Launch of the Reprint of "The Battle for Merger"
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Singapore, July 2006
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Singapore, July 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: SINGAPORE July 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Republic of Singapore (English-language name). Also, in other official languages: Republik Singapura (Malay), Xinjiapo Gongheguo― 新加坡共和国 (Chinese), and Cingkappãr Kudiyarasu (Tamil) சி க யரச. Short Form: Singapore. Click to Enlarge Image Term for Citizen(s): Singaporean(s). Capital: Singapore. Major Cities: Singapore is a city-state. The city of Singapore is located on the south-central coast of the island of Singapore, but urbanization has taken over most of the territory of the island. Date of Independence: August 31, 1963, from Britain; August 9, 1965, from the Federation of Malaysia. National Public Holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1); Lunar New Year (movable date in January or February); Hari Raya Haji (Feast of the Sacrifice, movable date in February); Good Friday (movable date in March or April); Labour Day (May 1); Vesak Day (June 2); National Day or Independence Day (August 9); Deepavali (movable date in November); Hari Raya Puasa (end of Ramadan, movable date according to the Islamic lunar calendar); and Christmas (December 25). Flag: Two equal horizontal bands of red (top) and white; a vertical white crescent (closed portion toward the hoist side), partially enclosing five white-point stars arranged in a circle, positioned near the hoist side of the red band. The red band symbolizes universal brotherhood and the equality of men; the white band, purity and virtue. The crescent moon represents Click to Enlarge Image a young nation on the rise, while the five stars stand for the ideals of democracy, peace, progress, justice, and equality. -
Douglas Hyde (1911-1996), Campaigner and Journalist
The University of Manchester Research Douglas Hyde (1911-1996), campaigner and journalist Document Version Accepted author manuscript Link to publication record in Manchester Research Explorer Citation for published version (APA): Morgan, K., Gildart, K. (Ed.), & Howell, D. (Ed.) (2010). Douglas Hyde (1911-1996), campaigner and journalist. In Dictionary of Labour Biography vol. XIII (pp. 162-175). Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Published in: Dictionary of Labour Biography vol. XIII Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on Manchester Research Explorer is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Proof version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Explorer are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Takedown policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please refer to the University of Manchester’s Takedown Procedures [http://man.ac.uk/04Y6Bo] or contact [email protected] providing relevant details, so we can investigate your claim. Download date:24. Sep. 2021 Douglas Hyde (journalist and political activist) Douglas Arnold Hyde was born at Broadwater, Sussex on 8 April 1911. His family moved, first to Guildford, then to Bristol at the start of the First World War, and he was brought up on the edge of Durdham Downs. His father Gerald Hyde (1892-1968) was a master baker forced to take up waged work on the defection of a business partner. -
Singapore's Chinese-Speaking and Their Perspectives on Merger
Chinese Southern Diaspora Studies, Volume 5, 2011-12 南方華裔研究雜志, 第五卷, 2011-12 “Flesh and Bone Reunite as One Body”: Singapore’s Chinese- speaking and their Perspectives on Merger ©2012 Thum Ping Tjin* Abstract Singapore’s Chinese speakers played the determining role in Singapore’s merger with the Federation. Yet the historiography is silent on their perspectives, values, and assumptions. Using contemporary Chinese- language sources, this article argues that in approaching merger, the Chinese were chiefly concerned with livelihoods, education, and citizenship rights; saw themselves as deserving of an equal place in Malaya; conceived of a new, distinctive, multiethnic Malayan identity; and rejected communist ideology. Meanwhile, the leaders of UMNO were intent on preserving their electoral dominance and the special position of Malays in the Federation. Finally, the leaders of the PAP were desperate to retain power and needed the Federation to remove their political opponents. The interaction of these three factors explains the shape, structure, and timing of merger. This article also sheds light on the ambiguity inherent in the transfer of power and the difficulties of national identity formation in a multiethnic state. Keywords: Chinese-language politics in Singapore; History of Malaya; the merger of Singapore and the Federation of Malaya; Decolonisation Introduction Singapore’s merger with the Federation of Malaya is one of the most pivotal events in the country’s history. This process was determined by the ballot box – two general elections, two by-elections, and a referendum on merger in four years. The centrality of the vote to this process meant that Singapore’s Chinese-speaking1 residents, as the vast majority of the colony’s residents, played the determining role. -
The War on Terrorism and the Internal Security Act of Singapore
Damien Cheong ____________________________________________________________ Selling Security: The War on Terrorism and the Internal Security Act of Singapore DAMIEN CHEONG Abstract The Internal Security Act (ISA) of Singapore has been transformed from a se- curity law into an effective political instrument of the Singapore government. Although the government's use of the ISA for political purposes elicited negative reactions from the public, it was not prepared to abolish, or make amendments to the Act. In the wake of September 11 and the international campaign against terrorism, the opportunity to (re)legitimize the government's use of the ISA emerged. This paper argues that despite the ISA's seeming importance in the fight against terrorism, the absence of explicit definitions of national security threats, either in the Act itself, or in accompanying legislation, renders the ISA susceptible to political misuse. Keywords: Internal Security Act, War on Terrorism. People's Action Party, Jemaah Islamiyah. Introduction In 2001/2002, the Singapore government arrested and detained several Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) operatives under the Internal Security Act (ISA) for engaging in terrorist activities. It was alleged that the detained operatives were planning to attack local and foreign targets in Singa- pore. The arrests outraged human rights groups, as the operation was reminiscent of the government's crackdown on several alleged Marxist conspirators in1987. Human rights advocates were concerned that the current detainees would be dissuaded from seeking legal counsel and subjected to ill treatment during their period of incarceration (Tang 1989: 4-7; Frank et al. 1991: 5-99). Despite these protests, many Singaporeans expressed their strong support for the government's actions. -
The North Kalimantan Communist Party and the People's Republic Of
The Developing Economies, XLIII-4 (December 2005): 489–513 THE NORTH KALIMANTAN COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA FUJIO HARA First version received January 2005; final version accepted July 2005 In this article, the author offers a detailed analysis of the history of the North Kalimantan Communist Party (NKCP), a political organization whose foundation date itself has been thus far ambiguous, relying mainly on the party’s own documents. The relation- ships between the Brunei Uprising and the armed struggle in Sarawak are also referred to. Though the Brunei Uprising of 1962 waged by the Partai Rakyat Brunei (People’s Party of Brunei) was soon followed by armed struggle in Sarawak, their relations have so far not been adequately analyzed. The author also examines the decisive roles played by Wen Ming Chyuan, Chairman of the NKCP, and the People’s Republic of China, which supported the NKCP for the entire period following its inauguration. INTRODUCTION PRELIMINARY study of the North Kalimantan Communist Party (NKCP, here- after referred to as “the Party”), an illegal leftist political party based in A Sarawak, was published by this author in 2000 (Hara 2000). However, the study did not rely on the official documents of the Party itself, but instead relied mainly on information provided by third parties such as the Renmin ribao of China and the Zhen xian bao, the newspaper that was the weekly organ of the now defunct Barisan Sosialis of Singapore. Though these were closely connected with the NKCP, many problems still remained unresolved. In this study the author attempts to construct a more precise party history relying mainly on the party’s own information and docu- ments provided by former members during the author’s visit to Sibu in August 2001.1 –––––––––––––––––––––––––– This paper is an outcome of research funded by the Pache Research Subsidy I-A of Nanzan University for the academic year 2000. -
Polytechnicians and Technocrats: Sources, Limits, and Possibilities of Student Activism in 1970S Singapore
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 49, No. 2, September 2011 Polytechnicians and Technocrats: Sources, Limits, and Possibilities of Student Activism in 1970s Singapore Loh Kah Seng* Making a case for studying student activism outside of elite university students, this paper investigates the sources of polytechnic student activism in a tightly con- trolled society: 1970s Singapore. It seeks to find less obvious histories: the limits of state control, the relative openness of the city-state, and the identity and lived experiences of the polytechnicians. Through the writings and cartoons of the Sin- gapore Polytechnic Students’ Union, augmented by oral histories, the paper traces the contours of student activism as defined by everyday events as well as momen- tous experiences formed at the intersection between campus, national, and trans- national—particularly pan-Asian—developments. At the national level, the polytechnicians’ identity responded to the state’s instrumentalist view of students, which was to define the polytechnic student in a more expansive way, attacking student apathy toward social and political issues. Some student matters, such as protests against bus hikes, escalated into national issues, bringing the polytechnicians into encounters with state officials and politi- cians. Political surveillance caused fear and anxiety but also fostered a sense of injustice. Conversely, international contact, such as reading critical literature and participating in pan-Asian seminars, helped the polytechnicians place Singapore in an Asian context and plot themselves on a mental political spectrum. Reading was an experience: universal ideas in books enabled the students to contextualize local issues, just as everyday experiences in Singapore helped them locate the abstract. -
Beyond Empire and Nation (CS6)-2012.Indd 1 11-09-12 16:57 BEYOND EMPIRE and N ATION This Monograph Is a Publication of the Research Programme ‘Indonesia Across Orders
ISBN 978-90-6718-289-8 ISBN 978-90-6718-289-8 9 789067 182898 9 789067 182898 Beyond empire and nation (CS6)-2012.indd 1 11-09-12 16:57 BEYOND EMPIRE AND N ATION This monograph is a publication of the research programme ‘Indonesia across Orders. The reorganization of Indonesian society.’ The programme was realized by the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation (NIOD) and was supported by the Dutch Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport. Published in this series by Boom, Amsterdam: - Hans Meijer, with the assistance of Margaret Leidelmeijer, Indische rekening; Indië, Nederland en de backpay-kwestie 1945-2005 (2005) - Peter Keppy, Sporen van vernieling; Oorlogsschade, roof en rechtsherstel in Indonesië 1940-1957 (2006) - Els Bogaerts en Remco Raben (eds), Van Indië tot Indonesië (2007) - Marije Plomp, De gentleman bandiet; Verhalen uit het leven en de literatuur, Nederlands-Indië/ Indonesië 1930-1960 (2008) - Remco Raben, De lange dekolonisatie van Indonesië (forthcoming) Published in this series by KITLV Press, Leiden: - J. Thomas Lindblad, Bridges to new business; The economic decolonization of Indonesia (2008) - Freek Colombijn, with the assistance of Martine Barwegen, Under construction; The politics of urban space and housing during the decolonization of Indonesia, 1930-1960 (2010) - Peter Keppy, The politics of redress; war damage compensation and restitution in Indonesia and the Philippines, 1940-1957 (2010) - J. Thomas Lindblad and Peter Post (eds), Indonesian economic decolonization in regional and international perspective (2009) In the same series will be published: - Robert Bridson Cribb, The origins of massacre in modern Indonesia; Legal orders, states of mind and reservoirs of violence, 1900-1965 - Ratna Saptari en Erwiza Erman (ed.), Menggapai keadilan; Politik dan pengalaman buruh dalam proses dekolonisasi, 1930-1965 - Bambang Purwanto et al. -
SINGAPORE UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW (Second Cycle) 24Th Session, January – February 2016 Submission by Function 8 15 June 2015
SINGAPORE UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW (Second Cycle) 24th Session, January – February 2016 Submission by Function 8 15 June 2015 1. Function 8 submits on “Preventive Detention” or more accurately “indefinite imprisonment without trial” that is permitted by three Singapore statutes: the Internal Security Act, the Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Act and the Misuse of Drugs Act. This power to arbitrarily arrest and imprison people without trial negates Articles 9 and 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The People’s Action Party (PAP) government has since 1959 freely exercised this arbitrary power. Imprisonment without trial has severe and detrimental consequences for Singaporeans and the world as other countries, not knowing fully how this power is used, attempt to emulate Singapore. 2. Internal Security Act (ISA) 2.1 Position of Muslim prisoners today 2.1.1 Singapore’s response to questions on preventive detention at the interactive dialogue on 11 July 2011 was that “it [preventive detention] was used only as a last resort in very exceptional circumstances, and with appropriate procedural safeguards.” (WGUPR 81). The recommendations by Slovenia and Canada that Singapore review preventive detention so as not to violate the right to fair trial and right to counsel did not enjoy Singapore’s support. (WGUPR 97.10 and 97.11) 2.1.2 Singapore’s National Report states: “Since December 2001, over 50 persons have been held in preventive detention for involvement in terrorism-related activities.” From our documentation, 81 Muslims (including 3 who were re-arrested) have been imprisoned since August 2001, 13 of whom were arrested after the date of the National Report. -
One Party Dominance Survival: the Case of Singapore and Taiwan
One Party Dominance Survival: The Case of Singapore and Taiwan DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Lan Hu Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2011 Dissertation Committee: Professor R. William Liddle Professor Jeremy Wallace Professor Marcus Kurtz Copyrighted by Lan Hu 2011 Abstract Can a one-party-dominant authoritarian regime survive in a modernized society? Why is it that some survive while others fail? Singapore and Taiwan provide comparable cases to partially explain this puzzle. Both countries share many similar cultural and developmental backgrounds. One-party dominance in Taiwan failed in the 1980s when Taiwan became modern. But in Singapore, the one-party regime survived the opposition’s challenges in the 1960s and has remained stable since then. There are few comparative studies of these two countries. Through empirical studies of the two cases, I conclude that regime structure, i.e., clientelistic versus professional structure, affects the chances of authoritarian survival after the society becomes modern. This conclusion is derived from a two-country comparative study. Further research is necessary to test if the same conclusion can be applied to other cases. This research contributes to the understanding of one-party-dominant regimes in modernizing societies. ii Dedication Dedicated to the Lord, Jesus Christ. “Counsel and sound judgment are mine; I have insight, I have power. By Me kings reign and rulers issue decrees that are just; by Me princes govern, and nobles—all who rule on earth.” Proverbs 8:14-16 iii Acknowledgments I thank my committee members Professor R. -
The Malayan Communist Party's Struggle for Hearts and Minds In
No. 116 ‘Voice of the Malayan Revolution’: The Communist Party of Malaya’s Struggle for Hearts and Minds in the ‘Second Malayan Emergency’ (1969-1975) Ong Wei Chong Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore 13 October 2006 With Compliments This Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed are entirely the author’s own and not that of the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies The Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) was established in July 1996 as an autonomous research institute within the Nanyang Technological University. Its objectives are to: • Conduct research on security, strategic and international issues. • Provide general and graduate education in strategic studies, international relations, defence management and defence technology. • Promote joint and exchange programmes with similar regional and international institutions; and organise seminars/conferences on topics salient to the strategic and policy communities of the Asia-Pacific. Constituents of IDSS include the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR), the Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS) and the Asian Programme for Negotiation and Conflict Management (APNCM). Research Through its Working Paper Series, IDSS Commentaries and other publications, the Institute seeks to share its research findings with the strategic studies and defence policy communities. The Institute’s researchers are also encouraged to publish their writings in refereed journals. The focus of research is on issues relating to the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region and their implications for Singapore and other countries in the region. The Institute has also established the S. -
High Court of Malaya Should Allow Chin Peng to Return to Malaysia
INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN BY THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF DEMOCRATIC LAWYERS IN SUPPORT OF CHIN PENG'S PETITION TO RETURN TO MALAYSIA Who is Chin Peng? Chin Peng, born Ong Boon Hua in the small Malaysian town of Sitiawan, Perak, in 1924, experienced the impact of the 1930’s depression on his family. As a teenager, he was drawn into student activism at his school. Many political changes were stirring in southeastern Asia at this time and Chin Peng read avidly, learning about exploitation of countries by colonizers and exploitation of laborers by industrialists. During the Japanese occupation of British Malaya from 8th December 1941 to 1945, Chin Peng was a guerilla fighter with the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) which, nevertheless, decided to cooperate with British forces to defeat the Japanese. After the Japanese surrender, the returning British colonizers even nominated Chin Peng for the Order of British Empire, an award which he declined. For almost three years after the Second World War, the CPM under Chin Peng, by then its Secretary-General, actively participated in peaceful and democratic activities to oppose colonial rule and to secure independence for Malaya. In fact, the CPM was the first political party legally established in Malaya to demand independence and freedom, first from the British, then from the Japanese, and then from the British again. Other groups in Malaya were also seeking independence from the British including the Malay Nationalist Party (PKMM)-led Pusat Tenaga Rakyat (PUTERA), headed by Dr Burhanuddin Al-Helmy, and the All-Malayan Council for Joint Action (AMCJA), led by Tun Tan Cheng Lock, who had jointly declared a People's Constitution for an independent Malaya in 1947. -
Nanyang Technological University Semester 1 Examination 2015
Nanyang Technological University Semester 1 Examination 2015-2016 CV0002 – Engineers and Society November/December 2015 PYP Solution, Done By: Sabrina Woo Section A (Compulsory): 1. (a) i (b) ii (c) iii (d) ii (e) iv (f) i (g) iii (h) iii (i) i (j) ii Section B (Answer any two questions): 2(a). Settlers in US were extremely utilitarian – dissenters from established churches. Saw knowledge as a commodity to satisfy human needs – a frontier spirit of inventiveness American entrepreneurs designed industrial equipment that reduced their dependence on labour American engineers took the lead in machine shop techniques to develop effective grinding and milling machines American system of manufacture was characterised by highly standardized products of interchangeable parts. The early American Republic leaders recognized the need to encourage domestic manufacture, especially basic military equipment. Expansion of American railroads opened up national markets for machine tools. Lesson learnt: Ability to think ahead, self-sufficiency 2(b). Singapore’s small population and hence its limited pool of local Research Scientists and Engineers (RSEs) requires a multi-pronged approach to be adopted for its manpower development, namely: 1) The Grooming of Local R&D Manpower 2) The Reliance on Foreign Talents 3) Internationalization 1) The Grooming of Local R&D Manpower Measures to boost the local pool of researchers include raising the profile of RSEs and the R&D career so that more local talents will take up R&D jobs. A holistic approach will be adopted to address the entire spectrum of R&D manpower development. Primary Education – cultivate an interest in science and to participate in the Tan Kah Kee Young Inventors’ Award.