through emails.

Sara is a practicing Muslim. She states that she goes regularly to the mosque at her school, and that she wears Islamic dress (hijab). Before she came to Canada, she visited many European countries with her family.

50 Noora:

Noora is a 25-year-old single woman who speaks Arabic, English and French fluently.

She is studying Science and has lived in Canada for 3 years. Noora came to Canada when she was in the third year of her undergraduate studies in her home country.

Although she does not wear Islamic dress or go to the Mosque regularly, she considers herself a good Muslim. She sometimes feels alienated from her Muslim community and that is why most of her friends are non-Muslim Canadians. Her previous and present lifestyles suggest that she cornes from a rich family, although she did not mention that in the interview. She is articulate and outspoken. She expresses anger and bittemess toward the patriarchal structures and systems of thought which dominate the Arabic communities with which she is familiar. She insists that Islam does not discriminate against women but

Arabic culture does. She has published sorne articles in one of Montreal's newspapers.

Leila:

Leila is a 26-year-old married women who speaks Arabic, English and French fluently.

She is studying Arts and has lived in Canada for 4 years. She completed an of her studies in private schools in her country of origin. She and her younger sister, who goes to a

French university in Montreal, came to Canada on a student visa. In her Canadian university, Leila was required to take sorne ESL courses. She became a Canadian landed immigrant in 2000. l knew Leila through the Mc Gill Office for Students with Disability

(OSD), as she was registered there for special academic accommodation. Married to a man from her native country, she says that she loves to wear hijab and has never experienced any pressure from her husband to wear it.

51 Ahmed:

Ahmed is a 31-year-old single man who speaks Arabie, English and French. He is studying Engineering and has lived in Canada for 3 years. Ahmed completed dl of his pre-university studies in his country of origin . In his Canadian university, he completed several required qualifying courses at the undergraduate level. He became a Canadian landed immigrant in 1999. l have known Ahmed socially for more than 2 years. This helped us to get quickly past the stage of mere superficial social interaction during the interviews. Ahmed was shy but eager to discuss his experiences in school and society.

Saleh:

Saleh is a 27-year-old engaged man who speaks Arabie and English. He is studying

Pathology and has lived in Canada for 4 years. Saleh entered Canada on a student visa to take sorne English classes and two years later he became an immigrant. Before coming to

Canada, he lived in England for a year where he also took English courses. He is engaged to a French-Canadian woman who is a recent convert to Islam. l met him through a mutual friend. We met in several cultural gatherings before the interviews and he showed a great interest in participating in the study. He says that he is religious and he does not have non-Muslim friends. He has many books on Islam and Christianity, and in his apartment, there are sorne Quranic verses on tables and walls.

52 Malik:

Malik is a 31-year-old single man who speaks Arabic and English. He is studying

Science and has lived in Canada for 5 years. Malik came as a visitor to the United States and applied as an immigrant to Canada. He says it is his dream to live in Canada. He cornes from an educated family. His father has a doctorate from an American university, and is a faculty member in a university in his home country. His married sister is a professor, who obtained her degree from an Australian university. Malik takes pride in his family's accomplishments and he referred to them many times in our conversations.

Besides his studies, Malik works in a community service centre in Montreal where he helps newly arrived immigrants from his country to adjust to their new surroundings.

Ali:

Ali is 29-year-old single man who speaks Arabic and English. He is studying

Architecture and has lived in Canada for 4 years. Ali has a Bachelor in Engineering from a university in his home country. He worked as a teaching assistant for a year in his home university. The professor he worked for was a Western-university graduate who used a different teaching approach from other professors. These experiences with Western-style teaching helped Ali feel comfortable. That is why, according to him, he did not feel as though he was in a totally new environment when he started studying in his Canadian university. When he came to Canada, he joined an intensive English pro gram in one of the community centers in Montreal. During the time of the interview, he was in the second year of a diploma pro gram in architecture.

53 Shadi:

Shadi is a 27-year-old single man who speaks Arabic and English. He is studying Science and has lived in Canada for 7 years. Shadi came to Canada as a political refugee. His father was an opponent of the government, fled the country with his family and two years later he passed away. Shadi was in the third year ofhis university studies when he and his family had to leave the country with his family. Upon his arrivaI in Canada, he managed a family business. Later on he decided to continue his studies and get his degree. He states that one of his relatives was jailed and then assassinated because he participated in anti-government activity at the university. Shadi wanted to study agriculture in his home university but he was not allowed because, as he explains, his grades in courses unrelated to agriculture courses were slightly below the required level. He states that he does not practice his religion very often.

Samira:

Samira is a 24-year-old single woman who speaks Arabic and English. She is studying

Arts and has lived in Canada for 4 years. Samira lives with her family who immigrated to

Canada. Her father is a professor at a French university in Montreal and her mother is a teacher of Arabic in one of the Arabic heritage schools in Montreal. Samira teaches

Islamic classes voluntarily on Saturdays in one of the Islamic private schools. She wears hijab and goes to Mosque regularly. She says that she has female friends from several cultural and religious communities.

54 Omar:

Omar is a 26-year-old single man who speaks Arabic and English. He is studying

Engineering and has lived in Canada for 4 years. Omar lived in England for 3 years before he came to Canada. He studied English in a language school there for a year and then he started studying Engineering. He applied for a refugee status after his oIder brother was jailed by his home country government because of his political views and

Omar became fearful of going back. He is deeply involved in his religion, and volunteers sorne ofhis time at the Mosque and his religious community.

QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWING

According to Seidman (1991), the term "qualitative interviewing" is usually intended to refer to in-depth interviewing. The interview is one of the most commonly used tools of qualitative inquiry. In employing interviews as a method of gathering data, the assumption is that data are generated in the interaction with the participants. This method fits very well with what interpretive anthropologist Geertz (1973 p. 123) proposes in designing a cultural study. He believes that rather than searching for general propositions about human behavior, the researcher seeks to explain a single culture by examining how the people themselves interpret their own values and behavior. According to this interpretive approach, cultures can be best understood by listening and recording the ways that "natives" explain their own behavior. As Patton (1990) has remarked:

We interview people to find out from them those things we cannot directly observe. The issue is not whether observational data is more desirable, valid, or meaningful than self-report data. The fact

55 of the matter is that we cannot observe everything. We cannot observe feelings, thoughts, and intentions. We cannot observe behaviors that took place at sorne previous point in time. We cannot observe situations that preclude the presence of an observer. We cannot observe how people have organized the world and the meanings they attach to what goes on in the world. We have to ask questions about those things (p. 290).

Doing research in minority communities poses problems for researchers especially for those who are from majority groups. Sometimes the problem is compounded by the social distance between the researcher and the interviewee (Norris,

1993; Finch, 1993, 1988). It could be difficult for a researcher from another group to gain trust of and acceptance by minority groups. Researchers from a majority group, or a different minority group are more likely to experience distrust of and exclusion from another minority community. Interviews involve personal interaction; therefore cooperation, and a certain comfort level between interviewer and interviewee is essential.

Interviewees, especially those who come from non-democratic countries, may be unwilling to share or may be uncomfortable sharing all that the interviewer hopes to explore. Researchers have to understand that interviewees might have good reason not to be truthful.

Building trust, maintaining good relations and having sensitivity to ethical issues are vital factors that should be considered when conducting qualitative research

(Seidman, 1991; Fine, 1993; LeCompte, Millroy & Preissle, 1992). An interviewer needs to be a good listener, and have an understanding of and a profound respect for the perspectives of others. An interview should not be viewed as an opportunity to criticize

56 or evaluate the interviewee's actions or ideas. Rather it is an opportunity to listen, and leam from the interviewee.

Prior to the interviews 1 conducted, 1 had apprehensions about whether students would be comfortable talking about their experiences, or whether they would be forthright in responding to my questions. 1 wondered about how open and receptive the participants, especially those who did not know me weIl, would be during the interviews: would they feel comfortable sharing cuiturally and poiitically delicate experiences? ln their countries of origin, Arab students are not usually asked about their views on issues or given the opportunity to express opinions as part of their everyday lives. 1 had no doubt earlier in my research that 1 would encounter sorne suspicion that 1 could be an agent.

However, after many and long discussions with them during which 1 introduced myself and revealed to them my cultural and academic background, those fears were dispelled. They were open and enthusiastic about the study. One of the participants said to me "this is the first time 1 participate in a study ... .1 feel 1 can express myself with no fear". Sharing with participants my cultural, religious and educational backgrounds and my stance on political issues in our home countries, 1 believe, was instrumental in helping the participants perceive me as an educator, as someone who understands them, and their culture and religion and is genuinely interested in documenting their experience in their host society. During and even after the interviews 1 felt 1 developed and maintained a warm and friendly rapport with most ofthem. Sorne ofthem still contact me to solicit my advice on academic affairs and to discuss the possibility of doing graduate studies.

57 Interviews are, as many researchers suggest, "conversations with purposes"

(Bodgan & Biklen, 1992). However, this view made me anticipate another problem:

How could l conduct "conversations with purpose" that would yield valuable data? A researcher might fail to ask appropriate questions or lead conversation that evokes long narratives from participants, either because of a lack of expertise in the culture under investigation or due to inexperience in communicative strategies. Meanwhile, researchers unfamiliar with the culture of the participants may not properly comprehend responses to the questions or various elements of the conversations. My background ensured that l could avoid such pitfalls (Denzin, 2000).

Researchers also might, intentionally or not, impose their values on the phrasing of questions. The point is that the success of the interviews is highly dependent on the researcher' s interpersonal, and communicative skills, and cultural knowledge skills. l was preoccupied with aIl of these concems.

To prepare for my study, l carried out preliminary interviews with sorne friends in my Arab community. This procedure helped me to develop my interviewing techniques and alerted me to potential problems. The types of questions l asked were non-Ieading ones (e.g., "Have you participated in any educational activities? If yes, what are they, etc ... .if no, why not?). l was aware that sorne of my questions might be leading them on or betray a particular bias. l was cons cio us that a good interviewer should not ask a leading question (e.g., Have you ever felt any kind of unfamiliar or unfair practice in school which keeps you away from particirating in educational activities? Do you feel that you have been labeled, stereotyped, and/or discriminated against?). This is because questions phrased in these ways can lead the interviewee to a particular answer that the

58 interviewer wants to hear. In such a case, the study would lack credibility. Attentive listening generated further questions, based on participants' responses to previous questions.

Unstructured interviews and "conversations with purpose" conducted early in the data-gathering process led to the development of a series of focused questions to guide the semi-structured interviews. These qualitative interviews were used to obtain a "thick description" of ten Arab students' attitudes towards and perception of Canadian schools and their experiences in their social interaction with members of the host culture.

DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURE

Qualitative research involves intensive narrative data collection over an extended period oftime, in a naturalistic setting (Bogdan & Biklen, 1992). In this study, between January

2002 and June, 2003, l interviewed 10 students of Arabic origin. The interviews were conducted at locations that were mutually suitable to me and the participants. Sorne interviews took place in participants' homes while others were conducted in public places such as restaurants, coffee shops and schools. AlI interviews were conducted one-on-one in the student's choice of language, although preliminary discussions were conàucted in

Arabic to establish a rapport. Each interview lasted from 2-3 hours. The interviews started with general questions, about the student's life, interests and other general topics to "break the ice". The interviews were a mix of Arabic, English and, occasionally,

French, (four of the participants spoke French fluently). Many statements were said in

Arabic first then followed by English translations. Technical and school-related terms were in English.

59 Each interview was audio-taped for subsequent transcription and reference.

During or irnmediately after each interview, l wrote field notes. l wrote my thoughts and descriptions of the setting and any other noteworthy observations that l did not want to forget. The following is an example of observational notes l took immediately after my interview with one of the participants: "Saleh has a lot of religious books in English and

Arabie, sorne Quranic verses on the walls of his apartment and small praying carpet. By the end of our interview, one ofhis friends called him to go together to the mosque" (Feb.

16, 2003). In order to encourage the participants' trust in me and my objectives, l discussed with them at length the details of the study. l reiterated to them that the purpose of this research was to leam about their cultural and educational experiences in Canada only and they were free not to answer any particular question, if they wished. To sorne participants who expressed interest, l presented my findings so that they might determine whether l had thickly and accurately described their experiences. l prepared a draft of the transcript which l emailed to the interested participant who then added or deleted sorne statements and provided sorne comments. For exarnple, in answering the last question

(Do you have anything to add?), a participant wrote a response on the emailed draft, although her answer was "No" during the interview.

The participants were assured of complete anonymity. l informed them once again that aIl the information obtained in the course of interviews and by other solicited means would be kept strictly confidential. l reassured them that their names and addresses would not be mentioned in any written or oral report that was developed as a part of the study.

Even countries of origin were not identified in any form because sorne students feared surveillance by agents of their home country. l confirmed to students that when they

60 referred to their country in their comments, the name of the country would be replaced by

(X) in the transcript. This strategy was significant in encouraging participants to be frank, honest and critical, as they seemed to be not used to freedom of expression in their home countries.

Because the lives and experiences of women students and their perspectives on their own culture was an equally important dimension of this study, and for ethical and cultural considerations, 1 hired a female research assistant to conduct interviews with them However, three of the four women did not see any need for my assistant; only Sara preferred to be interviewed by a female researcher. My assistant met her request.

At the beginning of each interview, participants were asked to speak about any aspect of their social and academic life in Canada, if they felt it was significant. They were encouraged to be forthcoming about any advantages and disadvantages they might have in their experience living and studying in their home country and Canada. They were also encouraged to view the researcher as a total stranger to their culture and to talk without assuming that the researcher might know something about their culture.

However, 1 am aware that an 'outsider' to Arab culture and language, lacking my more intimate knowledge, might have probed sorne topics further than 1 did. They ~7ere also reminded that the researcher's primary role was to ask questions, and that they were expected to do most of the talking.

Except for Sara's, 1 recorded all the interviews, after obtaining the permission of the participant to audiotape. The interview with Sara was conducted and recorded by a woman research assistant who followed my instructions. 1 allowed the conversation to be directed by the participants themselves and 1 refrained from interrupting them. 1

61 interrupted only when discussion became focused strictly upon the participant's home

country and not about Canada or when irrelevant gossip threatened to trivialize the

interview. In this way, the discussion was generally directed by the participmt with

minimal diversion from the research focus.

Although most of the interviews yielded substantial data, a second or a third

interview was conducted where 1 felt it was necessary to obtain more information. As it

was an on-going process, new ideas were emerging, which were followed up in the

second interview. The need for subsequent interviews happened with quite a few

participants, and in all cases, the quality of information was very good and rich. Drafts

of sorne transcripts were reviewed by my research supervisors who gave sorne feedback

such as suggestions about which topics to pursue further. On completion of the

interviews, a huge amount of information about the students' experiences was collected.

As English was not the participants' first language, meanings were not always c1ear. In transcribing the interviews, 1 attempted to maintain the originality of the respondents'

expression, to let them speak for themselves. Only when the expression was not c1ear, 1 made it comprehensible and checked with participants to ensure that 1 captured their meanings (Geertz, 1983).

DATA ANALYSIS

The interviews, carried out over a period of 18 months between Jan. 2002 and Aug. 2003 yielded about around 32 hours of audiotape recordings, which were then transcribed into

110 pages. The transcription process took considerable time: approximately 4-5 hours per

1 hour interview. The data were codified thematically. The transcripts and questions were

62 re-arranged and organized according to the key themes discussed. Examining a substantial number of codes for possible connections was a challenging task. However, using the major issues that the research was aiming to explore as a guide, referring to the conceptual framework of the study and continually reviewing the coded data, l began to see how certain codes fit into the inquiry (e.g., examinations; perceptions of Canadians).

The selection decision was based on 1) relevance to the aims of the study, and 2) sequence and thematic coherence of the narratives (Riessman, 1993). As l progressed through the narratives in each category, l began to realize that the same ideas and notions were recurring over and over again, and several themes, that would become the focus of this inquiry, emerged. (See Appendix F for a sample of coded material). These themes are discussed in chapter five.

The ways in which these participants view the cultural and educational challenges in Canada and their impact on their lives are highly subjective phenomena that require interpretation. l organized the data around themes and l used excerpts from the interviews to present the students' beliefs, opinions and experiences. The researcher, as weIl as the reader, are invited to to enter into their worlds and to interpret the meaning and significance of their experiences (Riessman, 1993). Participants' words, framed by my analytic-interpretive scheme, evoke empatic understanding and draw the reader into a virtual experience (Eisner & Barone, 1997).

The next step was to examine the meanings encoded in the participants' narratives that were linked to the specific aims of the study, conceptual framework, and methodology. As data collection, transcription, and analysis occurred concurrently, l made ongoing comparisons of narratives across participants and modified the codes

63 accordingly. l engaged in analyzing the data from the early stages ofmy research process, as l began contacting my participants and talking with them about their experiences in

Canada. l began taking notes and keeping records of what they had shared with me informally. It was a process of continuous reformation of ideas, thoughts and patterns.

After transcribing the interviews and as l progressed through the chunks of data, my observations became more focused and more selective. l began to see themes in participants' narratives that seemed to point to significant aspects ofthe students' lives in

Canada.

Almost all of thematic categories were identified half way through the analysis.

In other words, fewer and fewer new codes were generated, and categories were collapsed with each newly analyzed interview after that point. Then as l interacted with participants, themes became clearer and more focused.

THE ISSUE OF TRUSTWORTHINESS

As can be seen, this study develops a sound rationale for the choice of qualitative methodology. To meet the requirements for trustworthiness, it gives careful consideration to criteria for sound research; it is well situated in the scholarly literature, permits emergence of themes rather than a priori establishment of themes, and permits modification of research questions. It contributes to knowledge in the field. There is concern for the ethical issues regarding investigation and interpretation, and there is a cohesive link between the topics to be explored and the methodology.

64 Triangulation in this study was achieved by obtaining data from different sources

and by different methods (e.g., field-notes and qualitative interviewing). In this way,

consistency of evidence could be checked across sources of data. As many authors

suggest (e.g., Schofield, 1993; Eisner, 1991), data from different sources can be used to

corroborate, elaborate or illuminate the research in question and "substantiate the

conclusions one wants to draw" (Eisner, 1993, p. 55). It can also generate perplexing

questions. Designing a study, such as the present one, with this strategy strengthened the

study's usefulness for other settings. Triangulation strategy enhances this study's

ecological validity (conversations are carried out in normal, social settings) and promotes

confidence in the findings. Using multiple methods of data collection is a strength ofthis

study because it provides different perspectives on the same phenomenon.

Validity was also supported by carrying out interviews more than once over a period of time. Following recommendations by researchers (e.g., Seidman, 1991), whenever l found that there was incomplete information or it was contradictory, the

student was interviewed again. This is to say that l built into the design of the study multiple interviews with the same individuals.

This study responds to concems that the natural subjectivity of the researcher will shape the research and, perhaps, the observer will record only what he or she wants to see or hear rather than what is actually there. The issue has been raised as to the ability of men to study women, or of members of a dominant ethnic group to study minority ethnic groups. In this study l have attempted to reflect on my own values, assumptions and biases and l have consciously monitored them during the research process to understand and make transparent any impact on the study' s data and interpretations.

65 My primary goal in conducting this study was to add to knowledge, not to pass judgment. Its worth lies in the ways to which it provides understanding of the research issues. In this study, l adopted a reflexive stance by using a loosely structured interview guide. Questions were not phrased precisely in advance but evolved from the general topics. They were aIlowed to emerge in discussion: questions and answers were spontaneous. Thus, spontaneity removed the possibility of prejudgment.

l consciously attempted to constantly confront my own opinions and prejudices with the data. For example l built into the study strategies for limiting my bias and ethnocentrism in interpretation. Throughout my study, l tried to achieve a balance between engagement with and detachment from the worlds of my participants. In other words, l tried to maintain the social distance of the outsider because it is aIl too easy to take for granted what one thinks one knows. l kept in mind Bodgan & Biklen's (1992) advice on limiting observer bias:

It should be noted that we are talking about limiting [italics in original] observers' biases, not eliminating them. Qualitative researchers attempt to seek out their own subjective states and their effects on data, but they never think they are completely successful. AlI researchers are affected by observers' bias. Questions or questionnaires, for example, reflect the interests of those who conduct them, as do experimental studies. Qualitative researchers try to acknowledge and take into account their own biases as a method of dealing with them (46-47).

Although l have developed a particular interpretation of my participants' experiences, l have tried to let them speak for themselves as much as possible, so readers can have sorne grounds to assess my analysis. Readers will know it is l who have

66 explored and organized the comments into themes. It was not my intention to give readers final answers but to present vivid accounts of participants' perspectives-in their own words- in the communities l observed.

Because l belong to the population whose expenences this study aimed to investigate, this gave me an opportunity to explore, in-depth, the experience of other

Arabie students in their quest to adjust to Canadian society. It gave me the empathy needed to gain entry into their world. My insights into Arabie culture and values increased the likelihood that l could situate my inquiry within the complex social and cultural system being studied.

As l was preparing drafts of chapters, l presented my interpretations to members of my doctoral committee, friends, and colleagues who had sorne commonalities with my participants. Their comments confirmed the plausibility and usefulness of my interpretations. One colleague, an Arab-Canadian and a doctoral candidate in the same university where l study, said to me after reading drafts of my work that she could easily relate to what my participants were saying and that she recognized herself and her experience in my presentations and interpretations.

l also extensively read the literature on similar religious and cultural communities

(e.g., Tucker, 2003; Schutz & Richerds, 2003; Myles & Liying, 2003; Wilton &

Constantine, 2003; Hoffman, 1990; Liberman, 1994; Talbani, 1991) in Canada and U.S and found many of the themes in my study were present in other communities explored.

These different methods of confirmation gave me sorne reassurance about the trustworthiness ofmy study.

67 Another concem is that the presence of the researcher may change the behavior of the people he or she is trying to study. It is true, that "the more controlled and obtrusive the research is, the greater the likehood that the researcher will end up studying the effects of his or her methods" (Bogdan & Biklen,1992, p. 47). This is to say that if you treat people as "research subjects", they will act as research subjects, which is different from how they usually act.

As the researcher in this study, and being a member of the population whom this research intended to investigate, l was aware of what researchers calI "observer effect".

Before the interviews were conducted, l offered aIl participants to be interviewed by a research assistant who was an Arab woman and did not belong to any of their countries of origin. Only one woman participant preferred this option. This helped me to develop and maintain a positive relationship with the participants. It allowed me to interact with them in a natural, unobtrusive and non-threatening manner. In the course of aIl the interviews, l did not sense any feelings of discomfort , shyness, or uneasiness among my participants.

My participants and l were doing what people normally do: get together, and talk about mutual concems (ecological validity). It was in this manner that l could seek to capture what was important in their minds. Carrying out interviews-as conversations with purpose in comfortable surroundings and interacting with students as participants rather than as subjects eliminated the possibility that l would end up studying the effects of my methods.

Finally, the in-depth inquiry that l undertook using the methodologir,al tools described here will help educators and teachers in the main stream culture understand

Arabic students who come from a different world. This study did not set out to provide

68 generalizations; the methodology l used did not seek to represent the viewpoints of an

Arabic students or to portray the lives of an Arabs in Canada. This study sought to render a more solid understanding of ten Arab students' perspectives on their Canadian educational and social experiences. The methodology adopted yields an in-depth description that is multi-layered but particular to those interviewed. Through rich narratives, the complexities of the social anJ educational interactions and experiences of my student participants are revealed. The material obtained is rich, comprehensive, useful and appropriate for responding to the research issues. In the following chapter the themes that emerged from the analysis of the data are presented.

69 CHAPTER FIVE: INTERPRETATIONS AND ANALYSIS

This chapter presents the voices of the ten selected Arab men and women who agreed to

participate in this study 0 It focuses on their preoccupations, values, and perceptions concerning their academic and cultural experiences as newly-arrived university students, and the impact of these experienceso The students' words are conceptualized as stories of their experiences, offering us "insight in the lives of particular students in order to understand them 000" (Van Manen, 1998, po 71)0 By sharing their experiences, the students are, as Riessman states, "revealing truths", and in the process, inform us through the meaning and interpretation oftheir experiences (1993, po 22)0

A vital part of interpretive inquiry is for the researcher to acknowledge himlherself and the participants of the research as multiple interpreters of the data (Geertz

1983)0 My interpretative stance is shaped by my memory and experience as an Arab

Muslim with cultural and educational backgrounds that are similar to those of the participants and by my seven years as a masters, then a doctoral student and a university lecturer in Canadao These positions help me to interpret experiences from emic (insider) and etic (outsider) perspectives (Geertz, 1973, po 85)0

The ten participants in this inquiry are immigrants to Canada who were born in

Aigeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisiao Most of them had little previous experience living or studying in non-Islamic countrieso AlI of them studied for at least one year at university level in their home countrieso Now in their twenties and early thirties, they find themselves, having left majority status behind in their home land, a minority in a non­

Muslim land and schoolso

70 EMERGENT THEMES

Two major themes and nine sub-themes emerged from the analysis of the data; seven are presented and discussed under the rubric of Educational Issues; two themes are presented and discussed under the rubric of Cultural Is:mes. While the two sets of issues are related, they are separated here for presentation and discussion. The educational issues are culturally embedded and relate specifically to interactions inside the classrooms in their home countries and in Canada. However, the themes identified as cultural relate more specifically to issues of social interaction outside the classroom.

EDUCATIONAL ISSUES

Seven themes emerged as educational issues: Student-Teacher Relationship; Teaching

Methodology; Democratie Dialogue in the Classroom; Teaching and Leaming Foreign

Languages; Examinations; Research and Library Facilities; and Problems Encountered in

Interactive Classrooms.

CULTURAL ISSUES

Three themes are classified as cultural issues: Canadians' Perceptions of Arabs and

Muslims from the Perspectives of the Participants: Islamic Dress (hijab); and Sex­

Segregated Relationship.

71 EDUCATIONAL ISSUES

STUDENT-TEACHER RELATIONSHIP

AIl participants in this study were struck by the differences between the teacher-student relationship in Canada and those of their home countries. Many of them were surprised at the level of informality between Canadian teachers and their students. Participants were also impressed by the student-oriented approach of their Canadian teachers. Shadi, Ali and Sara noted the egalitarian relationship between students and their teacher:

Canadian teachers are very mode st and friendly. They do not make you feel like they are teaclling you ....they treat you like their equal, not inferior (Shadi).

What really surprises me is that they (i.e., Canadian teachers) do not care about titles such as "professor" or "Sir". Many insist that you call them by their first names (Ali).

l love the way Canadian teachers respond to their students. They show interest in what students say or suggest in dass regardless of whether they agree with what you say or not (Sara).

As anthropologists note, people usually evaluate each other's behavior based on standards of their own cultural assumptions and practices (Ferraro, 1995; Haviland,

1996). Participants in this study compared their Canadian teachers' approaches to those of their home country instructors. They appreciate the doser relationship students are able to have with their Canadian professors, compared with what is possible in their countries of origin. Most participants regard the degree of social distance characteristic of

72 faculty-student relations in their home countries in an unfavorable light. Saleh, Leila and

Ahmed decried the power imbalance, and the teachers lack of concem for their students:

In (X) teachers are very formaI with their students ... they never laugh, they never joke ... you have to show them how much you respect them ... it is not easy at all to approach them and tell your concems or problems (Saleh).

Ifthey (i.e., Arabie teachers) say something and you disagree, they take as an insult. They take it personally and perhaps you will be in trouble ... .in other words, you are not allowed to express your opinions or contradict their views (Leila).

Most teachers there do not even assign office hours to see their students and give clarifications .. .I still remember once l spent hours and hours with my classmate trying to figure out what he (i.e., one of his former Arabie teachers) wanted exactly in one his assignments and none of us dared to go and ask him ... we were kind of scared (Ahmed).

TEACHING METHODOLOGY

According to the participants, memorization and rote leaming are widely used in their home country's educational system for the leaming process. They report favorably about the pedagogy styles used in their Canadian classrooms and emphasized the fact that the student is the focal point of leaming. They feel that the education they receive in Canada teaches them to develop critical thinking and improves their capacity to make decisions.

Cooperative learning and democratic dialogue were frequently cited as the most outstanding components of university education in Canada. Although they have had

73 many difficulties adjusting to the way Canadian professors teach, they usually appreciate

the de-emphasis on memorization in favor of critical analysis, and the encouragement of

wide-ranging c1assroom discussion, inc1uding criticism of the views ofprofessors.

Responses to these themes come as no surprise since participants compare

characteristics of teachers and c1assrooms in Canada to the educational milieu of Arabic

countries. A cultural anthropologist states that "Like fish in the ocean, we are so

immersed in our culture that we must leap out of it to understand it. There is no better way to learn the norms of our culture than to visit another culture and see that its members do things that way, while we do ~hem this way (Myers, 1996, p.131). What follows is an attempt to reflect upon these students' responses. l will attempt to interpret these leamers' be1iefs and assumptions about knowledge, learning, and manners of c1assroom interaction within the context of their cultural and religious backgrounds. In doing that, l am relying on my own background as a researcher who was raised and educated in an Arab country, and within the context of the cultural and religious affiliation l share with them.

The teacher in Arabic schools, as the main repository of knowledge, has authority over c1assroom discussions and students' behavior (Fitouri, 1998). Moreover, he/she is supposed to represent the accepted social-behavioral model of educator who is responsible for developing the values and the character of his/her students.

Culture, as Geertz (1973) defines it, is " .... a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic from by means of which men communicate, perpetuate and deve10p their knowledge about and attitudes towards life" (p. 89). One possible explanation of this relationship between teachers and students is the theocratic roots of

74 Arabic-Islamic culture. Islam has a deep reverence for the importance of knowledge and considers leaming to be the highest religious activity. In many verses in the Quran (i.e., the Muslims' Holy Book), education and the pursuit of knowledge is a consistent theme that is significantly stressed. For example, the first verse in the Quran is " Read, in the name of Thy Lord and Cherisher who created - who taught the use of pen". Ali Ben Abi

Talib, a renowned Muslim Caliph (successor of the Prophet) says "1 am a servant to him who teaches me a letter". There are other cultural sayings which place teachers in a position second only to prophets. It does not require keen observation to realize what this position means in a religious society. This is in fact not surprising since early Muslims did not distinguish between religious and secular knowledge. AH of the Arab scholars who contributed greatly to human knowledge during the peak of the Islamic civilization were "Imams" or religious leaders (e.g., Jaber who invented algebra; Ibn Rushd who invented sociology, Avirus who interpreted the Greek philosophers). This background can be considered as a major factor in granting teachers the social prestige they enjoy today.

Thus the teacher, by virtue of rank and status, controls what goes on in the classroom. From the experiences of the participants of this study, in Arabic classrooms they do not ask teachers questions in class because they are afraid that questions might be thought of as saying implicitly that the teacher does not teach well or does not know. As

Sara puts it: "in my home country, students should never make teachers lose face"

ln my home country, we regard a teacher as a saint or prophet (i.e, highly regarded) ... we give him aH due respect ... we do not argue with them ... you don't feel free when talking to them .... when he enters class, everybody is silent, just listening and taking

75 notes ... no discussion, no dialogue, no questions at aIl ... you do not dare to ask even ifyou did not understand (Sara).

Ahmed confirms Sara' s observation that the teacher' s authority is supreme:

Another thing that surprises me is that Canadian teachers sometimes respond to their students' question "no l do not know" or "1 am going to find out the answer in the next class" ... .it is very easy for them to say that .... students accept that also ... they understand teachers cannot answer every question that comes to your mind ... there (in her come country), tirst of aIl we do not usuaIly ask questions, but if we do, a teacher has to answer ev en if it is wrong ... .1 still remember one incident when l saw the teacher was blushing and then he gave a wrong answer. . .I knew the right answer but l did not raise my hand to correct my teacher, because l thought if l do so, l am going to embarrass him more (Ahmed).

The impact of this profound "respect" or "alienation" between students and teachers is the tendency among students in Arab schools to adopt a receptive or passive role in typical teacher-centered classrooms, and to look to the teachers to provide the information needed to successfuIly pass the course. The leaming process is driven by the need to pass examinations. This alienation between teachers and students creates an atmosphere ofhigh tension and anxiety, as Shadi poignantly observes:

Our relationship with them [teachers in Arabie schools] is a mix of fear and respect ... teachers have the upper hand and control your academic life .... you are scared because perhaps he takes a side against you and this is the worst thing that might happen to you ... he fails you and you have nobody to complain to .... to them

76 [administration and authority], teachers are [believed to be] perfectly objective (Shadi).

On the other hand, Saleh and Malik seem at ease with what they perceive

as a certain equality in the power relations between students and teachers in their

Canadian dassrooms:

1 really like the relationship between teachers and students [in Canadian schools] ... you see and feel it ... they are much doser. .. they are friends ..... not one is high up and the other is low ... they are equivalent when they deal with each other (Saleh) .

. ... unlike teachers in my home country, Canadian teachers accept criticism from students ... by the end of each semester, they give you evaluation form to tell them how their performance was during the course .... you can say whatever you feel about their teaching and you do not put your name .. .I think this is amazing .. .I heard also that the administration take into consideration what students say about a certain teacher when they want to hire himlher ... 1 think this is very challenging and motivating for teachers to do their best .... .1 can not imagine this happens in (x) at least for the near future (Malik).

Another main reason for such ngorous relationship, discouragement of

questioning, and passive acceptance of received wisdom may be the traditional Arabic

family structure, which is consistent with the traditional religious influence in Arab

societies. The origin of respect for social order and conformity can be traced, at least partly, to family socialization. Child-rearing is above aIl a teaching and leaming process, and the home is the first context for leaming. The earliest and most significant

77 socialization of children takes place within their families and communities. Just as they

learn to walk and talk, children also learn how to learn as defined within their particular

cultural context.

In Arabic society, it is the family and not the individual which constitutes the

social nucleus or unit (AI-Jamali, 1998; M' Baye, 1998; Barakat, 1993). Family

affiliation is often so strong that members expect themselves, and are expected by others, to share responsibilities, achievement, joy and grief, success and failure, and reputation.

The reputation of any member of a family group reflects on an of the other members.

One person's indiscreet or ill-judged behayior can damage hislher relatives' pride and

social influence. For this reason the family can pressure an individual to conform to accepted behavior patterns. Ali' s explanation expresses weIl the structure and function of the family with regard to the pressure to conform, and the importance of the needs of the

'collectivity' over the needs of the individual:

there in my home country, family ties are very strong ....people support and stand beside each other in happiness and sorrow ... this has disadvantages also, you are burdened with big responsibilities .... sometimes you have to do things against your own will .... my brother studied medicine under pressure from the family, although he wanted to study engineering ....to be a medical doctor gives prestige to the family .... one of my relatives decided to stay in U.S because for sorne reasons he could not finish the studies he intended to and thus he could not face his family again .... there is no respect to individuality or privacy ... you have to conform to your society's norms, be obedient and submissive to your family and society's demands ....your achievements do not belong to you only ... your nuclear and even extended family share them with you also .... "you blacken the face of the family" is an

78 expression you hear from members of your family if you do sorne thing socially unacceptable (Ali).

Shadi concurs:

... Ill my culture, before doing something, people first think seriously about the reaction of the society ... you always must paf attention to "kalam al-nas" (people's gossip) ... you are not individual, actually you are a part of a whole and you are an individual together with the whole (Shadi).

Parents teach children to do things because "that is how it is done," or to avoid actions because "nobody does that" (Yassin, 1993). Offspring are taught to respect and obey adults which often entails passivity and submission. In Arabic societies, one often hears the proverb "God's approval is based on parents' approval". There are many

Quranic verses which demand respect for parents and authorities, of course with the assumption that they are good Muslims. This, obviously, expresses and stresses the holiness of a family and its ties, and the value of obedience to parents and eIders.

Therefore, family and the school systems are similar to each other. In Arabie society, it is widely accepted that being quiet is a well-behaved attitude for a child. In traditional c1assrooms, leamer talk indicates disruptive behavior and a lack of teacher control. Omar commented on this aspect ofhis culture:

When a kid starts school, the family expectation from the teacher is to control him/her in a similar way as hislher father. They [family] give them [teachers] absolute authority ... they can even apply corporal punishment. .. they [parents] know the teacher is doing this for the kid's sake ... parents believe teachers will never mistreat or

79 abuse their children ... they have blind faith in them [i.e., teachers] (Omar).

Arabs see school as the child's extended family; it is expected to reinforce traditional religious and societal values (AI-Jamali, 1998). Like children in a family, students need explicit direction and help from the teacher in order to leam and to behave.

In other words, Muslims believe that a primary purpose of education is to help children to bec orne good Muslims with good morals in a Muslim society. An Arabic saying explains the relationship between education and morals, Ulm min ghair adab ka alshajar min ghair tamr) which can be translated as "knowledge without good character is like tree with no fruit". Norms emphasizing the values of conformity and obedience and discouraging independence and is consistent with the reluctance of Arab students, when in Canadian classrooms, to disagree with teachers, express opinions and challenge instructors.

However, the generalization that the Arab family socializes its children into conformity is not totally accepted by Arab thinkers and writers. For example, Barakat

(1993) argues that "The dependency present in Arab society is only partly a product of family; much of it is owing to political and economic repression" (p. 117). As a corollary, economic freedom, then, ought to lead to a more democratic type of interaction between students and their teachers. Participants had things to say about democracy and its place in the Arabic educational systems.

80 DEMOCRATIC DIALOGUE IN THE CLASSROOM

None of the participants mentioned freedom of expression as a major characteristic of their culture in general or of their previous schooling specificaIly. They aIl agree that the

Arabic classrooms are not democratic, that interaction is mainly one way: from teacher to students. Student participation and dialogue with teachers are not typical in Arabic classrooms. There is very little margin for exercising freedom of action, even on local matters (Abou-Chacra, 1991). In this atmosphere, education is used mainly to raIl y the masses around the governments. Rarely does the curriculum attend to items of local concem. Criticism, whether constructive or not, may be interpreted as treason, and research that could lead to social improvement is stifled:

We can not discuss even our social problems in our classrooms ... no one dares to because perhaps you will criticize the government .. .it's taboo .. .in one of my courses there, l wanted to conduct interviews to investigate the relationship between poverty and dropouts among high school students but l could not find nobody to cooperate with me ... teachers, parents, students themselves refused to talk to me .. .I tried my best to convince them that it had nothing to do with politics but there was kind of mistrust ... "sorry l do not have the time" or "sorry l have nothing to say about it" were their answers .... many of my fellow students had similar experiences (Ahmed).

Fearful students fail to leam how to participate in democratic processes:

... democracy in my country is a meaningless slogan ... it lS an oppressive and military regime ... professors get scared if you talk politics ... one of my relatives was jailed for 5 years and then assassinated. This was aIl because he said something anti-

81 government III the cafeteria of the faculty where he used to

study ... there you have to be silent or you will be III trouble .... government has sples everywhere especially at universities where supposedly you find educated and politically aware people ....the ruler takes advantage of education to gain support for his policy ... ask yourself, why there is always violence in our universities, why there are always jailing and assassinations .. .I think we both know the answer. .. because you are forbidden from expressing your views and positions in a democratic way (Shadi).

A high degree of centralization is a striking feature of many Arabic educational systems. Those in power, having realized the role that education can play in molding people's minds and attitudes, and that it is through education that people become more politically and socially conscious, seek to keep the system and its population under tight control and continuous supervision. The line of authority goes through an organizational chain of command which reaches all the way from the minister of education to the individual teacher. Needless to say, educational policy makers in these countries, who in many cases are quite uninformed about the art and science of education, suspect that respect for one's superiors cannot be maintained when critical inquiry can lead one to question authority. Noora says:

1 do not see this policy (democracy) in my home country ... officiaIs there are not well informed ... they get positions not because of their qualification but because of their connections with the government ....a lot of corruption and no one can judge or evaluate them ... they are not elected but appointed ... all ofthis is a result of lack of democracy ...... my father told me about the minister of

82 education who was his ex -c1assmate, according to him, this minister was a po or student and thought it was silly when he got appointed as the minister of education .... he had only sorne military qualifications ... he took office because he had strong contacts with the ruler and that was how he got appointed ... so imagine what he would do for education (Noora).

T eachers cannot teach what they want to ... yes sometimes they can choose the material but they must get approval from their superiors in the administration ..... 1 see that evident in our final exams ... sometimes for one course there are four or five teachers who teach different sections but the exams are the same which means the material is the same ... they keep everything under control (Ali).

Given these circumstances, one can safely state that although sorne Arabic countries attempt to adopt the principle of democracy in education, they do not succeed in teaching and practicing this principle. This lack of instruction in critical and democratic thinking skills goes against the teachings of many Western philosophers who believe that democracy in the c1assroom requires dialogue between teachers and students and the teacher has to develop the student's ability to think rationally (Palmer, 1998;

Greene, 1996; Dewey, 1916/1997). Dewey, an influential thinker in the development of

American educational philosophy, for example, explains in his Democracy and

Education (1916/1997), that the more rigid the training structure, the less educational it is considered to be. He states that "A democratic criterion requires us to develop the capacity to the point of competency to choose and make its own career .... Education consists primarily in transmission through communication. Communication is a process

83 of sharing experience till it becomes a common possession" (1916/1997, p. 139).

Needless to say, genuine democracy requires authenticity through the encouragement of diversity of opinions, a situation which does not appear to be common in Arabic classrooms under present political systems:

... honestly, l feel more comfortable to live in the West ... .in many aspects, l see many Islamic values respected here ... you know, here people respect democracy, human rights, freedom of expression ... they understand and apply it in their daily life .. .I saw a documentary about Canada the other day and they were talking about Canadian values and aU of the interviewees said democracy is our key value ... I admire that.. ... that is why you see they are advancing every day ... .Islam demands that also and consideIs democracy as a basic human right but we do not apply in our lives .. .it is painful but true (Noora) .

. .. can you imagine a dictator promoting democracy? ...there (in her home country), they will not teach you democracy because perhaps it will work against them ....they teach and build in you how to be obedient and submissive .... some of the courses l had to take titled 'national education" in which they promote "pan Arab" ... in these courses, they go into much details about the biography of the ruler and familiarize you with how the ruler was a devout Muslim, freedom fighter and loyal to his nation .... they teach you how we were exploited by the West and how Westerners

want to destroy Islam and Arabs ....aU in aU they try to convinc~ you that aU of our problems are because of the Western colonization ... I think this is partiaUy true ... as l have told you, we have been independent now for a long time and we are still backward compared to other nations ... why is that? (Samira).

84 The cultural discontinuity when moving from a leaming environment in which teachers are revered and have a formaI relationship with their students to a democratic educational milieu can be dramatic, and culture shock (Oberg, 1960) may be experienced.

For example, aIl respondents commented on their confusing and sometimes disturbing experiences in their initial interactions with their Canadian faculty members (e.g., cultural differences in the establishment of first name relationship with teachers). They felt off­ balance and uncomfortable in a classroom environment in which teachers are informaI and friendly. Omar explains:

In the first semester l had a very hard time .. .r really felt disoriented .. .r saw Canadian students had no respect at aIl to their teachers ... they treated them like their servants .... more disturbing is the reaction of the teachers themselves ....they do not demand respect from their students at aIl ... their relationship was very casual...r just could not do the same: l would never calI a teacher by his or her first name, it is a shame in do so (Omar).

The students' reflections on their university experience also centered upon the organization of classroom discussion. According to many of them, it was only when they started their studies in Canada that they realized that effectiveness of leaming is related to the two-way communication in class and not only to the excellence of the teacher. When they were asked about any differences in pedagogical styles between their previous and cUITent experiences, Noora mentioned cooperative leaming:

l do not think that cooperative leaming or student-centered classrooms are known to many teachers over there (his home country) .. .it is very traditional system ... teachers stand in front of students and talk, talk and talk and that is it.. .. we (i.e., Arab

85 students) are very passive, just listening and writing down what they say and that is it aH .. .look, now we have been an independent country for almost 40 years, have you ever heard that there is any discovery or invention from there, why is that? .. .1 think the answer is clear. .. because they do not encourage creative thinking, it has never been in their agenda (Ali)

Samira talked about an emphasis on understanding:

of course there are many and sometimes contrasting differences between the two systems ...... take the study material for

example .. .in my home country the focus lS more on quantity ...... a lot of information and there is extreme emphases on memorizing details rather than absorbing and understanding information (Samira)

Malik spoke about student participation:

methods of teaching are different in the two countries ... here (in Canada), students are included, they participate, discuss, argue, ask for more explanations ... but there teachers dictate and that is it .. .1 remember sometimes we spend the whole class writing down what the teacher dictates to us .. .1 think this is just wasting of time (Malik).

Noora's reflection on Arab and Muslim approaches to learning stems from both her knowledge of Arabic history and her exposure to Western-style pedagogy:

1 reaHy don't know why we use this backward approach to learning ... one in fact feels sad when one thinks of the glorious past of the Arabs and their contributions to the human civilization ... Muslims were pioneers in aH aspects of knowledge, you name it. ... their approach to leaming was liberal and they were

86 open to other civilizations: the Greek and Roman .... they put everything under investigation ....they were secure and confident of themselves .... that is why they led the world ... l think ... we have to interact with advanced countries .. .I am not saying you have to be secular to advance, not at aH ... .I think we have to combine the two; Islamic and Western ... Arabs succeeded before in that .... Jaber who invented the zero and Aigebra was a very religious man and used to do his studies in the mosque .... can't we learn from that? (Noora).

Memorization and rote leaming play important roles in the content of Arabic students' leaming and in their attitudes toward learning (Abou-Chacra, 1991). Because of their education, Arabs have deep-rooted sensitivity and a special fascination with their classic poetry, metaphor and literature (Barakat, 1985; 1993; Saad Eddin, 1988). In

Arabic countries, children of eight or nine years can recite or sing from memory tens and sometimes hundreds of poetic lines or Quranic verses. In Arabic culture, it is rewarding to the child to exhibit hislher memorization skills to admiring adults. In fact, this ability has an influence even on how sorne Arab families view their child's academic progress or relative lack thereof.

Today, many people and even sorne professors continue to believe that rote learning is the best way to teach children. When Arab people say "instruction during childhood is like carving on a rock", they are referring to rote learning. Arab children in elementary schools are seated in rows and receive explicit instructions in numbers, letters and characters. They participate only when asked to recite verses of the Holy Book,

Arabic alphabet, multiplication tables or Arabic poems. Good performance is encouraged and high achievers are readily acknowledged and rewarded by their teachers. It is clear

87 that there is a continuity between early learning strategies in Arabic elementary schools and the strategies students adopt in later learning.

This method may be suitable and works weIl for Arabic-Islamic culture since the memorized material has relevance for cultural pride and/or religious purposes: Muslims are expected to pray five times a day during which they have to recite sorne Quranic verses by heart. However, the concem here is that, it seems not only poetry and Quran are committed to memory. The practice embraces aIl other school subjects. The frequent competitive examinations seem to play a role in emphasizing this learning style (this issue will be discussed in more detail later on). Even in situations where one might assume that students need to develop independent and critical thinking, teachers rely heavily on memorization techniques. These attitudes and practices have noticeable impact on the development of students' learning styles, with consequences for students who study abroad.

However, according to Ali, who had sorne teaching experience in his home country, dealing with a heavy curriculum load forces teachers to use a rote leaming style since the concem of centralized education is mainly covering the material. He says that

"in every course the ministry of education assigns 200-300 pages textbook and teachers have to co ver ail the syllabus by the end ofthe academic year." In other words, teachers are not allowed to make choices regarding lheir own curriculum, but instead, they must follow a centrally determined plan. Thus, teaching methodology becomes a more memorization-based one. Students are given many facts to memorize instead of research skills that will enable them to find the facts when needed. The way the accumulation of knowledge is assessed by ministries of education is through the testing of memorized

88 material. Hence, teachers and professors tend to concentrate on accumulated knowledge rather than on critical thinking and the application of that knowledge, thus rendering the system rigid and conservative.

It also seems that perception of knowledge, of leaming, and of teaching-Ieaming interaction, is interpreted among Arab students as an exceptional capability for rote memorization. Ability to memorize brings confidence and a feeling of success, as Shadi says "an A student is the one who can outperform ail others in word-by-word memorization of the material". Sorne participants admit that although it is true that most teachers teach as they were taught (i.e., traditional), individual teachers may be motivated by their modem education to teach "weIl" and use different approaches in their classes.

However, the system does not help them to do so. The crowded nature of the classrooms, the heavily loaded curricula, and the resistance from students to new approaches aIl seem to create obstacles that are hard to overcome. Ali who worked as a teaching assistant to one Westem-graduate professor commented on student resistance:

... it is true as you said we have sorne professors who studied abroad try to use different teaching methods .... we know right away that they are graduates from foreign schools even if they do not tell us ... because they are different from those other teachers in every aspect, however, they often fail in applying their new methods on us ... my professor tried to use less teacher-centered methods in his 75 students class but got a lot of complaints from students about the demands made on them, and sorne students started staying away from his classes and not doing their assigned readings at home ... aIl in aIl, students were not interactive at aIl and finally the teacher gave up (Ali).

89 Theories are studied as facts and are not contested. The students' ability to develop realistic and imaginative solutions to whatever problems they may have to deal with is therefore limited. This is because they are not learning a process or a methodology; they are simply re-producing verbatim what they leamed; they are not engaging in critical thinking. Material memorized will be regurgitated later on paper during examinations. In contrast, Malik notes his first encounter with the concept of problem-solving:

.. .in my chemistry class, my Canadian teacher used "problem­ solving approach" as opposed to "memorization", which was very new to me ... she explained that in her course outline but l did not understand what it meant in the beginning .. .I took sorne chemistry courses in my home university but in the traditional way "memorizing" (Malik).

And Noora explains that there are differences in conceptions ofknowledge:

Here, they encourage you to explore different perspectives and to question the validity of knowledge presented in textbooks ... ok, l give you a small exarnple, let's say if the topic is the collapse of the Islarnic empire, in my home, they will say to you here are the factors which caused this collapse and you have to remember them by heart and that is all. Here they would say to you go and read more about it, understand aIl of the different arguments, have a position, and then write an essay about it reflecting your opinion ... you see, knowledge is not perfect for them and they are right. .. these textbooks are written by ordinary people like us and maybe they are right or wrong (Noora).

90 According to many of the participants, if ever there are discussions, the questions that teachers ask are of a testing nature rather than an instructive one. Instead of leading students to alternative answers, only one answer is expected and accepted as being correct. As a result, memorization, together with the authoritarian method of instruction serve to inhibit rather than encourage students' ability to think and take initiatives. In

Omar's Arabic classroom teacher-knowledge is the only knowledge that counts:

... we sit quietly and the teacher starts asking ... he would say (you over there, what is the meaning of X and Y ... sometimes he will insult you in front of everybody if you do not give the expected answer .... every member in the class is nervously waiting for their tum .. .I think it is a kind of parrot leaming, yes it is not useful leaming at all... they (teachers) love to enforce the idea of inferiority among their students ... they want to show you that compared to them, you know nothing, and they possess the correct knowledge (Omar).

Students with educational backgrounds such as these come to Canadian classes with the experience of only memorizing and rote learning. They seldom exhibit the kind of participatory behaviors expected in Canadian classrooms. Because Arabs may be accustomed educationally to rote learning and drill and may observe benefits from it, indirect leaming in Canadian classrooms may seem challenging to the values of students from those different educational cultural backgrounds. Students are expected to ask questions and speak in front of the class, and group work is the order of the day. Sorne participants complain that Canadian teachers do not always show sympathy for the difficulties they encounter during educational adjustment:

91 They (i.e., Canadian teachers) are not interested in knowing yOuf educational background, and treat you like Canadian-bom .. .I still remember one teacher who used to pick on me in front of everybody ... (Ok Mr. X tell the class what you think of this issue) ... He did not realize that 1 am not used to talk in public or to express my opinion ... the class sometimes is 30 students and mix of boys and girls which makes it even more difficult ... the problem is that 1 know the stuff but 1 cannot prove that in front of aIl those people and what makes matters worse is that he assigned 30% for participation in class (Malik).

Malik's hesitation to participate in Canadian classroom discussion is understandable as he cornes from sex-segregated educational system. With the exception of the early years in school (kindergarten and elementary) and university in sorne countries, the sexes are segregated in Arabie schools especially in more conservative countries.

Shadi expresses his concem with evaluation:

Their leaming (i.e., Canadians' leaming) is aIl group discussion and presentations and everyone must participate .. .I like that and 1 think it is an effective way of leaming ... .1 am only not happy with the evaluation ... teachers should not evaluate us according to OUf roles in the discussion ... most Canadian students love to talk in class, but it does not mean they are better or more knowledgeable than others who are shy (Shadi).

92 TEACHING AND LEARNING FOREIGN LANGUAGES

Although all participants were taught English and French as foreign or second languages before coming to Canada, they were critical of the approach used in learning a second language. According to many of them, their previous knowledge of English in their home countries has not significantly helped them to survive and to succeed in their transition to this new environment. As is the case with other subjects, language classrooms in Arabie countries also rely on the reproductive style of learning: language is treated as static rather than living:

l studied English in public school but when l came to Canada, l felt as if it was a different language l was learning .. .it is true that l have sorne vocabulary but unable to use them in real life situations (Samira).

l joined an intensive English program in Canada for several months upon arrivaI ....the way they taught English is completely different from the one in (X) ... they make you feel that you make use of the language ... they engage you in a lot of discussions and debates which makes you able to practice the vocabulary in yOuf mind ... they want you to be fluent in the language regardless of the grammatical errors you make ... to me it is the same way as kids learning their first language ....that is l think how you leam the language .. . there (i.e., back home) they bombard you with many rules and make you very nervous when you try to speak the language (Shadi) .

.. . even in teaching English they (i.e., Arab teachers) use the same methods ... they give you sorne new English words today and you have to be ready for tomorrow to memorize their spellings by

93 heart ... they do not put them in context to show how they are used ... they did not teach communicative skills .... we had to remember grammatical mIes by heart .... you feel as if it is not a language at all .. .it is similar to mathematical mIes ... when l came to Canada, l found myself l know a lot of words but l can not use them .. .I could not communicate effectively with Canadians (Omar) .

. . .the language school l went to III Canada ... they emphasize communication ... from the first class, teachers divide you into groups and you start practicing with other students and teachers listen to you and correct you if you mispronounce a word .. .I think that is the best way to teach language ....they teach you grammar also but always in a context .. .in other words, while you are learning grammatical mIes, you develop communicative strategies (Ahmed). Whereas the Arab approach to learning a second language emphasizes decontextualized knowledge of vocabulary and grammar, the Canadian approach to learning stresses communication skills, language use and the process of learning.

Therefore, even though Arab students arrive in Canadian classrooms with claims for proficiency in English, it may be that they lack communicative skills in the language.

Writing skills are highly valued in Canadian universities. Several participants said that they have relatively little experience of writing extended and systematic discourse even in their own language, much less in English:

l have never been taught how to write critically neither in Arabic nor in English. l still remember only one course in Arabic language arts titled "rhetoric" in which you are taught only how to write a few paragraphs on a general topic (Saleh).

94 This was all new to me .... here teachers expect you to know how to systematically organize your ideas and have valid arguments ... you have to know how to write academic report in English (Shadi).

Teachers do not see it as their role to show you how to write reports ... one of my teachers did not accept my work for three times ... 1 was going nuts ... he did not tell me what to do ... one of my classmates referred me to a course for developing English writing skills and 1 took it for the whole year ... .1 felt much better (Malik).

Here too the mismatch between the past experience of these Arab students and the expectations of Canadian academic staff cornes into sharp focus. Where essays are required, there is a concentration on mastering the art of Arabie rhetoric based on extensive reading of literary works, rather than argumentative essays based on a thesis statement and a critical analysis of one or more sides of an issue. This problem could be one of the reasons that Arab students tend to go into business, science and engineering, where students expertise in written and spoken intellectual discourse is less critical.

EXAMINATI ONS

AlI participants talked about exams and their impact on their leaming approach. It is important to note that entrance into a higher stage of education in many Arabie countries is based solely on examination scores. In other words, the decision as to what academic discipline one enrolls in can sometimes also depend simply on how high one's grades are.

There are criteria delineated by the govemment. Other means of evaluation, common in

95 sorne Western countries, letters of recommendation, personal teacher evaluations, a student's statement of career objectives, and so on, do not always have a place in the system. Examinations are given in a wide variety of subjects - they do not focus on the subjects that would provide the core in the student's intended program of studies, where, presumably, the student ought to have extra strength. Saleh experienced the consequences of this policy:

....exams play a crucial role ... passing exams is the goal students strive for. ... everything depends on getting high marks ... at the university level, every faculty has a minimum mark to be eligible for admission ....they do not have any other considerations such as recommendation letters or supplementary exams ..... for example, l wanted to study in the faculty of agriculture after l fini shed high school but their requirement was 75% and l got 74% .. they did not allow me because of this, although my record showed very high marks in chemistry, botany and zoology ... all of my teachers thought l would be an excellent student in the faculty of agriculture but teachers are not in position to influence such matters .. .I think this is stupid ... because l did not do that well in history, Arabic and geography, my GPA was affected and thus l was not accepted ... These courses have nothing to do with my studies in the agriculture domain ... but who can discusses this with those closed­ minded in the administration (Saleh).

The emphasis on passing examinations and acquiring certificates has negative consequences. Students' heads can be full of information as a result ofmemorizing, but it does not necessarily mean they have much real understanding of it. Students seek to pass their exams without understanding, hoping to obtain a degree in order to secure a good

96 job with a high salary or obtain an admission to a higher institution. Participants noted the different approaches to examinations in Canada:

Canadian teachers use essay-type questions and to answer them you must include your opinion and thoughts .. . there, it is just point-form questions in which you do not include your contribution (Samira) .

.. .. passing exams is a crucial part of students' life in (X) ... students take it easy the whole year until the exam period, then they start cramming .... you have to memorize the material...some students resort to cheating .... some teachers try to deceive students by giving vague questions ... .1 still remember one of my teachers who used to get happy as no one could answer one of his questions because of its vagueness .....you feel as if it is a competition between teachers and students .... one of my teachers used to say to us (you get zero if you miss my exam) ... he is not considerate at all ... he always reminded us of the two excuses he accepted for being absent from exams (if you are in hospital or in jail), no other reason, to him, justifies absence (Leila) .

. . .. .1 did not see this kind of attitude in Canada .... most teachers here are very considerate ... they would give you every chance to prove that you understood the material. ... sometimes they even let you have supplementary exams .... you feel that their goal is to make sure that you understand the material, not to be in a competition or challenge with you (Omar).

In brief, one can say that in a system that is test-driven, students are interested more in developing their test-taking strategies than their study skills. Learning for the

97 love oflearning (Palmer, 1998) can only be rare when examinations are both a product of the emphasis on memorization, and a reinforcement of that method.

RESEARCH AND LIBRARY FACILITIES

Another major difficulty for these students attending Canadian universities is related to the teaching approach that involves the use of research skills. Since, as the students in this study have noted, the Arabic educational system is based on a strong teacher­ centered approach, research-based learning is not encouraged or acknowledged as important. For these reasons, students are not trained to use libraries on as a regular basis as students in the West. Ahmed comments:

1 don't remember 1 have ever been assigned any extra reading in any of my courses back home .... we just relied on the teacher and the selected textbook and that is aIl (Ahmed).

Sorne participants acknowledge that libraries do exist and research papers are demanded by sorne professors; however, libraries need upgrading. An openness to the international system of education is needed. For example, access to other libraries aIl over the world and access to the Internet is not always available. There is a scarcity of scholarly periodicals and reference material. Libraries have large collections of textbooks, many of them old and out of date, often in multiple copies. Comparing her home countries' libraries with those in Canada, Noora explains:

.... .libraries in Canada are very modem and useful... you go there and ask for any article or book, and they will do their best to bring them to you ... you feel that they care for you and they want you to learn and succeed ....there, although we have library but you can

98 not caU it so according to Canadian standard .. .it is almost empty, just few old and useless books ... you do not find new articles or joumals ... .it is not even a convenient place for study, no air­ conditioning, no heating .... There, libraries are not priority at aU (Noora).

It seems that there is a relationship between the lack of library reSOUfces and the rare use of research which can further explain the dependency on rote memorization as a teaching approach. This lack of research experience leads Arab students to appear in many ways ill- equipped to cope immediately with Canadian coUeges and university work. Sorne participants say they had particular difficulties with writing reflections or research papers. Leila's and Saleh's experiences adjusting to Canadian expectations are not atypical:

1 had a very hard time when 1 started studying here ... teachers expect you to write reflections and responses to ideas and to use other references to support yOuf arguments which means you wiU have to use the libraries .. .1 wasn't used to this kind of approach at aIl ... .1 wanted to study hard and excel but 1 did not know how ... really it was a nightmare .. .1 even thought of quitting .... Canadian teachers assume that aIl their students know what is required of them .. .1 still remember the first assignment in which the teacher wrote to me "this is not accepted work, please come to see me" ... .1 could not sleep that night... as 1 met him he said 1 should write my own thoughts, what 1 think about the issue ... 1 was embarrassed to tell him this is a new thing to me ... (Leila).

99 Before commg here, l was expecting to read just a specific resource (a book or a journal), to leam aH details of that resource and to listen to the lecture and that is aH, but here they do not foHow this kind of approach .... we have to create new things and new ideas ... this is reaHy very hard (Saleh).

It is fair to conclude that the students' accounts of their experiences of schooling in their home countries reveal the effects of stultifying methods of instruction; they have had little or no stimulus to think for themselves; they know little about modem methodologies and diverse research techniques; they have had little access to knowledge in print or electronic media. The mismatch of expectations about what one has to know and do is a source of mutual frustration for teachers and students. The students study in the only way they know based on their past educational experiences, and the teacher is unsatisfied because the students may not appear to be making any recognizable efforts in their leaming.

PROBLEMS ENCOUNTERED IN INTERACTIVE CLASSROOMS

Although aH participants in this study recognize and praise the advantages of the interactive leaming approach used by Canadian professors. They note that this interactive style is not inclusive enough oftheir needs (needs of Arab minority students) or that it is attuned to the multicultural aspect of education in a Canadian society:

... .in most of my classes only White students dominate the class discussion ... l mean it is not only Arabic students who are excluded but other minority students also like Chinese and South Americans ... they are aH silent andjust listening (Ali).

100 Although teachers in the West may be well-meaning in that they may be aware and sensitive to Western ethnocentrism (Nieto, 2003), emphasis on interactive student­ teacher relationship creates problems for minority students unschooled in democratic and dialogic practices. A problem they say they {ace is that they find it difficult to participate in classroom discussions because of cultural barriers.

Sorne students complain it is not always clear exactly what one needs to study.

Many of them reported that they initially did not feel comfortable in the framework of what they viewed as unstructured learning situations in their Canadian classrooms, where precise and outlined instructions on what they have to know are not provided by the teacher. These students are a product of educational systems where speaking up, having interchange of ideas and engaging in creative thinking are not appreciated or encouraged.

101 SUMMARY

Below is a summary of what the ten students related about their experiences in their

Arabic and Canadian classrooms.

Table 1: Summary Of Students' Experiences In Their Arabie And Canadian

Classrooms:

Arabie Classrooms Canadian Classrooms

Teacher-centered leaming Student-centered leaming

Hierarchy, teacher is expert Equality, student's opinion is counted - and expected

Teacher controls leamers and prevents them Teacher helps le amers to be independent from taking responsibility of their leaming in their leaming and to leam how to and judging theories apply knowledge

Knowledge is fixed, immutable Knowledge is dynamic, subject to interpretation

Asking questions receives authoritative Asking questions receives appreCIatlOn answers from the teacher only and creates discussion and debates

Formality, rules ofproper behavior Informality, casualness

Harmony, deference Open criticism, dialogue

Leaming facts, memorization Analytical thinking, introspection

Language leaming is leaming structures, rules Language leaming 1S leaming to and words communicate

Linguistic competence is the goal Communicative competence is the goal

102 In this section, l attempted to record the educational experiences of ten Arab students in their Canadian university classrooms. While l posed questions during interviews pertaining to their Canadian university experiences, the students initiated comparisons with their educational experience in their home countries. Analysis of their narratives suggests that the participants have had fairly common educational experiences both in their home countries and in their new country; they differ in the ways that they have responded to these experiences.

Participants have provided us, from their own perspectives, with a picture of the ways of learning in their home countries and their experiences in Canadian classrooms.

Their narratives illustrate fundamental differences in educational philosophies and practices in their home countries and Canada. There is obviously much in Canadian classrooms that fUllS counter to Arabie cultural values. Since participants have lived in

Canada for a short period, they may still be in the "early stage" of culture shock as mentioned by Oberg (1960). At this stage of adaptation, sojourners experience

"confusion in role, role expectations, values and self identity" (p.168). In many cases, these students are trapped between two sets of conflicting values and experiences.

Problems such as teacher-dominated classrooms, lectures followed by memorization and recitation and rote learning, obsolete textbooks, non-availability lack of or absence of supplementary materials, and, in sorne cases, lack of libraries is common in the educational background of sorne Arabie students coming to Canada to study.

These circumstances of teaching and learning have their roots in the political systems, social structures and economic situations of these students' home countries. The students in this study come from a culture in which knowledge is concrete, less open to

103 question and criticism. One barrier to Arab students' successful academic achievement in the west lies in fact that they need to consciously undertake a change of attitude about how knowledge can properly be handled. In a culture that emphasizes respect for the past and for authority, the behaviors of both teachers and students will mirror these values. A society that rewards independence and individuality will produce a very different classroom etiquette.

Moving from educational to cultural issues and perspectives, participants, in the next section, narrate their experiences in their host culture.

104 CULTURAL ISSUES

As many multicultural educators (e.g., Banks, 2002; Nieto, 2004; Ogbu, 1982) affirm, school in a democratic society is an environment in which students can learn to participate in the dominant society while maintaining their distinct ethnic and religious identities if they choose. They explain that respect for and support of ethnic and religious differences are essential in this process. Ethnicity and religion play important roles in the lives of many students and have a significant impact on students' perception of themselves (Gollnick & Chinn 1998), which in turn influences the quality of their participation in mainstream life. This section will de scribe through narratives of the participants sorne of their cultural experiences in Canada and the meanings that these experiences have for them. 1 will discuss the ramifications of these experiences for their acceptance and integration in Canadian classrooms.

PARTICIPANTS VIEWS OF CANADIANS' PERCEPTIONS OF ARAB AND MUSLIMS The most frequent issue reported by all ten students is that they sometimes experience negative attitudes from sorne of their non-Muslim peers. This can make it difficult for them to interact amicably with their classmates and teachers. They believe that these unwelcoming attitudes are derived from negative stereotypical images of Muslims that they are exposed to. As the students explain, problems tend to cluster around and be exacerbated by specific political crises such as an ongoing Middle East violence and

Western hostage-taking. They are concerned that beyond the issues of conflict and violence in the Arabic world, the reality of rich histories and cultures of approximately

200 million Arabs worldwide does not get mention on its own merit to the Westerners.

105 Stereotyping and Generalizing:

Stereotyping and generalizing are barriers to understanding. "Stereotyping denies the diversity and complexity of individuals" (Gollnick & Chinn, 1998, p. 322). Participants think that generalization about Arabs and Muslims is the cause of negative stereotyping.

They report that that despite their multi-racial, multi-lingual and multi-faceted differences, Muslims are often portrayed as a homogenous group. Shadi points out the importance of educating Westemers in Islamic values and traditions. It is ironic that as he does this, he himself refers to Westemers as a homogenous mass, but does not notice it:

.... Westemers have to distinguish between Islam and actions of a few Muslims ... .I do not think a true Muslim would commit such a crime ... .it is a conspiracy ... yes it is indeed ... you get the visa to enter the country (U.S) to study or to work and then you stab them in the back, you hijack their airplanes and kill civilians, wow, this is unforgivable sin and offense and you still have the guts to say 1 am a Muslim ... what kind of Islam is this .... ok, let us assume hypotheticaUy you are in war with the West, still, this is not the traditions of war in Islam .... Muslims never did that in their history even when they had the military superpower .... we need to convey these messages to Westemers (Shadi).

Taking language as evidence of diversity Ahmed argues that it is misleading to generalize about Muslims. He takes pride in what he sees as Muslim diversity:

It is true that we are Muslims but we are more than one billion Muslims scattered aU over the globe ... we think and act differently ... you can not judge us as one. Look, we speak even different languages ... go to the mosque at McGill on the Friday ceremony and you will see the Imam uses English to deliver his

106 speech ... why? because the audience is widely multilingual with different ethnicities .. .Islam is an international religion and does not belong to just one group or nation. Muslims are extremely diverse (Ahmed).

Malik and Sara worry that sorne Canadians here judge aIl Muslims by the actions of particular Muslim individuals and groups. They reflect on the power of popular media to shape public perception:

l have always heard negative comments about my religion and country, .... you know, people here rely on what their media tell them, and Western media greatly distort the images of Islam .... everyday, people in the media make themselves busy with making up lies about Islam and Arabs ... .it is always the same message they try to convey "Muslims are backward, uncivilized, violent and they hate the West". l do not know for how long they are going to keep misquoting the Quran and using it out of eontext. And you ean get away with misquoting and misusing any holy Book ifthere is no one to question you (Malik).

Whenever l see new bombings again on TV, l say to myself l hope they are not Muslims. If they are, l beeome very nervous and fearful of the reaetion of the people ... one guy eommits it but we aIl pay the priee ... your heart is bleeding for vietims and meanwhile you are terrified by the expeeted reaetion. l think this is not just or fair (Sara).

The students expressed their eoneern that negative attitudes towards Muslims in

Canada have intensified sinee the 9/11 tragedy. They noted the inflammatory language used in media reports and programs and the negative eomments expressed in the media.

107 They have experienced hostility from sorne Canadians. Vandalism, threats, assaults, graffiti and hostile remarks targeting Muslims and Arabs have exacerbated the alienation that the students have experienced between themselves and the new society in which they live and study:

.... many of my Muslim friends talk of being mocked and patronized for their religious beliefs and they complain of bigotry from students and faculty alike .... after any act of violence that make the headlines, Muslim students are insulted and sometimes assaulted ... after the 9/11 tragedy, one of my friends told me that three White Canadian guys on one of the streets of Montreal called her a goddamn Arab and told her to go back to Bin Laden ....another friend of mine was told dirty Arab and told him to go back to Afghanistan ... Although he was not Afghani, but people do not distinguish here between Arabs and non-Arabs ... to them, they are aIl the same .. .I don't think that there is any Muslim woman who wants to be ruled by Bin Laden or Taliban, but still sorne Westerner associate them with those tyrants (Noora).

l am sure you read in McGill internaI journal about what happened to that medical student at McGill. He found his car severely damaged in the parking lot. The assaults wrote to him "go back t0 your desert" The fact he was born in Canada was more painful to him (Leila).

It is very hard to believe this is happening in Canada. They are making us look like monsters and creating a panic situation for Muslim students. For many days foUowing 9/11, l know an Islamic school in Montreal, which has a student population of over 100, had to get round the clock police protection and sorne one wrote on

108 the outside walls of the school "Mort aux Arabes" (death to Arabs) (Saleh).

You read everyday about Muslims who are interrogated by security forces with no apparent justification other than they have Arabie names. They make you guilty by association (Ahmed).

Denying the existence of a link between Islam and these destructive actions, all of the students expressed bitterness over the terrorist actions committed in the name of

Islam. For instance, Ali, Omar, Samira and Noora expressed their dismay at terrorists' actions, committed in the name of Islam, noting that it is a faith that celebrates peace and honors diversity:

.... what happened on 9/11 is shameful...I am not really very sure of who did it ... they could not prove it yet ....this guy (Osama) initially denied it ... .if he did it, he is barbarie and not Muslim .... .it is a very complex issue, he was a friend oftheirs (i.e., Americans) any way (Ali).

Muslims are not war-mongers, we are a peace loving people. Islam is a religion of peace and acceptance. The majority of Muslims are not terrorists or religious fanatics as the Western media portrays (Omar).

Islam is a good religion. It is the religion which came to Moses and Jesus and was completed by Mohamed. Islam has not denied Christianity or Judaism. Islam professes peace and not war. The majority of the Muslims, like the followers of other religions of the book, seldom practice the tenets of Islam (Samira).

109 Those terrorists do not hijack airplanes only but they hijack also Islam and its great teachings. They use it to rationalize cold­ blooded murder. No sincere Muslim would be unaffected by such a travesty. l believe that violence has no religion, terrorism has no faith, terrorism is terrorism, whether it is done by a Christian, a Jew, or a Muslim, and it should be condemned (Noora).

The views of Islam expressed by these students are in dramatic contra~t to the common stereotype of Islam in the popular media as a religion of violence, backhandedness and anti-West (Michalak, 1988; Bennett, 2003; Shaheen, 1984, 1997,

2001; Ghareeb, 1983). They insist that sorne Canadians have little or no understanding of the teaching and practice of Islam. As reflected in their statements, participants resent being seen as a homogeneous group and they are distressed at the lack of understanding between the Islamic and Western worlds.

Misunderstanding of Commonalities between Islam, Christianity and Judaism:

One of the obstacles to full acceptance of Muslims in Canada face is the perception of their essential difference from other groups. The students believe that Islam is viewed in the West as an alien religion, despite the fact that it is part of the Abrahamic tradition and has many philosophical similarities with Christianity and Judaism. Participants expressed concern that most Canadians are ignorant of Islam. They told of incidents that showed that sorne Canadians were surprised to leam that Islam is remarkably similar to and based on the same religious foundations as Christianity and Judaism. Canadians with whom they had discussions about Islam were surprised to leam that Islam shares aIl of the major

110 tenets of Christianity, including a belief in the sacred history of the Bible, the ethical teaching of Christ, an adherence to the Ten commandments, and a belief in one God:

1 have talked to a lot of non-Muslim Canadians who do not know much about our religion. As 1 explain to them that we do not drink or gamble and the reasons for this and for why we do not believe in premarital sex, they say 'what a beautiful religion" or "1 did not know that". Westerners on the whole do not know much about Islam (Malik).

As they know 1 am Muslim, people come to me and ask "tell us about your Allah" or "does your Allah order you to kill non­ Muslims?" 1 answer them "you know what Allah means -Allah means God, the same as yours, your God is my God". 1 tell them Islam is a peaceful religion and it respects and acknowledges other faiths. People here are amazed to hear that we believe in the Virgin Mary and Jesus Christ and his miracles, and that we share so many of their cheri shed values. They have no idea what we believe in (Leila).

Whenever 1 hear the term Judeo-Christian tradition, 1 get surprised. How come they do not include Islam. Islam gives full recognition to these two great mono-theistic religions and it is based on the same tenets (Noora).

The above anecdotes recount the students' discussions with Canadians on the topic of religion. They illustrate their own awareness of the relationship of their religion to Judaism and Christianity and they explain why the students believe that Canadians are either unaware of the teaching of Islam, or that they misunderstand it. As multicultural

111 educators as sert, differences within groups sometimes lead to misunderstandings, misconceptions, and even conflict. Erickson (1997) believes that "cultural differences become demarcated by lines of political differences that are further exacerbated by real and perceived realities of group domination or subordination" (p. 34).

Ignorance of Islamic Civilization:

Despite the fact that the Arabs have a long and culturally rich history (Macron, 1992), many Canadians know relatively little about Arab cultures except what they are exposed to in the popular media. It is apparent from many of the interviews that, at the time of their arrivaI, the students became dismayed at the distorted picture of Arabs and Muslims presented in western media and of the influence on people in the west. They said they were not aware of how degraded and unknown their culture and religion would be. As members of a highly proud culture, two of the students reacted angrily to the distortion; unfortunately their anger translates into bitterness toward the West:

Yes it is true technologically we are less developed. The main reason 1 think behind that is that we were colonized by the West and recently we have been controlled by corrupted govemments which are blessed and protected by the West. Look to our history, we were pioneers in all fields when Europe was in its dark ages (Saleh).

Yes technologically they are advanced but spiritually and morally they are bankrupt. 1 think we still can offer a lot to the West. We were and are superior in our family life. Morality has its roots in religion which they abandon. Look, the highest percentage of people who commit suicide is in the Western cities. Why is that

112 happening although they are relatively rich and advanced? Because there is an imbalance between the body and soul. Arabs should be given credit for the fact they maintained and developed the Greek and Roman contributions and gave it ready to the West (Ali).

Saleh's and Ali's remarks capture the exasperation of a people who are caught between their past glories and present frustrations over their economic backwardness.

These students grew up in a society that instilled in them the notion that they belong to a great culture with great traditions and unsurpassed accomplishments. They were told how proud they should be in their culture and in their religion. Regardless of their religious commitment, aIl of these students are weIl aware of their Islamic history and take pride in

Islam's contributions to human civilization.

Sources of Misunderstanding:

Sorne participants are aware that the perceptions of Canadians of Arabie cultures and

Islam are derived not only from the mass media but also from school textbooks. Samira and Malik express their concem about how Islam is presented in schools:

As l engage myself in discussions with them, l find myself very surprised by how ignorant about Islam and Muslims they are ... their information is either narrow or wrong .... many times, they ask me weird questions and they told me that they studied that at school sorne years ago ... another one once showed me a textbooks which really shocked me .. .it contained a lot of stuff which aIl Muslims would find very offensive ... one example is that this book shows a portrayal of the Prophet of Islam ... Muslims do

113 not accept that. .. .in aIl of the Islamic world you will never see a picture of Mohammed (Samira).

l don't blame them for their ignorance and misunderstanding of Islam. That is what they are learning in their schools. l think if there is a real intention to create a better world, they need to show that we have more commonalities than differences. They should start with schools. l do not mean that they should defend Islam but they must present it correctly (Malik).

Despite the growmg discourse on the importance and value of multicultural awareness in a culturally diverse society, sorne students have experienced anti-Muslim encounters with sorne Canadian professors, and complain of discriminatory utterances and remarks by their teachers. Samira and Malik express disappointment at the response of teachers who have fundamentaIly incorrect ideas that prevent them from talking about and dealing with Arabs and Muslims with insight and objectivity:

One of my friends told me about a professor in the Islamic studies at Mc Gill where supposedly a correct picture of Islam is presented. He made sorne insulting statements about Islam with no knowledge. He seemed to get his information from CNN (it is widely held in the Islamic world that CNN is a source of misinformation about Islam and Muslims). l don't mind to engage with your students in discussing current events in the world, but as academic you must be able to present different views (Samira).

At university of Montreal there was a hot debate whether to give Muslim students a room to pray or not. When students complained to the dean, he responded that is a security issue and needs to be

114 discussed before a final decision can be made. Worshipping could be a security threat; what a silly excuse! (Malik).

Noora who has had positive experience with her Canadian professors reminds us to avoid generalization:

... .1 have never experienced any discrimination from my professors ... on the contrary, they are completely against it and very supportive .... they have a lot of respect to my culture and religion .... you know, 1 think education helps a lot in making you open-minded and understanding ....because 1 do not wear hijab, sorne of them think 1 am not Muslim.... As they know 1 am Muslim, they become very curious to see my position on this issue (i.e., hijab) ....this does not mean that all professors are the same ... .1 have heard of sorne teachers who have made nasty remarks about Islam ....they talk out ofignorance ... .1 think you ca"! not include all teachers in one category because they are different (Noora).

As reflected in the above comments, educators make a powerful difference in the

lives of minority students. Participants are not talking here about teaching approaches or

strategies but rather about attitudes of teachers towards other cultures and religions. The teacher can model appreciation for diversity and respect for difference (Banks, 2002;

Nieto, 2004). This can be done by critically analyzing with students distorted images of

different cultures presented by the media. Gollnick & Chinn (1998) affirm that educators

"will face a tremendous challenge in the next decade to effectively acknowledge and

build on the life histories and experiences of students' micro cultural membership" (p.

330).

115 Strategies to Face Negative Attitudes:

One observation worth noting is that there is a tendency to depersonalize and to see

discriminatory incidents not as directed toward individual Muslims but aimed in a

generalized way at the larger community of Arab-Muslims or at the faith itself. However,

all of the students admitted that they know Arab-Muslims who have experienced

incidents of discrimination. Perhaps those who have experienced prejudice in sorne form

may be uncomfortable admitting they have been so treated, denying it in the hope that it

will not recur and at the same time attempting to maintain a sense ofpersonal dignity.

Many multicultural educators (e.g., Nieto, 2004; Wayland, 1997) believe that the

marginalization that ethnic groups experience can lead groups to accentuate their

differences, especially their differences from the dominant group or to choose cultural

assimilation strategy for self-protection. When asked about their reactions to prejudice

and stereotyping that targeted their ethnicity and religion, participants' responses varied.

Sorne say they have actually found their consciousness about their 1slamic religious

identity enhanced in the Canadian context as people question them about the basic tenets

of their religion. Sorne indicated that living in Canada gives them a fresh perspective on their religion, and that they no longer take the religion for granted the way they did at home. Ahmed, Malik and Omar experienced it this way:

l leamed a lot about my religion in this country. Media spread a lot of untrue interpretation of 1slamic tenets and people ask you many questions about your religious practices. You can not say "1 am just following God's orders". You have to find a convincing and

116 rational response. You cannot do that without reading more and engaging yourself in debate::; with other Muslims. 1 always tell them (i.e., Canadians), "Listen, it is true 1 am Muslim, but 1 am not a criminologist to explain to you the mentality of those few terrorists" (Ahmed).

People keep asking, "What are you?" "what do you believe?" "Why does YOur religion teach violence?" Why does Islam oppress women?" Suddenly you realize that you do not know what a Muslim is and you begin to search for yourself (Malik).

1 was shaken to self-examination by the backlash against Muslims in the media. Our beliefs are equated with terrorism and violence. Because 1 am Muslim by birth, you find a lot of issues that you never thought ofbefore you are confronted with them (Omar).

Noora and Shadi claim that the difficulties of being Muslim in Canada tend to increase Muslims' religious practice and expression:

Muslim students are attracted to Islamic centers because they are frequently isolated from other students. They feel they are not accepted or negatively stereotyped by members of the host culture (Noora).

Also you have to remember the increasingly miserable situation of Islam and Muslims in the West now .... Muslim Immigrants in general are experiencing so great difficulties that they need to come together to have solidarity .... you know it is very obvious that Muslims are the only ethnic group about whom it is still

117 acceptable by many Canadians to be racist ln North America ....they have replaced Blacks in this regard (Shadi).

What Noora and Shadi assert is confirrned by Ali. The question of Islamic identity becomes a focus of attention. According to him, he had not attended mosque services regularly in his country of origin. Nor had he been diligent in maintaining the rituals of

Islam. In Canada, this identity is enhanced by what he perceives as the hostility of the host cultures:

When you live here for a while, you realize that you cannot be a White Anglo-Saxon or French but you have to be something. Everyone has an identity. Vou have to foster your Islamic identity and defend it (Ali).

For sorne, the reaction to prejudice and stereotyping takes the forrn of denying their ethnic identity. They prefer to accept cultural invisibility rather than risk further cultural alienation or rejection. The realization that the religion of Islam clearly is not understood by many in Canada and the belief that the only options for Muslims in this society is a marginalized existence create a problem of cultural identity. To avoid confronting the offender and the offense, sorne Muslims, as Ahmed comments, either announce that they are not religious or deny their religion aH together:

l heard also sorne Arabs resort to denying their religion and cultural background for safety, respect or getting employment reasons ... .I think this is a shame, especiaHy in Canada which supposedly to promote respect and recognition to other religions and cultures ... myself l never denied my religious identity or my

118 home country ... perhaps 1 was lucky that 1 was not in a position where 1 had to (Ahmed).

While these students admit that they enjoy and greatly appreciate the freedom of religion and the relaxed atmosphere of the pluralistic environment they have found within

Canadian society, they are finding their experience not as smooth and positive as they expected. They are striving for a tolerance and acceptance that is based on more than law alone. As Leila says, "Canadians need to be aware that although 'Officially', there may be no discrimination, on the ground there is something quite different". Exasperation, bitterness and anger are sorne of the feelings these students reflect through their narratives which may influence their relationship with teachers and classmates. If one group is seen as aggressive and violent, the reaction of the second group might be fear and avoidance. Despite the Canadian govemment rhetoric about pluralism (Pract, 1979) and the intention of the policy to foster mutual respect, recognition and inclusion in the public square, the place of Muslims under the reality of daily life, according to participants, remains uncertain.

ISLAMIC DRESS (HIJAB) ln addition to the negative fallout from current international events, negative attitudes and prejudice are further compounded when members of the Muslim community attempt to preserve their religious symbols and cultural values and customs. Over the past few years, the hijab - a type of head covering worn by women - has attracted much Canadian media attention because of an incident involved the suspension of a hijab-observant student from a public high school in the Montreal area (Todd, 1997). According to

119 several students in this study, misconceptions of their religious expressions and symbols by members of the host society fuel and reinforce hostility against them. The following

section will address this issue in detail.

Participants gave a great deal of attention to the question of appropriate dress for women. Although the Quranic injunction to mode st y, however it is applied, cannot be set

aside, the degree of strictness in adhering to Islamic guidelines for modesty varies from

one person to another: strictness appears to be based more on personal understanding of what "de cent clothing" means rather than on a particular religious prescription.

The issue of clothing is not as keenly felt among Muslim men, for whom

standards of mode st y in male clothing overlap with those of mainstream culture.

Women's hijab has no mainstream cultural counterpart. As Sara, who wears hijab, declares "My biggest battle in this country is the head covering and the scarf. l find it a daily sacrifice and a test of endurance". Sara talks from her own Canadian experience in which, like all of the other participants' experience, is limited in terms of duration and location.

Sorne find it appropriate to adopt th~ kind of conservative clothing that identify them as Muslims, and they are proud to do so. Conservative clothing for a Muslim woman generally means covering all parts of the body except the face and hands. The hair should be completely covered. Sara who has wom this kind of hijab ever since she was 16 expressed her sense ofbeing empowered wearing hijab and loose clothing:

When l wear hijab l feellike no man has the right to undress me anymore with his eyes. My body is protected and l am not a sex object. l want people to focus on my personality and intellect (Sara).

120 Others think that as long as the hair is covered, the rest of the dress is up to the individual. Still others, who are more liberal, feel that it is appropriate to dress in Western clothing without covering the hair as long as the dress is mode st. Despite this variation in practice and interpretation, no interviewee approved of the form of dress which covers aIl of the body but the eyes. However, in Islamic societies, it is not always easy to decide whether certain practices are cultural or Islamic prescription. The two have been entangled over time. For example, Shadi considers full covering to be un-Islamic:

l think this way of covering has nothing to do with Islam. If you want to coyer aIl of your body but your eyes and you want to look strange, it is your choice but do not tell me it is Islam demands that. Perhaps you inherited it [rom your tribe (Shadi).

The different choices of clothes these participants wear reflect their self-defined modesty. For example, Samira, who describes herself as a practicing Muslim and frequent attendant at mosque, wears a head scarf but very tight blue jeans and a tight top which is very suggestive of the shape of her body. Another participant, Noora, who abandoned the veil and traditional forms of Islamic dress, questions the issue of modesty and proper behavior in terms of specifie clothing styles. She believes Islamic dress is not the only decisive criterion to be a good Muslim:

Islam requires mode st y in your clothing and behavior. l am practicing Islam, l fast, l pray and everything. l come from a religious family and no female member of my family wears hijab (Noora).

121 Noora covers her hair only when she goes to mosque. Although she does not wear hijab, she dresses more modestly than sorne of those who are covered. However, this choice was not very much appreciated by sorne of her community members, as she admitted. Noora said that many times she felt sense of exclusion from sorne of her

Muslim friends. As she explains, one of her conservative female Muslim friends dissociated herselffrom her because she does not wear hijab:

one of my Muslim female friends eut her friendship with me because of pressure from her husband ... to him, it seemed l am not a good Muslim because l am not wearing hijab ... she told me this bluntly ... although l have absolutely nothing against hijab, sorne Muslims think l am not a good Muslim ... it is true l do not wear it because of personal choice, not because l want to violate Islam ... .I pray and very often l go to the mosque .. .I fast Ramadan ... I do not commit what is caUed in Islam a "sin" ... aU in aU, l consider myself a good Muslim ... that is how l see myself... what hurts me reaUy is that this man (i.e., the husband of her friend) thinks that probably l brainwash his wife and encourage her to be un-Islamic (Noora). Noora's experience is evidence that that exclusion due to difference is operative in

Muslim communities as weU.

Ahmed, a religious male takes the same position as Noora :

The rationale behind hijab is modesty. God orders us to be mode st but leaves it up to us to decide what is modest. l see hijab misunderstood by sorne Muslim girls. They do not understand the reasons behind it. It is becoming an accessory or family obligation rather than a religious commitment. l always see young Muslims wearing the hijab with very tight clothes and

122 sorne with full make up, including bright red lipstick, black eyeliner and other stuff (Ahmed).

It seems that covering, and modest dress, regardless of how they are applied, is not just a matter of family honor but rather is away of expressing identity. AIl but one of the women (i.e., Noora) with whom l talked wore Islamic dress and aIl ofthem discussed it in terms of Islamic strictures. None said they had been pressured by relatives into covering and none referred to "honor" when describing their reasons for wearing hijab.

According to them, they dress Isiamically because mode sty is a religious conviction that they hold deeply. In fact, Leila told me that she was told by her husband she should not cover because it would perhaps interfere with her ability to interact with her non-Muslim classmates, .but she refused to do so.

Hijab is a Misunderstood Symbol:

Living in a non-Muslim environment forces sorne Muslim women to make conscious choices of identity: how they know themselves, and how others come to know them. To be an individual of Muslim background creates expectations of certain behavior and appearance among siblings, classmates and peers. This is the case for Noora. Although she does not wear hijab, she admits that it is at the core of Muslim identity. She explained that it was almost impossible for her to assume her Islamic identity in Canada because she does not wear Islamic dress. She says that Canadians find it is hard to believe that she is Muslim:

... .in my English intensive pro gram, there were students from aIl over the world, men and women ... some students approached me

123 and asked me to go out .. .1 did not know what to say to them ... because 1 was not wearing 1slamic dress and looked South American, perhaps they thought 1 was not Muslim .. .1 wanted to develop friendship with them, just friendship, but it seemed sorne wanted to go further ... they did not want to believe that 1 was Muslim .. .1 had to deal with this problem many times ... they also wanted me to go for a beer with them .. .1 had to convince them that 1 did not drink alcohol...1 al ways try to be open-minded to other cultures but 1 find it is very hard sometimes (Noora).

The fact that these students enjoyed freedom of religious expression in Canada does not mean that they did not experience negative attitudes, at least at the psychological or verbal level. A consistent concem expressed is that there seems to be an obsession among Westemers with the question of the hijab. The ideal of gender equality has contributed to the negative response to 1slamic women's dress. Several participants report that Canadians look on Muslim women with hijab as victims of patriarchal strictures, as well as of oppressive male relatives. This causes a great deal of pain and frustration to them, as Leila says:

.... some of my female Canadian friends talked to me about my 1slamic dress ....they think it is a sign of oppression and backwardness . 1 tell them no it is not. Here 1 live with only my husband and thus 1 can wear what 1 ever 1 like ... my husband leaves it up to me if 1 want to wear my hijab or not ... he never imposed his opinion on me ... J think it is a matter of values and principles.. 1 love to wear it ... for me it is self-respect and dignity ... 1 do not have to reveal my body to attract people .. .1 think 1 degrade and humiliate myself if 1 do so ... 1 think women who

124 wear revealing c10thes show their feeling of inferiority ... they do it to get attention from men ... that is their only way ... alI great religions demand modesty in c10thes but people here became very antagonistic to religions ... that is their problem any way ... they can not impose on me what they think ... .I am different and proud to be so ... many of them actually do not believe in marnage any more ... they want to live together but with no religious contract ... to me this is disgusting and immoral...1 hate to tell them what 1 feel about this because 1 do not want to hurt no body, although sometimes you find yourself you have to, in order to make yOuf point and convince them (Leila).

Studies show that sorne Westemers see the hijab as an aggressive sign that the pers on wearing it reflects religious fervor and violence associated with Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East (Todd, 1999; Haddad & Esposito, 2001). This perception gives the impression that hijab-observing women refuse to integrate into society and are being intolerant of others and unable to modemize themselves. Sara, Leila and Samira argue that the reality is actually the opposite:

1 don't coyer to please any Muslim men and 1 am not going to uncover to please Westemers. My hijab has nothing to do with what sorne calI fundamentalists or extremists. It is my personal conviction and my commitment to God. 1 am just practicing my right to believe and do what 1 choose (Sara).

Sorne Canadians believe women should be allowed to go topless. To me, this is repulsive and humiliation. But if that is what they

125 believe in, good for them. l do not bother even to think about it (Leila).

l came here to seek a better life, not to impose on others what l believe in. Hijab is part of me. l am not imposing it in no body. l understand we can not have identical outlooks on life but this does not mean that we can not work together or respect each other. It is quite the opposite. Islam say::; "There should be no compulsion in religion". Muslims are well-known for their religious tolerance, even when they were dominant majority in many parts of the world (Samira).

Samira, Noora and Sara reject the argument of Western feminists who associate hijab with the subordination of Muslim women:

No sorry l am not oppressed by Islam or Muslim men. l am only misjudged by Western feminists. They c1aim they are our saviors. l have one word to say to them "I am wearing my hijab out of my own free will". They c1aim to support freedom for everyone, especially all women. But, you know if they come across another woman who doesn't fit into their agenda or world view of how a woman should be, then they can't accept her (Samira).

Noora who does not believe in wearing hijab says:

.... one important thing l have to add ... when l talk about oppression committed against Muslim women, don't understand me that l am advocate of Western societies .... Western women are mistreated too but sometimes in different ways.... Men here beat their wives ... almost every night on the news you hear of rape or domestic violence ....these 1-900 [telephone] numbers are very

126 humiliating to women ... the nudity clubs on St. Catherine and other places show how women are grossly exploited .... .I think the main difference between here and there regarding women is thétt Westerners acknowledge their sexism ....this is because of the strong feminism movements while there if you speak up, they will consider you infidel and violating the Islamic laws ...... I am not a big fan of these Western women movements because l think they exceed the limit ....their main concern as l see it is their sexual freedom .... no, l do not want to be included with them ... .I believe in equity but not according to sorne of the Western standards ... .I always talk with one of my professors about this and she agrees with me ....we know that not aH feminists are the same but sorne weaken the legitimacy of the noble causes of these movements (Noora).

Western feminists should take care of their feHow women. We Muslims have a different world view from them. In Western societies you see domestic violence, unequal pay for women, pornography business. l think it would be more useful that such people concentrated on tackling sexism in this country because that is something within their ability to change (Sara).

Ali is conscious of the foHy of stereotyping any cultural group:

.. .I am not saying that position of women in where l come from is perfect ... no, not at aH .. .indeed there is a lot of mistreatment and injustice against women there ... .I am saying that you can not measure that issue by Western standards because it is going to be just a reflection of Western mentality ... how people think and see is different from society to another ... for example l have my sister in (X) who is married and have 5 children, see things in a different

127 way from me, let alone Westerners .... her goal is to be a homemaker, take care of her kids and that is aH ... she does not believe in working and leaving her kids with someone else ... this is despite the fact she can teach if she wants ... she prefers to stay home to raise her kids ... she drives a car and every year she goes for a vacation with her kids and husband .... of course not every woman in (X) enjoys these privileges ... what l am trying to say is that you can never generalize any image (Ali).

Cultural relativism (Scupin, 1998) suggests that people need to leam more about other cultures. That must be foHowed study about, and interaction with, other cultural groups. This intercultural process helps one know what it is like to be a member of the second culture and to view the world from that point ofview. AH participants expressed a pressing concern in regard to the misunderstanding of the display of hijab which, they believe, further increases Western animosity toward Islam. However, what these students do not realize is that the perception of sorne Westerners that hijab could be a symbol of subjugation and anti-personal choice, with an Islamic state interfering in every aspect of its citizens' lives is caused by what is going vn sorne Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia,

Afghanistan and Iran. In these countries, sorne form of violence has been assocü:ted with not complying to hijab, including beating and whipping.

What is relevant here is that the hijab, or the misunderstanding of it, could directly impact student learning as weH as amicable interactions with other students and teachers because a positive self-image and the way students feel others perceive them and treat them is a necessary condition for school success and integration (Bennett, 2003).

128 Modesty in Islam does not involve hijab only. It includes acceptance of a system of relationships between the sexes. Muslims must think through how best to relate to opposite sex classmates and acquaintances other than spouse or relatives. One of the realities of being Muslim in the host Canadian culture is having to decide how to have social and academic interaction with the opposite sex. In most Canadian classrooms, student team learning has become as one of the most widely-used teaching strategies.

This may be incompatible with the learning styles of students as sorne come from traditional sex-segregated classrooms, and where cooperative learning is not common in the schools of their countries of origin. Several participants consider this fact as one the problems they face in their Canadian classrooms. The following section will deal with this issue in detail.

SEX-SEGREGATED RELATIONSHIPS

In addition to spiritual beliefs, the religion of Islam is distinguished by its practical devotions. Modesty, particularly around members of the opposite sex, is a widely affirmed value for some Muslims. The beliefs about modesty and the ways in which mode st y is expressed, as we have seen in the previous section, varies by the culture of origin, the interpretation of the Quran and personal preferences.

One Faith, Different Interpretations:

In sorne Islamic countries (e.g., Iran, Afghanistan; Saudi Arabia) which adhere at the state level to a strict interpretation of Islam, the restriction on women interacting with, or even being in the company of, males who are not family members poses difficulties for

129 women who wish to enter the public arena. In many other parts of the Islamic world (e.g.,

Lebanon, Syria, Tunisia, Morocco), interaction between men and women who are not married or part of the same family is much freer, especially in urban areas.

This restrictive situation is more difficult and challenging for women as they encounter greater pressure than their male counterparts to maintain their cultural norms, even in the most ordinary processes of daily social interaction. As in Islamic countries, adherents of Islam in Canada take many different, and in sorne cases contrasting forms, despite their commonality as Muslims in a community that is relatively small.

In this study, participants who are more conservative state that sex-segregated relationships are part of their being Muslim. As a way of handling this dilemma in

Canada, they say they prefer to be reserved in their social contacts and move mainly among same-sex friends and colleagues. For sorne of them, secular values reflect hedonism, immorality, unrestrained sexuality and disrespect for religious values.

According to these individuals, they believe that the permissiveness of the society with its free mixing of sexes with no social or moral responsibility has contributed to the breakdown of the family structure. Leila and Samira explain:

Mixed-sex relationship is not our way of life, but it is a part of the Western cultures .... .! mean the secular ones ..... Ok now let's face it, it is very hard to draw the line between friendship and relationship. That is why l do not believe in it. People here are occupied with sex in distorted ways and increasingly acting out their sexual impulses. Don't you see how AIDS is destroying them. It is an because ofthese irresponsible relationships (Leila).

no l find people here talk about sex openly ... it is something l am not used to .... one of my female Canadian friends was very surprised when l told her l was still virgin ... she asked me many questions (at this age, you are still virgin?) (what about your fiancée?) (you have never been intimate with him?) l told here that in my culture we do not go intimate before marriage ... 1 know it sounds weird to her. .. but l think it is a cultural difference .... she told me she was 15 years old when she had her first sexual experience ... to me this is weird (Samira).

Leila's and Samira's ethnocentric judgment is based on their narrow knowledge of the world. What is moral or immoral and what is decent or indecent in a culture can not be judged by an outsider's standards. Moreover, even within the same culture members do not necessarily adhere to the same values. Cultural values range along a continuum of degree of right and wrong. Permissiveness is a relative term: one person's

"permissiveness" is another person's "freedom" or "individualism".

Shadi, Malik and Ali, who take a more liberal position on the issue of mixed-sex relationship expressed dis satisfaction with the strict separation of the sexes especially at professional or school gatherings. They reason that Islam sets behavioral standards and guidelines but does not insist that a Muslim follow these if in so doing he or she would suffer needlessly or would assume a position that is ridiculed in Canadian society. Shadi explains:

l don't resent the strict interpretation of Islam in the Islamic world where the society is Islamic and there is no problem confronted by the old or young, male or the female ... everyone knows what they are supposed to do. What l resent is this fanaticism being imposed on us in Canada. They (Imams) have to remember we are

131 preserving Islam against all odds in this country. It is difficult to preserve Islam where permissiveness is the fashion and women and men do those things that fundamentalists do not appreciate (Shadi).

Malik points out:

In Islam l think necessities will legitimize the prohibition. It does

not make sense to me that you say to me "No you are not allowed

to interact with women" . Perhaps you can apply this in Saudi

Arabia but certainly not in Canada. You have to be realistic

(Malik).

Ali argues:

You have to take your surroundings into account when you practice your faith, you don't have to do everything in technical compliance. The question is : What is your intent? (Ali).

Culture or Religion?

According to Saleh the debate over the issue of male-female interaction is cultural rather than theological. He asserts that Islam does not forbid interaction between males and females. He points out that the Prophet is reported to have interacted socially with women, therefore such activity is legitimate. According to Saleh, Muslims are obligated to emulate Prophet Mohamed's life because it is exemplary:

The prophet of Islam, Muhammad, was hired by a noble Arab businesswoman named Khadija. She later proposed to him and they had a happy marri age which lasted until she died. Should we

132 base our belief on a bunch of tribal lords or the teachings of our Prophet? (Saleh).

As their statements reveal, participants face not only the different kinds of interpretive questions that are being raised across the Islamic world; they are in the unique situation of having to reconcile their understanding of Islam and the way it should be practiced and symbolized with the special circumstances of being Muslim students living and studying in a different culture.

Others take a more liberal position. Shadi and Omar believe that Islam is flexible and good for aU time and aIl places and any contradictions between it and the Canadian environment are more apparent than real. The real problem, according to them, is the lack of an understanding Muslim leadership (Imam) among the community who can combine high level religious training with intimate knowledge of the Canadian way of life to offer guidance to these immigrants. Shadi and Omar argue that this type of imam must recognize the social forces that impinge upon individual Muslims in Canada in order to be able to effectively reconcile the Islamic faith with this new environment:

1 hate to say this but 1 think we can not rely on Imams who come from the Middle East to interpret the Quran for us. Ok, 1 give you a small example. Traditional Imams would say that we are not allowed to be in a place where Alcohol is distributed. Can we apply this here in Canada? Do you want to live in an isolation or what? Good imams are the ones who understand the Canadian context (Shadi).

133 Islam is a very flexible religion and it successfully coexisted with other faiths. It would've been great to hear from imams what we should do instead of what we shouldn't do. We're part of this society. The vision of Islam we see in mosques that we don't agree with is kind ofreactionary and insular (Omar).

Participants argued that different opinions regarding this issue are more cultural

than theological. All participants confirmed that although equal duty and responsibility

are given to Muslim men and women alike, in reality it is often the woman who is

expected to adhere more strongly to the regulations. Ali, who identifies himself as a

devout Muslim, believes that a double standard is operative in all Muslim societies in

regard to this issue. He states his viewpoint bluntly:

we live in hypocrisy, Islam is a just religion for both men and women but men are neglecting the Quranic injunctions .... the consumption of alcohol is widespread, the prohibition of extramarital sex is commonly violated by young men .... this is reprehensible in Islam (Ali).

It is important to distinguish cultural expectations from religious ones about what

is and is not appropriate behavior and appearance. Arabic societies are collective. Social

morality prevails over personal, and sometimes, religious morality. Thus, concepts of

right and wrong, or sin and shame, derive not only from an internaI determination of right

or wrong, but from what is considered to be right and wrong in the world around the

individual (Barakat, 1985, 1993; Sharabi, 1987). Noora, an articulate and well-read

student, further explains the contradiction between the reality of the Muslim world and the religion of Islam:

134 ...... I read the Quran thoroughly and, believe me, these dictates by Islamists have no basis in the Quran or the teaching of the Prophet but are being stressed because of the role women play in the Muslim world .....you know, women there are very weak and passive .... actually, they have no role .. .like objects for men ....take for example what people calI "the honor killing" ... 1 find this punishment silly and painful...1 bet you, go read the Quran from cover to cover. .. you will never find such sentence in it ... .it is invented by men .... Muslim men think that the honor of the Muslim family is residing in women's chastity and modesty ....that is why there is a stress on her being a virgin until her marri age and the very real threat of death if she is not. It is for this reason that Islamists insist women be completely covered and secluded from the outside world ..... what about men ... are they free to indulge themselves in whatever they want? . .If you ask Imams, they will say to you, "No, men are not allowed either" but if you ask them why you don't punish them, they will have no answer. (Noora)

Noora goes on to express in harsh terms her dis satisfaction with restrictions on women in sorne Islamic countries:

.... when 1 think of the situation of women in Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan, 1 get disgusted .... women are not allowed ev en to drive ... driving will lead to sex or what ... this is ridiculous .... If this is Islam, 1 am sorry, 1 do not want be Muslim, leave me alone .. .1 see sorne Afghani men have seven wives ... to tell me Islam permits that with no reservation is a blatant lie ... yes 1 agree, it happened in the Islamic history but under very specifie and exceptional circumstances .. .in fact the Quran discourages this

135 practice ... Mohammed was married to just one woman for 25 years and it was ended only when she died. (Noora).

As perhaps is true for other immigrant groups, Muslim Arab Canadians differ from Muslims in their countries of origin. Sorne depart from traditional Islamic customs by relaxing restrictions on male/female social interaction. One of the notable differences between the practice of Islam in Canada and that in most Muslim cultures is the fact that

Muslim women in this country can and do attend mosque. Although a woman in the

Middle East rarely attends mosque services, aIl women in this study said they go to services and are active in the range of religious events that take place in mosques located in their schools, intermingling with Muslim men during these religious services. Leila and Noora feel less encumbered by the many cultural traditions and expectations that have kept women from exercising their fundamental rights to attend religious services as set forth in the Quran:

You see as l told you, it is our traditional culture and not Islam which we are following. Islam is very clear in this issue: Take Modesty as your framework and act accordingly. What we are practicing in Canada is a pure Islam which is not influenced by cultures. So one practices their faith in Canada as an act of deliberate choice, not because of social pressure. You can say it is a personal conviction (Leila) .

.. .. go read our history, Aisha, the wife of the prophet, was a feminist. .. she used to engage herself in debates with her husband in public .... are you a better Muslim than Mohammed or what? AlI Muslim women used to go to mosques and interact with Muslim men (Noora).

116 Leila and Noora's comments reflect a re1iance on their personal judgments in understanding and following Islamic codes in the Canadian context. These kinds of decisions cannot always be made, because in sorne situations it is not easy to know what is cultural and what is Islamic prescription. The two have been intertwined through the centuries (Barakat, 1985).

Developing new orientations and modes of behavior in a new environment can pose a real cultural conflict, especially for women. Sara, Samira and Leila appear to be under more pressure than the male participants to maintain stronger atlachment to their ethnic identity and, therefore, are more traditional in their views on mixed-sex relationships. For a woman, establishing friendship with a member of the opposite sex might be seen as an act of defiance which can smear her reputation. Sara comments:

There (i.e., in her home country) 1 did not have any male friends .. .it is culturally not approved .. .if you dare to have a male friend, people will assume right away that intimacy is involved and this will defame your character and destroy your family's reputation ... people there can not believe it is just pure friendship between males and females ...... they think friendship between opposite sex, if ever developed, will ultimately lead to sex .... it is our culture which imposes on us how to behave ... here, it is completely different ... people deve10p friendship regardless of sex ... you need to do so in order to get along in this society ... .in (X), 1 have never had any male friends .... 1 agree it is sometimes not easy to keep the limit or draw the line when you engage yourse1f in friendship with a male ... even here sorne men do not believe in friendship with women (Sara).

137 While men can simply refrain from asking girls out, women who are asked out have difficulty providing an acceptable and understandable explanation for choosing not to date or not to be in a non-Islamic environment, as demonstrated by what happened to

Noora:

People ask me "how come a beautiful girl like you has no boyfriend" l always give the excuse that l am busy to avoid socializing with non-Muslims. You know, they want to go to bars and drink (Noora).

Unlike their female counterparts, males in this study tend to socialize more with non-Muslim Canadians. Although sorne of them indicated that they avoid places or parties with non-Muslims because alcohol will be, or might be, served, generally they recognize that they are living in a culture in which alcohol is part of social and professionallife. According to them, they usually choose rather to attend and to sip soft drinks or water.

Although most of the participants are concemed that unrestricted relationship with the opposite sex might jeopardize the maintenance of Islamic values, aIl say they try to live according to Islam in Canada as free as possible from the cultural influences of their countries of origin. Most see no good reason not to participate in social gatherings and professional meetings with non-Muslim Canadians as long as alcohol and other non­

Islamic behavior (e.g., dating) are not involved. Their views regarding the mixing of the sexes are related to their different and sometimes contrasting self-definitions of morality and modesty in Islam.

138 Despite these very real concems, all participants believe it is possible for them to survive and thrive in the Canadian context. They continue to cherish the hope that the

Canadian ideal of religious freedom will mean that they can eventually gain acceptance, recognition, respect and peace. Their desire to survive as a vibrant religious community, able to participate fully and freely in Canada's religious mosaic and to help define its future as a pluralistic society, is reflected in these statements:

l would like to change all of these negative stereotypes. l want to tell them we Arabs and Muslim are no different from nobody else. There are sorne good Muslims and bad ones also, like any other nation. This guy who committed the Oklahoma bombing was not Muslim but Christian. The problem is that Westemers do not know anything about us and they think we are bunch of freaks (Malik).

No one can question my loyalty to Canada. l love my home country but, honestly, l do not want to live there ... I would love to go and visit every year ... look, Canada is a democratic country. There, if you speak out against corruption and unfair policies, you will be jailed, tortured or perhaps killed (Noora).

l think the only problem we face is miscommunication and misconception which lead to mistrust and misunderstanding. Whenever l meet Canadians who travel to my home country, l find they have very positive attitudes. We need to know each other. Ignorance creates mistrust and prejudice (Ali).

Canada is a model to be followed in regard to multiculturalism. Canadians need only to reinforce the values of equity and respect for all to include Muslims (Omar).

139 A lot of Muslims are fleeing their countries and seek religious freedom in Canada and they usually get it. We have to admit, Canada is still much better than all of the Islamic countries which are ruled by militantly secular regimes. l hate to say it, but let's be honest about it, in sorne Islamic countries like Turkey, Tunisia, they try to ban wearing hijab. Isn't that shameful? Canada is not anti-Islam country. It is secular but democratic and that is why you see this hot debate over religious practices (Shadi).

As Furnham & Bochner (1982) propose, individual differences in understanding cultural cIues play a role in the ability of people to develop an awareness of the values of the host culture, which leads to an easier cultural accommodation. Shadi's statements reflect his bicultural competence. It is a breakthrough, and an important first step in his cultural and social adaptation. He has a good understanding of Canadian secularism policy which he does not interpret as being anti-religion.

SUMMARY

Starr (1989) defines critical thinking as having "the freedom to ask questions and the tools to reason, liberating [one's] mind from unthinking prejudice, and promoting an appreciation for pluralistic society" (p. 107). As a result of living and studying in non­

Arabic country and because of their encounters with prejudice, the students in this study seem to have leamed to think critically about what they are leaming and experiencing.

They are developing an "etic" perspective - an advance in consciousness that is necessary if one is to evolve as a critical thinker. As long as these students were

140 "cocooned" safely within their Arab home lands and sheltered in their mono-cultural

Arabic classrooms, this consciousness could not have developed and their ethnocentrism would have kept them in a static frame of mind.

As can be seen from their narratives, the participants have a deep sense of appreciation for the Canadian achievements in education, politics, economy, science and technology. Meanwhile, there is a growing sense among them that their home countries are fated to remain undemocratic, and economically backward due to political and educational factors. Not surprisingly, they see Canada as a permanent home, and most of them have opted to become Canadian citizens, with an understanding of their responsibility to their newly adopted country. However, this does not mean they are forsaking their heritage and values. On the cùntrary, their statements and views show that they are straddling the two cultures and trying to maintain active presence in ~oth. To accomplish this successfully, they have to create a new culture. To do so, they have to select values that fit in the new society and transform others which do not. This does not require them to abandon their identities to adapt successfully. Canadian society does not impose all of its values on newcomers, as what is "Canadian" is the result of interactions of old, new and created cultures. Furnham and Bochner (1986) explain that "Culture leaming does not imply that a pers on must undergo a basic shift in values and conform to a new set of norms. Culture leaming makes a distinction between skills and values, between performance and compliance" (p. 250). They conclude that immigrants should focus on developing bicultural skills to avoid compromising their traditional values.

Although many of the challenges facing these Muslim students in Canada are similar to those faced by other ethnic minority students, sorne of these challenges are

141 especially tied to religion. The Islamic faith and its practice involve special obligations and responsibilities that shape how these students respond to the social situations they encounter in Canadian society. Their comments suggest that there are conflicts between sorne of their own beliefs and the beliefs reflected and prevalent in the behaviors they see in the majority society; they are searching for strategies to deal with conflicts, each in his or her own way. T 0 succeed, they must invent an Islam with a "Canadian face'. This is an enormous task.

However, participants emphasize that they did not come to Canada to impose their Islamic values on non-Muslims. In other words, they indicate they are not interested in promoting Islam for missionary purposes. Rather they feel that it is important to promote a better understanding of Islam, especially to correct misconceptions that have led to misunderstanding and prejudice. They are willing to tolerate and understand secular behaviors of the host culture and aU they ask is that their religious values be respected, as they perceive are Christian and Jewish religious values and traditions. Their experiences calI into question whether or not Canadian society is sufficiently flexible and open to allow Muslims to determine their own forms of self-definition.

One important conclusion that can be drawn from these interviews is that Islam means different things to different Muslims. There are a multitude of perspectives and a range of interpretations. As we have already seen, participants speak about their personal, individual realities in ways that that reveal their awareness of the structures, constraints and social relations prevalent in their home cultures. However, they aIl speak from their situated, partial knowledge of Canada and from their more intimate knowledge of their countries of origin. This shows that there is no prior unit y among these students nor any

142 "ontological truth" (Eisner, 1993) about the reality to be reached as a goal ofthis inquiry: no one participant's or researcher's account is capable of conveying the complexities of the issues discussed.

From the vantage points of all students, many Westerners are ignorant of Islam's diversity and instead view the population as a unified entity, without dissenting voices or distinctions in the ways of seeing the world. They say that in order to broaden their understanding of the Canadian Muslim community, Canadians should look beyond common stereotypes and gain a greater appreciation for the diversity inherent in the

Muslim population of this country. Participants say they need a supportive host atmosphere which, for most of them, has not been completely established yet. They view host support as uni-directional: from host to immigrant. They report that the obstacles are great and they find themselves not fully accepted by and integrated into their new environment.

The next chapter synthesizes the research findings, which 1 separated into two separate, but related issues: educational and cultural. In addition, it examines sorne implications for policy making and suggests strategies for educators to be used in their multiethnic classrooms.

143 CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS AND

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

The students whose voices speak in these pages offer their experiences to a wider audience. The issues they raise concern us all. They articulated what they see as the most pressing obstacles conffonting them in their new Canadian host culture and voiced alternative points of view in an effort to shape a social world that would allow them to function in the host society while maintaining their integrity and identity as Arabs and

Muslims. These students not only provide a glimpse into their daily experiences in

Canadian schools, but also reveal their impressions of what it means to be a member of the mainstream culture as well. Their stories express the complexities of their realities.

Their voices provide us with sorne understanding of the ways in which their backgrounds, values, and conceptions of knowledge intersect with Canadian culture and schooling.

This chapter draws conclusions based on the analysis of data, discusses implications of the research findings, and highlights issues such as cultural integration and socialization faced by these students in the context of their education. It also provides sorne recommendations for teachers, curriculum developers, and policy makers in Canada and in the students' countries of origin. In other words, it gauges the implications of these narratives and proposes positive steps that can be taken to improve the integration and adaptation of Arab Muslim students in Canadian classrooms. Finally, suggestions for further research are proposed.

144 THE MAJOR RESEARCH FINDINGS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS

• Despite the fact that Islam as a religion often plays an integral role in the lives of

its followers and may be a central component of.the individual identity within the

Arab Muslim culture (Barakat, 1985; 1993; Qureshi & Qureshi, 1983; Sharabi,

1987), one notes from the interviews the absence of any religious motivation to

immigrate to Canada. AIl participants reported economic and educational

opportunities, and political instability in their home countries as major factors

attracting their immigration. None cited religious reasons. This expectation

supports the claims of Abu-Laban, an Arab-Canadian scholar:

Muslim immigrants came to Canada as individuals and families, ~ot as corporate religious groups in search for a sanctuary. They hoped for freedom and prosperity in the new land. The fact that the religious factor was not an element in the motivational structure of these immigrants has important implications for their religious and spiritual adaptation in the new environment (Abu-Laban, 1983, p. 79).

• Neither isolation nor assimilation is seen as a goal in the conversations among

these students. In general, they, particularly the women among them, want to keep

their religious identity while adopting other aspects of the host culture such as

language, educational philosophies, and elements of civic life. The experience and

perspectives of the se students can be an example of what Furnham and Bochner

(1986) refer to as "accommodation without assimilation" (p.250). However, a

major challenge for these students is to clarify which issues are flexible and open

to interpretation within the Canadian social context and which issues are so

clearly a part of God's design for human life that they cannot be negotiated. This

145 is not an easy task, as the cultures of their origins seem to be an important factor

in their deliberations. Furthermore, the se students expect their local religious

leaders in Canada to give them sorne direction as to the nature of admissible

changes they are aIlowed to make in their behaviors without compromising their

religious identities. The problem of choosing stems from the fact that often

interpretation of Islamic teachings, as Omar points out, cornes from religious

leaders who have no experience nor understanding of the secular milieu of

Canadian society: "It would've been great to hear from imams what we should do

instead ofwhat we shouldn't do. We're part ofthis society. The vision of Islam we

see in mosques that we don't agree with is kind of reactionary and insular".

Implied in Omar's statement is the difficulty for those students of having to deal

in Canada with the not so familiar interpretations of Islam whether they be from

Saudi Arabian, Iranian, Afghani or other Islamic sources.

• The Arab-Muslim community in Canada is culturaIly diverse. We cannot assume

that because Arab Muslims share one religion, they are aIl alike, sharing the same

perspectives and attitudes. As the statements of the students show, not only are

Muslims united by their religion, but they are divided by it as weIl, although they

are often perceived as a unified single ethnic group, and their complexity as a

people is frequently overlooked (Manning & Baruth, 2004; Nieto, 2004; Shaheen,

1997). Based on reflections from these students on the issues they discussed, one

could conclude that there is one Islam, but that would be a mistake, for it has

many different cultural expressions and interpretations throughout the world and

even among Muslims themselves in the same community.

146 • AlI of the participants in this study hold positive attitudes toward the West. In

fact, they admire Western democracy and liberalism and justice, which, as several

ofthem pointed out, are core notions in Islamic ideology (Charles, 1993; Barakat,

1993). Participants attempted to make a distinction between rejecting Western

political hegemony and openness to modernization and the leaming of skills.

Many wish that Islamic countries would emulate the West in modernization and

technological advancement. Participants emphasize that not aIl Muslims see the

West as Great Satan - something to be shunned altogether. Many would rather

live as Muslims in the West than in most ofthe Islamic countries, because, as they

explain, the way Muslims are allowed to live in the West is doser to the true

Muslim way. This finding contrasts sharply with the dedaration of two American

authors: "As has become evident of late, a vast number of Muslims, those living

in Europe and the Americas no less than those elsewhere, harbor an intense

hostility to the West. For most Muslims, this mix of envy and resentment remains

a latent sentiment, but for sorne it acquires operational significance" (Pipes &

Duran, 2002, p.49). Unsupported generalizations such as these are challenged by

the findings of this study. These two authors did not base their views on field

research or empirical data. Instead, they indulge in oversimplified generalizations

of about 200 Million Arabs and 1.5 Billion Muslims.

• Popular stereotypes of Arab women often conflate ethnicity and religion,

depicting Arab women as collectively oppressed by patriarchal Islamic doctrines

(Haddad, & Esposito, 2001; Schwartz, 1999). Results from this study discredit

many of these myths, finding that the women interviewed are weIl educated and

147 progressive in their gender ideologies. They want to realize public achievernents

while rnaintaining their ethnic and religious identities. While rnainstrearn society

pushes thern toward certain behaviors that rnay lirnit individual personal ifeedorn,

their individual decisions to wear Islarnic dress do not seern to be sternrning frorn

their patriarchal cultures, as sorne Westemers have made it out to be (Abu-Ab si,

1996). Although Islarnic dress must rneet certain standards of mode sty, the ways

in which it is adopted are as varied as the Islamic cornrnunity itself.

• While sorne participants have serious difficulties with Muslirn culture for rnany

reasons, neither are they able to identify with secular culture, and what they see as

the permissive culture of the West. They are struggling to rnaintain their religious

identity and personal autonorny in the face of the intransigence of Muslirn culture

on the one hand, and the dominance of Western, secular culture, on the other.

However, sorne of these students' perceptions of the West as a culture are as

rnuch rnonolithic and sirnplistic as are sorne Westemers' perceptions ofIslam and

Arabic cultures. To conceive of the West as a hornogeneous block that has a lax

moral standard rather than a vast, cornplex of cultures and religions, is no less

rnisleading than the depiction of Islam and Muslirns as patriarchal,

fundarnentalists and extrernists. Sorne of the students' staternents show their lack

of media literacy and ignorance of the fact that in Canada there is a continuum of

permissiveness frorn loose to very strict, and that farnilies and groups lie all along

that continuum. In other words, they ought to base their perceptions of the West

on more than what is projected by Hollywood rnovies and local newspapers.

Geertz's (1973) explanation that we are ernbedded in a "web of significance" that

148 we both create and are apart of (p.24) tells us that we create the culture of which

we are a part. Nieto (2004) reminds us that "culture is too complex and too varied

for us to conclude that aIl those who share a cultural identity behave in the same

way or believe in the same things (p. 147).

• Although many researchers (e.g., Tucker, 2003; Myles & Cheng, 2003;

Krywulak, 1997) report, English language proficiency usually ranks at the top of

foreign students' problems in their adjustment, none of the participants in this

study mentioned lack of English as a major problem. This is an interesting

finding: is language really not a problem, or are there language-based problems

that the students do not recognize? This is a topic that could be explored in a

future study. AlI ofthese students were required by the university to join intensive

ESL courses at McGill or Concordia language schools for at least six month prior

to their academic studies and they reported favorably on the linguistic and

communicative skills they could develop. Sorne were enrolled in extra English

writing courses as recommended by their professors.

• Although participants come from fcur Arabic countries with different cultures,

many of them seem to share similar educational backgrounds and concems that

have arisen as they follow their various courses of study in their Canadian

classrooms. Education in Canada is conceptualized as a social process, and

knowledge is seen as socially constructed. Instruction often occurs as a dialogue

between teacher and students. Classes are designed to emphasize inclusion,

diversity of viewpoints, and the exchange of views/experiences in a democratic

and supportive context. As philosopher Dewey explains "Education consists

149 primarily in transmission through communication. Communication is a process of

sharing experience till it becomes a common possession" (1916/1997, p. 139).

Participants worry that their apparent passivity might lead a Canadian teacher to

conclude that the student is not doing the work or does not understand the

material. Arab students in Canadian classrooms who have obtained part of their

education in traditional classrooms in their home countries may, due to their

reticence, suffer from being perceived by their Canadian teachers as incompetent

or incapable of coping with academic demands. Insights provided by participants

in this study about cultural and social issues affecting integration in this

multicultural society may prove helpful and useful to both Canadian teachers who

have Arab students in their classrooms and to other newly arrived Arab students

who are not familiar with the Canadian educational system. These insights are

useful in that newcomers need to leam that their teacher might not have

knowledge about the ways in which they have been socialized as students in their

countries of origins. Adjustments, it seems, are necessary on aIl sides.

• It appears from the participants' statements that they make great efforts to

overcome problems caused by these cultural and educational differences. In their

previous schools back home, they did not leam how to write papers. For this

reason, they tend to do weIl on objective tests but poorly on essay exams and

writing assignments. Moreover, they were not trained to be interactive in their

Arabic classrooms or to engage themselves in academic debates with other

students and teachers. In their Canadian classrooms they may not procure better

grades because of their lack of understanding, practice, and knowledge of

150 Canadian classroom dynamics, the teachers' expectations and the skills required

to excel. Participants in this inquiry feel that the Western teachers need to be more

attuned to that and to realize that even students who are not highly interactive

could be excellent students. This apprehension to speak out preoccupies them, is

dis-comforting, and inhibits the establishment of warm relationships with their

teachers, as weIl as with their fellow students, especially in their early stages of

adjustment.

• The experiences described by these students at these two Canadian universities

suggest that the Canadian university has retained important aspects of what may

be described as its democratic character. Students approve of the dialectical

format of Canadian university instruction. They have many positive comments

about Canadian university systems and the organization of classroom instruction,

which they favor overwhelmingly. The most complimentary statements were

addressed to the ways that classes provided students with considerable

opportunities for asking questions, engaging in critical thinking, and participating

in a dialogue with the professor. They approved of the fact that students are

encouraged to speak from their own experiences, to do more than regurgitate

answers that teachers would like to hear. The only indictment of the interactive

format operative in Canadian university classrooms was that sorne mainstream

students demonstrated a lack of respect for professors and that class instruction

sometimes suffered from a loss of control.

• Teaching methods in the Arabic schools that these students experienced overlook

the leamer as the centre of the process. Instead, they over-emphasize authority,

151 discourage inquiry and suppress free thinking. The challenges of modem

civilization are not addressed in their magnitude or depth. The teaching approach

emphasizes the past rather than the present or future: the basic function of these

schools is the preservation and transmission of traditional culture and values. As

reflected in the participants' many remarks, what is needed to meet the challenges

facing present Muslim societies is not a dogmatic rejection of the West, but rather

a thorough understanding, analysis, and, consequently, informed intellectual

refutation or appropriate adaptation of the strengths of Western civilization, of

Western pedagogy in particular, where consistent with Islam. Students who study

in the West could contribute to the development of education in their countries by

retuming there and becoming teachers.

While participants acknowledge unavoidable tensions and conflicts in their experiences

in Canadian contexts, they underscore the richness of being bicultural and bilingual. In

fact, they celebrate these differences. As Shadi says "We have to admit, Canada is still

much betler than all of the Islamic countries which are ruled by militantly secular

regimes". As reflected in their statements concerning modifying Islamic ways of life in

Canada, they want to be both Canadians and Arab-Muslims. "No one can question my loyalty to Canada. l love my home country but, honestly, l do not want to live there ... I would love to go and visit every year. .. look, Canada is a democratic country," Noora passionately states. They choose from an array of values and behaviors, selecting from the news society those that fit and discarding those that do not fit, and transforming others to suit their needs. In the process, they experience pain and confusion as the host

152 culture forces them, in sorne cases, to make difficult choices. One wonders whether the difficulty of choice stems from their re1igious be1iefs or cultural practices, or both.

However, upon re-examination, 1 find this to be a moot question since most of the religious beliefs are me shed with the cultural beliefs among those Arab students.

These participants, who have had similar schooling backgrounds, aIl fee1 that the education they receive in Canada allows them to think critically and improves their capacity to make decisions. When 1 set out to do this qualitative study, 1 was not sure that the attitudes of Arab students in the Canadian context would have commonalties because 1 chose students from different Arab countries. The analysis of the data has confirmed to me that students from Arab Muslim countries in Canadian c1assrooms have in common their Muslim religious and cultural values and that these override individual values. Their acquired awareness of the values inherent in living in a democratic society is coupled with a paralle1 awareness of the need to make adjustments and to adopt coping skills to deal with the differences between the cultural and educational milieux of their home and host cultures. Many authors (e.g., Abou-Chacra, 1991; Barakat, 1998, 1993;

Hus sain, 1990; Hussain & Ashraf, 1979) assert that there is no contradiction between

Islam and democracy. This study affirms that the common Islamic cultural and religious values held by these participants do not contradict the democratic values of Canadian society.

The following section focuses on the implications of the narratives presented in this inquiry. 1 reflect on the themes that emerged from the narratives and provide sorne recommendations that could he1p these students, or students like them, prepare for the challenging but exciting cultural and academic jurney that lies ahead.

153 REFLECTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The idea of using qualitative interviews with these ten Arab-Canadian students is based

on my belief in the methodological and ethical values of giving voice and recognition to

the participants. It was important to choose this approach because narratives situated

within the cultural context of real people are very powerful. They gave me "access [to]

the conceptual world" (Geertz, 1973) ofthese Arab students. Geertz believes that culture

can only be adequately understood from the point of view of the actors themselves.

Stories of the 'actors themselves' provide an authentic and engaging way of exploring

issues and understanding the insights of these students which can be enlightening for

educators interested in providing effective learning environments for all students. The

excerpts in this study are the authentic voices of ten students that challenge our prevailing

assumptions about leaming and teaching. Greene (1993) explains why we need to hear

from people who make up our acknowledged diversity: "What is crucial is the provision

of opportunities for telling all the diverse stories, for interpreting membership as well as

ethnicity, for making inescapable the braids of experience woven into the fabric of

America's plurality" (p. 17).

Although there is sorne simplicity involved in students' perspectives on the host

culture that needs to be reconsidered and reflected upon by the participants themselves, l

see their "cultural relativism" increasing as they get more exposure to and understanding of Canadian culture. In many ways their Western education will have greater value because of their loss of ethnocentrism. These students are acquiring an "etic" perspective, which is crucial for understanding cultures different from their own. Cultural learning is a continuous process, and therefore, students' perceptions of and attitudes towards the

154 target culture is not static. Their perceptions will be modified and reshaped as they acquire new cross-cultural experiences and are exposed to more knowledge.

Celebrating the Difference

Sorne destructive myths that impugn the religion and culture of these students make them feel particularly targeted, unhappy and resentful. Although stereotyping tends to be encountered in media - not necessarily in classrooms and not necessarily in all social situations with other students - it affects their interactions with other members of

Canadian society. If Arabic culture is se en as aggressive, violent or anti-Westem, the reaction of other groups may be fear, avoidance and protection. Gordon (1964) believes that acceptance is crucial for the immigrant to be able to adjust and integrate to the host culture. Such acceptance is also a critical factor in the ability of immigrant groups to engage in positive interaction with members of the majority culture, without which social distance will prevail and inter-group contact will be minimal. A hospitable environment would promote harmony between Arab Muslim students, such as the ten participants in this study, and Canadian society. Such an environment would help students benefit from and participate in democratic processes. In a democracy, to disagree is acceptable as long as we are able to communicate with each other openly and without fear of reprisai.

Difference and othemess, according to Canada's multicultural policy, which is entrenched in the Canadian constitution, needs to be celebrated rather than shunned.

Instead of negative views of the "other", we should recognize the differences in society and provide social justice for all of its people (Todd, 1999). Fostering a better understanding of Islam is not simply a challenge for Muslims in Canada but a challenge for all Canadians, since Islam can no longer be considered simplistically as a non-

155 Western religion and Muslims are no longer simply "them". Muslims are "us". The

Muslim cornrnunity, Arab and otherwise, is part and parcel of the Canadian mosaic and their future is in Canada.

By recognizing the stereotypes we hold about others -- and others hold about us -­ we can begin to understand each other better and communicate our positions in a clearer fashion. Muslims need assistance to find a way to contribute positively to the public life of this country, while preserving their distinct identities. The school environrnent would bene fit from supporting and extending the concepts of cultural differences, diversity, equality, and democracy. As revealed by the participants' statements, for them integration means acceptance and respect by the larger Canadian society of their different identities which include their distinctive religious attitudes, values, practices, symbols, and rituals.

A greater understanding of the social, cultural, and psychological characteristics of groups "other" than the mainstrearn is vital if we hope to assist more sensitively and successfully in the education and integration of minority students in Canadian schools.

Participants emphasize that most mainstrearn teachers do not behave in a prejudiced manner; however, participants also long for more awareness and understanding arnong their teachers. They wish that teachers would discuss stereotypes and biases held against them. On the one hand, minority students and their cornrnunities need to bring to awareness that bridges need to be built between communities particularly on the educational level; minority students and minority cornrnunities can benefit from opening up to other cornrnunities, particularly to mainstrearn cornrnunities. This could be done through the organization of educational and cultural events, through the use of pedagogical venues such as lectures and debates, and through art, where drama, film,

156 music, and painting, among other artistic forms, can help in raising consciousness in the

Canadian society about the origins and home culture of the minority group. On the other hand, teachers, whether they be from mainstream culture or otherwise would benefit from a concerted effort to integrate the multicultural philosophy of Canada in aIl of their classes. Directors of schools whether those be elementary or high school, and even on college and university levels, can benefit from curricula that raise awareness about the aforementioned issues that this dissertation discusses. Educators in general would benefit greatly from workshops and seminars on these topics, where teachers could come together with students and discuss issues of bias, stereotyping, and misconceptions held about minority groups - their cultures, religions, and values.

Educators can help students examine their own biases and stereotypes related to different cultural groups. These biases often surface during class discussions of incidents outside the classroom. One such example is what a professor at Mc Gill Faculty of

Education did in her class when, after 9/11 a medical student at McGill, an Arab Muslim

Canadian found his car vandalized, and on it written, "Dirty Arab, go back home!" The professor was incensed by this incident and rlecided to dedicate the first thirty minutes of her class to a discussion of the incident. This was a highly "teachable moment." The discussion that followed in her class was constructive and highlighted sorne of the problems Arabs and Muslims, students and others, were facing post-9f11. This professor explained that the act of vandalism is very shameful for Canada, that someone would do that in a country that prides itself on its multiculturalism. Moreover, she asked the students what they would like to do about it and many suggestions ensued. Through discussion, teachers and students engaged in deconstructing the myths that many hold

157 about others. Minority students can help this process along not only by reporting such incidents to their teachers, but by discussing how they can deal with that in a constructive and educative way.

The curriculum does not officially address such issues even if sorne teachers discuss them in private conversations. Hence, the onus is on teachers to take initiatives even when the curriculum does not focus on those issues. The curriculum was made for the teacher; not teacher for the curriculum. If the curriculum is viewed as a flexible plan that the teacher with his or her wisdom can maneuver to the benefit of the students, this will help classrooms bec orne more interactive environments, and students and teachers together create knowledge and understanding in better ways. AIso, teachers can bec orne better facilitators when they focus on the needs of their particular students in classrooms, and when they view their students as unique human beings who have come to their class with a history and a culture behind them and have much to contribute, even if they do not hold a degree yet. The teacher can help the students achieve their potential not by imposing ideas on them, but by helping them discover those ideas by themselves through hands-on experiences in the classroom and outside of it (Dewey, 1912/1996).

Culturally responsive Curriculum:

A culturally responsive curriculum is a concept that has received much attention at the levels of theories and research. The pluralistic curriculum is meant to reflect the multi­ ethnic make up of the society (Russell, 2004; Nieto, 2004; Banks, 2002; Bennett, 2003).

If such a curriculum is implemented, aIl students, including mainstream, would receive an education allowing them to better function in a pluralistic society. To deny students knowledge about the cultural contributions of diverse communities in Canadian societies

158 diminishes communication and the sense of self-worth among students from different ethnie backgrounds.

The lack of information about the contributions of Islamic civilization to world civilization and the adherence to destructive myths and stereotypes erode the image of

Arab Canadian students in the eyes of the public mainstream (Kenny, 1975). Particularly in the CUITent political atmosphere we have had signaIs that there is an urgent need for a serious attempt to produce a fair and balanced presentation and understanding of Arabie culture and Islam. Making mainstream culture aware of what is taken for granted, in other words, making the implicit explicit will help to increase the level of understanding.

Consequently, students from the mainstream culture would reflect critically on their assumptions and that would lead to positive attitudes and actions toward Arabs and

Muslims and towards students from various ethnicities in general. Although the creation of thoughtful and intelligent books and writings will give Muslims and other ethnie minorities something to hold on to, to help them counterbalance negative stereotyping

(Gollnick & Chinn, 1998; Banks, 2002), scrapping the existing curriculum is not easy nor is it necessary. It can be used as the basis to develop more critical perspective on issues by providing other materials which include experiences of other people whose perspectives have traditionally been excluded from the curriculum.

We are aware that there are many forces in society and within educational milieux that are competing for attention. We are aware, as Paulo Freire says in Pedagagy althe

Oppressed (2000) that, the ruling classes are the ones who make decisions about what gets included and what does not. That is a reality that educators have to deal with. It does not mean that any and every ruling class is going to be oppressive and include only

159 the materials that cater to its ideology; however, the multicultural teacher knows that the curriculum does not represent all classes or ethnicities equally, nor does it represent the wishes and aspirations of all cultural groups equally. The fact that a curriculum reflects governrnent policy and philosophy is something teachers need to know in order to avoid the trap of naiveté. The wise teacher delivers the curriculum in a way that meets institutional requirements, and benefits the particular class. The well-inforrned teacher reads widely and adds readings to the curriculum that are not in the list, as deemed necessary.

Another way to deal with a biased curriculum is to create a collaborative leaming situation. Teachers should attempt to create a collaborative culture arnong all students. If teachers have sorne empathie understanding (Barone & Eisner, 1997) of their students' backgrounds, they are able to be alert to how their own biases and belief systems influence the way they teach within a multicultural frarnework. This may be accomplished by designing university courses that include theoretical and practical approaches to multicultural education; the objectives of these courses in teacher­ education may target issues dealing with increasing the level of empathy, understanding, and awareness arnong teachers significantly. Barone and Eisner (1997) define empathie understanding as the "ability to participate vicariously in another forrn of life" (p. 77).

Instructors can help Arab students join the mainstrearn culture by providing specifie educational opportunities that can assist those students in acquiring the necessary skills in their new learning environrnent. Teachers can be valuable as sets by structuring leaming situations where these skills can be developed, such as urging all students to partü.:ipate in

160 class discussions, requiring oral presentations, and constructing team projects where they sustain interactions with mainstream students.

In working with Muslim students, teachers need to be especially aware of hislher own perceptions, stereotypes, and beliefs about Islam and Muslims on the issue of mixing genders. As the participants' statements show, sorne Muslims are moderate in their understanding of Islam's position on the relations between sexes while others adopt extreme positions. Sorne corne from patriarchal environrnents where free interaction with the opposite sex is not perrnitted. Since segregated socialization begins at a young age, sorne have not leamed how to interact with the opposite sex. They have been socialized to communicate with only sarne-sex confidants. Preconceived expectations about behaviors may lead Canadian teachers to assume they understand cultural or spiritual beliefs, when in actual fact they do not. It should corne as no surprise that a Westemer may face resistance when attempting to develop a relationship with a member of the opposite sex arnong Arab students - a situation that could arise in the context of a group project in a university class. Farniliarity with Islamic cultural diversity and the multi­ faceted ethnic and familial backgrounds embedded in it may help in cementing relationships between Arab students and Canadians. As one CEGEP teacher related to me two years ago, developing a relationship with a female Muslim student may be a great challenge; however, one of ms students who actually not only wore the Hijab but even the Niqab (face-cover, showing only the eyes) became a good friend of his and introduced him to her father. He had been wondering whether it was her father who had forced her to wear the Niqab; but on meeting the father, he was totally surprised that the father was much more liberal than his daughter and in fact disagreed with her wearing the

161 Niqab. That was a very interesting discovery for this teacher and taught him not to make assumptions.

Negative impressions impede the growth of student-teacher relations, students' learning, and academic evaluation. (Banks, 2002; Nieto, 2004). Orienting students to the

Canadian system is a challenge. A first step here is the simple acknowledgement that there is a difference between Arabie and Canadian edueational systems. Because this study captures the voices of individuals, it provides information and insights into these students learning styles and educational backgrounds and can prevent initial negative impressions that can be lasting and can influence the quality of student-teacher relations;

Teaching in a multicultural milieu me ans that teachers may want to develop strategies to prepare students for cultural differences in learning approaches (N asir &

Saxe, 2003). For example, in schools where there are significantly large populations of students from diverse cultures, teachers could organize orientation programs at the beginning of each year that address instructional expectations and acknowledge cultural differences. Meanwhile, students can be encouraged to believe in their own abilities and to become active participants in their own learning (Tanaka, 2003).

Creating programs to bridge ethnic and mainstream students would be an effective strategy (Spencer & Harpalani 2003). Interaction with Canadian students can improve ethnic students' intercultural and intercommunication skills. At the same time, mainstream students' experience of people who are culturally and linguistically different may teach them cross-cultural skills which é',re very important in today's diverse society.

A variety of programs could be designed to achieve the same end. Organization~ such as

162 culture clubs, and events such as international festivals are two appropriate venues for such programs.

Since teaching style has an effect on the successful adjustment of the students to a new educational culture, the more teachers are aware of culturalleaming differences, the better their teaching strategies may be geared to the facilitation of learning among those new students (Bachner, 2001; Nieto, 2004). The response "you are in Canada now" is rareiy effective because it assumes that the student has to shed his or her previous identity, and become someone else. Of course, this does not work. What multiculturalism is about is not "tolerating" difference, but about "celebrating difference"

(Ghosh, 2002). In fact, the Canadian mosaic consists of different ethnicities in constant interplay with each other in a tension that does not annul their respective cultures, while at the same time pulling towards each other as they continue to create the "Canadian" culture.

Although sorne would argue that the idea of a Canadian culture is still vague and ambiguous, one cannot deny the fact that there are common values aH Canadians share that do distinguish them from other nations. For example, in my Arab Muslim social circle the Canadian is seen throughout the world as a peace-maker, the Canadian as an environment-friendly pers on, the Canadian as a volunteer in third world countries, the

Canadian as an educated person, the Canadian as someone who promotes understanding and empathy between the peoples of the world; also, the Canadian someone who acknowledges the richness and fullness of the diverse cultures within the fabric of the multicultural society, the Canadian as a non-sectarian pers on, the Canadian as someone who values education and particularly values children. l can go on and on, but my point

163 is here that Canadian peoples are individuals and members of different communities and

cultures who have come together to m~ke a better future for themselves in an

environment that is helpful and friendly, democratic and free offear.

Compared to Western philosophy of education and classroom practices, the

experiences described by these participants in their narratives of the Arabie educational

systems is bleak; they have been ill-equipped for their Canadian classrooms experiences.

It should be noted that students speak from their own subjective experiences in their own

countries and their personal knowledge of the Arab world. Certainly there are schools and

institutions - most likely private schools - in the Arab world which do not necessarily

conform to this pattern. Thus, this qualitative study claims to represent views garnered

from sorne Arab students in the Canadian context. N onetheless, the issues that this study

addresses are important and may serve to help other Arab students within the Canadian

context to cope with cultural and educational challenges in their adjustment process.

Students from other ethnie minorities may also recognize the teaching and learning

practices described by participants in this study and may find them parallel to their own

experiences. This study did not set out to generalize to a larger population from the

viewpoints expressed by 10 Arab students. However, readers whose cultural backgrounds

are similar may generalize to their own experience. Readers whose cultural backgrounds

are dissimilar may recognize in these narrative accounts attitudes, beliefs and behaviors that they themselves have either witnessed or held.

In all fairness, schools in the Arab world are not that much different from sorne

schools in many other parts of the world as far as classroom environment and teaching methodology are concerned. Probably with the exception of schools in North America

164 and Western Europe, New Zealand and Australia, many schools in the world exhibit the

rigid classroom characteristics described by these participants. Researchers (e.g., Schutz

& Richards, 2003; Myles & Cheng, 2003; Tucker, 2003; Church, 1982; Kring, 1985;

Krywulak, 1997) have found that teachers in many parts of the world tend to reward not

creative thinking and exploration but submissiveness and passive acceptance of ideas that

they have presented to the students. However, one thing is certain, methodologies

stemming from pedagogical discussions in democratic societies are conducive to better

communication and relationships in classrooms. Dewey held that the "static, cold-storage

ideal of knowledge is inimical to educational development" (1916/1997, p. 186). He

speaks critically of teachers who do not permit and encourage diversity of opinions, and

he associates freedom with the encouragement of students' natural curiosity.

Many Arabic countries are countries that are developing economically, and many

oftheir people still suffer under the weight of the despotism of one-party rule. However,

the fact that post-colonial political and economic repression and a lack of democracy

pervades the Arab world does not mean that Arabs are a people who lack intellectual

capacities, the willingness to change, or the motivation to do so. Students in this study

have demonstrated a staunch determination to succeed in their Canadian sehools and to

make adjustments in their learning processes in their new host society.

Recommendations for Reform:

This study has important implications for the ongoing debate about change and reform in

Arabie educational system (Cook, 1999; Ashraf, 1993; Faruqi, 1982; Mojab, 1989).

Education is the basis for social betterment and positive intercultural and interfaith

165 communication and understanding everywhere. Most of the students in this study repeatedly expressed their frustration with stagnant educational and political systems in their home countries. It is time to recognize the potential consequences of such a rigid, competitive and single-minded educational system. In other words, the values of adaptability and tolerance, as opposed to dogma, must be embodied in the new system.

Western education must be seen as no longer Western, but as part of the common heritage of humankind in a global civilization to which many civilizations, including

Islam, have once contributed developmentally.

It is unrealistic for Muslims to dream of evolving in contemporary life in an entirely new civilization without reference to Western civilization which represents many notions that Muslims are fascinated by and which, unrecognized or unacknowledged by many, are actually embedded in Islamic faith; sorne of these notions are freedom, democracy, justice, and education. Modernization is not a synonym for Westernization.

Japan's technological miracle which was a product of its educational system and its national character could be cited as an example to motivate Muslim societies to develop without fear of losing their cultural identities.

Final words:

If l were to make a suggestion to the Arab Muslim students l have interviewed, it would be two-fold. First, to get acquainted with the history of Canada, both the mainstream

French and English communities' histories, and other cultures' histories in Canada, how the first immigrants came here, the difficulties they faced, what really happened that made the creation of a "Canada" possible. l would not shy away from speaking about the

166 massacres and subsequent cultural oppression perpetrated on the original inhabitants of this land, the Canadian Aboriginal peoples; this is very important in order for us to apprehend past mistakes and to avoid them in future. AIso, prejudice against the Chine se and Japanese immigrants should be examined. When we want to see the whole picture, we have to look at everything, not only the bright side of it. On the other hand, l would suggest to my Arab Muslim students to acquaint themselves with everything Canadians pride themselves on: For example, with the CBC radio, with Canadian literature, theatre, museums, art, with cultural festivals, with jazz festivals, with important movies done by

Canadian film-makers, with environmental groups' work, with anything and everything that makes Canada particularly interesting and particularly Canadian. This would demolish in their minds the destructive myth they hold about what they called in the interviews "Canadian permissive and secular culture." Our Arab students do not understand the division between state and religion that is such an important part of the

Western democratic heritage. It is important that they do so that they do not see Canada with a false lens, with lenses that are colored with prejudice, bias, and lack of tolerance.

Even if there are values or practices in society that they do not approve of, they will benefit from understanding that this is the priee one pays for diversity and difference within a multicultural context; this is the priee one pays for freedom of thought and expression. l would like them to understand that they have the privilege of picking and choosing what befits them and what does not. As long as what is being carried out in

Canadian society bejits humans as humans (Maguire and Fargnoli, 1996) then we are safe. As cultural relativists, if we see things that do not befit humans as humans, aH the cultural communities and not simply the Arab Muslim community will stand up and take

167 issue. This is a journey we are making together, and we are very fortunate to be living in a country where so many possibilities are open to our imagination. Other peoples in the world are barely struggling to exist, if not to subsist while they fight wars, famine, ethnic cleansing, abuse on multi-Ievels, and other forms of oppression.

As someone who has been in the field of multicultural education for a while and has spent a good deal of time in Canada, 1 believe the future is promising for aIl ethnic minorities, including Arabs and Muslims. In the West, there is a new wave of scholars, experts, and even policy makers who believe that there has to be more of a learning to live together. An examination ofthe information and materials produced and available in the West on the Muslim world shows that Westerners no longer simply talk about Islam and Muslims as enemies or "the other." The situation is far more diverse and complex.

Multicultural education which is grounded in democratic ideals such as freedom, justice, and equality is thoroughly a Western movement (Banks, 2002). In his article titled "Now is the time to reach out to the Muslim world", Bill Graham, the Minister of Foreign

Affairs in Canada expressed a Canadian perspective on the urgency of understanding the

Muslim world:

We must understand the forces at work in the Muslim world. To do that, we must build bridges of understanding and co-operation between that world and the West .... An invaluable asset we can draw on for moving forward in our engagement with the Muslim world is the presence within our country of diverse and flourishing Muslim communities, whose knowledge and skills we must further draw on to help spread messages, shape relationships and inform policies .... Above aIl, we must ensure that our society is one in which Canadians from aIl parts of the world are treated in accordance with the ideals of equality and respect for diversity. For

168 decades, our citizens and political leaders have been deepening a commitment to pluralism through our immigration and social policies, our legal framework and our political institutions. While we are far from perfect, Canada is widely regarded around the world as a uniquely successful pluralistic society characterized by equality and mutual respect (May, 14, 2004).

Finally, we need to ask ourselves hûw, as Canadians, we are going to deal with the diversity of beliefs, values, rituals, and practices of Muslim students in our classrooms. Should Muslim students be given the right and time to de ci de their own level of observance without feeling of guilt, shame or èonflict? Should we impose on them sorne Western values that we feel are necessary for their process of integration in

Canadian society? Or, as the provincial govemment of Ontario has done recently, should we allow the Muslim community to deal with its own problems, for example in this case family problems, by resorting to Sharia (i.e., Islamic law)? Arab students get upset about being stereotyped and that is their full right; however, it is also their dut y to bring to the attention of other Canadians the value of their history, heritage, and contributions as peoples to world civilization in earlier centuries. While Canadian mainstream culture is expected to hold values of respect for Muslims and Arabs and their culture, Arab Muslim students and other members of this cultural minority would also benefit greatly from shedding away extremist modes of thinking when they are living in a country like

Canada. Enthusiasm for developing integrative strategies in education ought to come from both sides, the mainstream and the minority culture or cultures if education is to be what we envision it to be with the eyes of Dewey, Eisner, Nieto, Banks, Ogbu, Greene,

Freire, and the many others who have inspired my thinking in this study.

169 ISSUES FOR FUTURE INQUIRY

Although this inquiry has responded to questions raised at the beginning of this dissertation, a number of important issues for future research have emerged. In the following section, l show the potential this study holds for a long-term program of research:

l.Attitudes of Canadians towards Arabs, Muslims and Islam: In this study, several participants daim that Canadians hold negative attitudes against Islam, Muslims and

Arabs. For this reason l think my study should be further developed by interviewing

Canadian students and professors from the mainstream culture to leam their perspectives and capture their voices through their narrative on the topics of Islam and

Muslims.

2.Images of Arabs and Muslims in school textbooks: More than once in this study the students have daimed that Canadian school textbooks do not present Islam and Arabic culture, history and civilization in an accurate way or balanced manner. The few studies that conducted such inquiries are outdated (The most recent one was in 1975). A study of the contents of current school textbooks and a systematic examination of how minority groups are portrayed would be worthwhile.

3.Effective teaching styles in Canadian multiethnic classrooms: Participants in this study identify vast differences between their educational background and the Canadian system. A study could be conducted to identify effective dassroom teachers in culturally

170 diverse classrooms and analyze what they do. It would be a study of 'best practice.' Such

teachers could serve as models for others seeking to leam how teachers can best orient

minority students and assist them in making the transition into Canadian ways of

leaming.

4. The role of length of residency and level of study in Canadian schools: Since aU

participants in this study have been in Canada less than seven years and they are doing

undergraduate degrees, further research can be conducted on students who have been

here for longer periods of time and who are doing graduate degrees. It would be

interesting to leam whether they have similar concems and perspectives.

5. The effects of time on students' perceptions of and attitudes towards their

experiences in Canada: Participants in this study were in their relatively early stages of

adjustment. A retrospective study with the same participants for example in 5 or 10 years

would show whether, and how their views and perspectives have been reshaped or

changed.

6. The place of residency: This study was conducted in Montreal, which is considered as

one of the large st and most cosmopolitan cities in Canada. Mc Gill and Concordia are

multicultural universities which have substantial numbers of Arab-Muslim students who

are able to form communities based on religious or ethnic identification. A further and

interesting inquiry could be conducted in smaUer less multi-ethnic cities to find out what types of challenges Arab-Muslim students face.

171 7.The school of study: Participants in this study were undergraduate students at McGill and Concordia universities. A study could be conducted to examine the culture~ of each of the two universities to find out if the classroom and social experiences of the Arab students at one university are different from the experience of the students at the other and if so, what could account for these differences?

8. Gender differences: The ten participants in this study were 6 men and four women. It would be valuable to see if gender plays a role in academic adjustment levels experienced by ethnic minority students.

9. Strategies to adjust to the host culture: Participants in the study presented the most pressing challenges they face in their adjustment to Canadian culture. Another study could investigate what strategies they adopt to overcome academic and cultural obstacles such as writing research papers, participating in class discussions, appropriate sex relationship and dress.

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184 APPENDICES

185 APPENDIX A: LETTER FOR PARTICIPANTS PERMISSION

Dear ------McGill/ Concordia University

1 am writing to you to request your participation in research 1 intend to undertake as a part of my Ph.D studies at McGill university. The purpose of the study 1 plan to conduct is to explore sorne of the social-psychological and educational challenges of Arab students attending English universities in Montreal. The benefits envisaged from this study are to better understand the experiences of Arab students. 1 hope that the results of this research will yield information about the values and attitudes that Arab-Canadian students bring to their Canadian classrooms and the ways in which these values and attitudes intersect with the values and expectations of Canadian schools. The findings of the research will lead to a greater understanding of the barri ers Arab students face when they enter Canadian university system. AlI prospective participants are being privately recruited in person by myself from the Mc Gill and Concordia student bodies, local universities cultural societies, and the Arab Canadian Cultural centers of Montreal. 1 would like to assure you that the anonymity of all participants in this research will be maintained. In the reporting of the results of this research, 1 will take care to see the actual names of the participants are not used. Pseudonyms will be used instead. As well, 1 will not disclose the particulars of information obtained from individual participants with any other person involved in this project. While your cooperation is highly appreciated, you have the right to withdraw from the research at any time. If you would be willing to participate in my study, please complete the consent forms provided and return them to me as soon as possible. If you have any questions or would like further information, please feel free to contact me at any time. 1 can be reached through the graduate pro gram coordinator of Integrated Studies in education at McGill University.

Yours truly

Ibrahim Abukhattala

186 APPENDIXB

INTERVIEW CONSENT FORM Name: (Please print): ______

{ } 1 am willing to participate in an interview

{ } 1am not willing to participate in an interview

If you are willing to participate, please provide the information requested below.

Please specify where you would like the interview to take place:

Possible times/dates for interview:

Date: ______Time: ______

Date: ------Time: ------

Date: ------Time: ------

1will telephone you to arrange and/or confirm a suitable time and place.

Therefore, please provide a telephone number and time when you can be reached at this number:

Phone Number: ______Time ______

Signature: ______

187 APPENDIXC SKELETON OF INTERVIEW GUIDE

Phase 1: (Get to know each other) 1. What are you studying here? Why did you choose this subject? Why did you choose to come to Montreal? 2. How long have you been in Canada? 3. How do you feel about being away from home? 4. Did you make many friends, who are they (i.e., their ethnic and religious backgrounds) 5. Can you tell me something about your sociallife since you arrived here? 6. Is it different from your sociallife in your home country? If so, in which ways? 7. Do you want to ask me any question?

Phase2: (Exploring educational Issues) 1. Can you describe your experiences in Canadian university? 2. What are your perspectives regarding democratic forms of social interaction in the educational process (e.g., cooperative leaming; student-centered classrooms; critical analysis; creative and independent thinking; democratic structure of professor-student interaction)? Have you participated in any organized activities within the university? 3. Is there any difference between schooling in your home country and Canada? If so, in which ways? 4. Did you face any problems in adjusting to the educational demands presented to you in Canadian classrooms?

Phase 3: (Exploring cultural Issues) 1. How would you de scribe the ethnic composition of the students and teachers in your classes? 2. Can you illustrate sorne of their attitudes towards or interaction with you? 3. Did you have any adjustment problems in the new environment? 4. How would you de scribe your relationships with non-Arab students and teachers? 5. Do you have any experience in Canada you want to share it with me?

Phase 4: (concluding comments, remarks or expia nation) Is there anything that you can tell me, that l have not already asked, that will help me to understand educational and cultural adjustments among Arabic-Canadian students?

188 APPENDIX D: TRANSCRIPTION VALIDATION EMAIL

Dear l would like to thank you again for participating in my study conceming cultural and educational difficulties facing Arabic students in Canadian c1assrooms. As promised, please find attached a copy of the interview transcript we conducted. l would like you review transcript of the interview to confirm its accuracy. l want you to make sure that there was no misunderstanding of what we discussed and the meaning of your words.

Please feel free to change, delete or revise any word or statement that you think l transcribed incorrectly. Of course you can add whatever you feel is necessary. After you have read the transcript and are satisfied with its accuracy and authenticity, please email it back to me as an attachment.

If you have any questions or comments, please do not hesitate to contact me through email or phone. We can arrange also to meet in pers on if there is a need.

Again, Thank you so much for what has been a very interesting, leaming experience. l very much appreciate it.

Truly yours,

Ibrahim Abukhattala

Tel: (514) XXX-XXXX

189 APPENDIX E: BIOGRAPHICAL DATA FORM

NAME ...... (THIS WILL REMAIN CONFIDENTIAL AND ANONYMOUS) AGE: ...... AREA OF STUDY ...... COUNTRY OF ORIGIN ...... (IT WILL BE CONFIDENTIAL) LENGTH OF RESIDENCY IN CANADA ...... MARITAL STATUS ...... EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND (PLEASE LIST ELEMENTARY, SECONDARY, HIGH SCHOOL AND BEYOND. PLEASE ALSO INDICATE ANY EXTRA COURSES YOU TOOK AND NAME OF THE COUNTRY IN WHICH YOU STUDIED ......

LANGUAGES ARABIC ...... ENGLISH ...... FRENCH ...... OTHER ...... COUNTRY(IES) YOU VISITED BEFORE COMING TO CANADA ......

ANY OTHER INFORMATION YOU WOULD LIKE TO SHARE WITH READERS ......

190 APPENDIX F (SAMPLE OF CODED DATA)

But don't you see ~hat there are ~any Muslim women in Canada who prefer to (, fi /) follow Islamic teachmg and wear HIJab? LLtU(,.~"iJL Absolutely yeso 1 do not deny that .. .listen, 1 have never denied wearing Islamic dress ... 1 \5SLl( am only against imposing it on women .. .1 think religious expressions are personal choices .. .1 also believe that aIl Muslims, regardless oftheir sex are required to be modest in their clothing .... you see, "aH Muslims", which me ans there must be no ~ discrimination .... you see, 1 do not wear any provoking clothes ... many of my Muslim friends here are wearing this dress because they want to be distinguished from ~\~ others ... perhaps they want to emphasize their identity .. .1 give you an example of this, my friend (X) started wearing hijab only in Canada ..... she told me she never did in her home country ... Is there any difference between schooling in your home country and Canada? If so,

in which ways? C' 1 J ., " /J ... a lot of differences indeed and, as 1 said, in every aspect ... .1 think there they teach you [.., altcwtu-'tu{J!. _ how to pass your exams ... whether you learn something or not is not a big concern .. .1 \7Sut have to tell you though, there, they prepare you spirituaHy ... a lot of religious and moral \ education courses, how to be a good Muslim, how to be loyal to your govemment ... many .:j'. history courses which are devoted to the achievements of the CUITent govemment and the l ' tûCV-lttlL­ flaws of the previous govemment .. .1 find it is funny because the contents of these oen cour~es a:e ch~ging according to who is .ruling the. country, thi~ is wha~ m~ older cM L,1C'ljltIL. relatives, mcludmg my father, toid me as 1 dlscussed wIth them the mformatIOn m these . textbooks .... so these courses are designed to build loyalty among students to the CUITent 1'\ govemment, and not the country ... they idolize the ruler .... What About The Professor-Student Relationship? . ... professors have the upper hand over students .... students have a mixed feelings of fear {cl ~v(tLtt.Dt" and respect towards them ... they can fail or pass you and their decisions are l '\ unquestionable ... You can not approach them at all ... your relation with them is veryJ professional.. .. most of them do not even assign office hours .... they come to class and .-;- j,. lecture ... sometimes, they spend the whole class dictating ... they never ask you to go to 1-

191