INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced IB’om the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly fi'om the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter 6ce, while others may be fi'om any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing fi'om left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell lofonnation Company 300 NorthZedb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE A SOCIAL HISTORY OF CADDOAN PEOPLES: CULTURAL ADAPTATION AND PERSISTENCE IN A NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY A Dissertation SUBMIITED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By DAYNA BOVVKER LEE Norman, Oklahoma 1998 UMI Number; 9828777 UMI Microform 9828777 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ©Copyright by DAYNA BOWKER LEE 1998 All Rights Reserved A SOCIAL HISTORY OF CADDOAN PEOPLES: CULTURAL ADAPTATION AND PERSISTENCE IN A NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNITY A Dissertation APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY \A-njJ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks go first to the Caddo people for their generosity and their hospitality. They have invited me into their homes, included me in their social lives, educated me, answered incessant questions, and nourished me more times than 1 can count. To single out a few, Mrs. Clara Longhat Brown and her family - Charlene Wright, Genevieve Edmonds, and Haskell Brown - are especially old friends, and were the first to invite me into the community. Cecile Elkins Carter has been extremely supportive and helpful, a fellow researcher and a good friend. Randlett and Geneva Edmonds and their children, Michael Edmonds, Margie Deer, and Donna Williams have given repeatedly of their time and their memories. The community has lost some of its most beloved members in the past few years, many of whom assisted me immeasurably. Wilbur "Lefty" Williams, Ruby Edge Resoff, and Leonard 'Tony" Williams were all treasured friends. Lowell "Wimpy" Edmonds, the Keeper of the Caddo Songs, was family. Thanks to the members of my dissertation committee, all of whom contributed to the process of this work: Joseph Whitecotton, Lesley Rankin- Hill, Betty Harris, Morris Foster and Gary Anderson. There is a depth of knowledge between them. Also, my gratitude goes to Hiram F. "Pete " Gregory, who introduced me to the Caddo people and to anthropology, and IV has served as an unoffidal committee member. Finally, thanks to my parents, Dan and Carolyn Bowker, who made education a priority and pushed me to finish; my husband. Butch, who commiserated; and my kids, Jeremy and Lauren, who tolerated my chronic lapses of attention. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments IV Table of Contents vi List of Tables vii List of Figures viii Abstract ix Chapter 1 Introduction and Theoretical Overview 1 Chapter 2 Caddo People Before White Contact 45 Chapter 3 Caddoans and Europeans in the Seventeenth Century 80 Chapter 4 Caddoans and Inkinishih 114 Chapter 5 "Disaffection and Want of Protection:" The Caddo Encounter the Americans 174 Chapter 6 Indian Territory - Oklahoma: From Nations to Tribe 236 Chapter 7 The Caddo Tribe of Oklahoma 281 Interviews and Personal Communications 293 Manuscript Sources 295 Bibliography 297 VI LIST OF TABLES Table 1 List of the Hasinai Elite and Their Duties and 122 Responsibilities Table 2 Eighteenth-century Caddoan Population Figures 140 Table 3 Annual Gifts to the Red River Valley Caddoans, 1770 148 Table 4 Contract of Juan Piseros with De Mézières 149 Table 5 Nineteenth-century Hasinai Population Figures 206 Table 6 Nineteenth-century Kadohadacho and Natchitoches Population Figures 207 Table 7 Caddoan Population Counts in Indian Territory/ Oklahoma 245 Table 8 Eighteenth-century Caddoan Adaptive Responses 290 Table 9 Post-1800 Caddoan Adaptive Responses 291 Vll LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Caddoan Area 5 Figure 2 Upper Nasoni Settlement on Red River from 1691 Teran Expedition 50 Figure 3 A Caddo Camp, c. 1867-74 North of Fort Sill, IT. [Longhat Camp near Fort Cobb] 51 Figure 4 Protohistoric Caddoan Archaeological Sites 54 Figure 5 Caddoan Bands Encountered by the de Soto Entrada, 1541 -1542 72 Figure 6 Early Historic Hasinai Elite Structure 120 Figure 7 Caddoan Tribal Locations in the Red River Valley, 1542 -1790 189 Figure 8 Caddoan Tribal Locations in the Red River Valley, 1803 -1835 199 Vlll ABSTRACT The Caddo Indians originated in the Red River Valley, and occupied the area encompassed by present-day northwestern Louisiana, southwestern Arkansas, southeastern Oklahoma, and east Texas. At first white contact, the Caddo were organized into at least twenty extensive matri-bands settled in three to four geographical groupings. Over the centuries, these bands have merged into one social and political unit, the Caddo Tribe of Oklahoma. Cultural information on the historic Caddoans is limited. This scant information has nonetheless been used to extrapolate cultural loss for the contemporary tribe. The Caddo suffered population decline of catastrophic proportions - approximately 95% - between 1691 and 1900. It has been assumed by some researchers that the Caddo may have suffered population loss of similar proportions protohistorically, due to diseases introduced by Spanish explorers in the sixteenth century. Although no empirical evidence supports this contention, this presumed population loss has been used to justify disassociating the contemporary Caddo from their prehistoric past. This work examines the population health of protohistoric Caddoans based upon bioarchaeological evidence to discover if presumptions of protohistoric demographic collapse are supportable. Further, historic observations are reexamined and reinterpreted to discover adaptive responses to extreme biocultural stress. This work also looks at community formation IX after 1859, when Caddoans merge into one tribal entity, as well as how the Caddo have adapted culturally to maintain a unique identity. CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION AND THEORETICAL OVERVIEW Introduction The Caddo people of Oklahoma still go home to Louisiana to visit the places they "remember," though they haven't lived there for more over 150 years. ^ I grew up in Caddo Parish near Caddo Lake in Shreveport, and I first encountered members of the contemporary Caddoan community while a university student in Natchitoches (named for a Caddoan tribal group) in the early 1980s. Having been a casual student of Caddo history most of my life, I was delighted to discover that Caddo people had maintained a strong sense of their own history and identity despite more than four hundred years of interaction with Europeans and Americans ("white people"). The contemporary Caddo community is centered in Caddo County, Oklahoma, with its tribal headquarters located near the "Binger Y."^ As with any contemporary tribal entity, Caddo Nation has members living away from iTo a person, all Caddo people I have encountered identify Louisiana as the Caddo homeland. Cecile Carter, Caddo historian, states that all Caddo on the present tribal rolls trace their ancestry to Louisiana (1995:3). This is not to say that all historic Caddoan tribes originated within the present political boundaries of the state of Louisiana, but that the Caddo trace their origins to an area of the Red River Valley in northwestern Louisiana and southwestern Arkansas. 2The tribal complex is located near Binger, Oklahoma, where Highway 281 meets Highway 152, forming a kind of "y" or "t." the central community. The primary areas of residence, however, are Caddo County and the metropolitan Oklahoma City area. A smaller group lives in California, the result of the Bureau of Indian Affairs relocation initiative of 1952. The Caddo interacted intimately with other tribal groups prehistorically and with Indians and Anglo-Europeans after the sixteenth century. They continue to interact on a number of levels with the non-Caddo world, while tenaciously holding on to a distinct identity. Reduced by attrition from an initial population which can be estimated at between 8,500 and 12,500 (Thornton 1986:30, 71)^ to approximately five hundred at the turn of the twentieth century (Mooney 1896:1094), the Caddo now number approximately 3,800 enrolled tribal members. Recognized as separate entities by colonial and territorial administrators, several Caddoan-speaking peoples