Organisational Reform in the British Labour Party Since 1983
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Documentary Research in Education, History and the Social Sciences
Documentary Research in Education, History and the Social Sciences Documentary sources have become increasingly neglected in education and the social sciences, while historians use them but often take them for granted. This book seeks to emphasise their potential value and importance for an understanding of modern societies, while also recognising their limitations, and explores their relationship with other research strategies. This up-to-date examination of how to research and utilise documents analyses texts from the past and present, considering sources ranging from personal archives to online documents and including books, reports, official documents and printed media. This comprehensive analysis of the use of documents in research includes sections covering: • Analysing documents • Legal frameworks and ethical issues • Records and archives • Printed media and literature • Diaries, letters and autobiographies Documentary Research covers everything you need to know to make effective use of this important research technique and will be a valuable resource for all students, researchers and academics carrying out extensive research, particularly in the areas of education, history and the social sciences. Gary McCulloch is Brian Simon Professor of History of Education at the Institute of Education, University of London. Social Research and Educational Studies Series Series Editor: Professor Robert G.Burgess‚ Vice-Chancellor‚ University of Leicester 1 Strategies of Educational Research: Qualitative Methods Edited by Robert G.Burgess 2 -
Gradualism": the Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE The industrial meaning of "gradualism": the Labour party and industry, 1918-1931 AUTHORS Thorpe, Andrew JOURNAL Journal of British Studies DEPOSITED IN ORE 03 March 2008 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/19512 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication The Industrial Meaning of "Gradualism": The Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931 Andrew Thorpe The Journal of British Studies, Vol. 35, No. 1. (Jan., 1996), pp. 84-113. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9371%28199601%2935%3A1%3C84%3ATIMO%22T%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4 The Journal of British Studies is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
UK Border Agency
UK Border Agency Title Instructions on drafting replies to MPs’ Correspondence Process Drafting of letters to enquiries from MPs’ and their offices 26 30 November Implementation Date November Expiry/Review Date 2009 2008 CONTAINS MANDATORY INSTRUCTIONS For Action Author All Ministerial drafting units within the UK Border Agency For Information Owner To all units in the UK Border Agency Jill Beckingham handling correspondence. Contact Point Processes Affected All processes relating to answering correspondence from Members of Parliament Assumptions Drafters have sufficient knowledge of their subject to accurately answer the questions raised by a Member of Parliament. NOTES 26 November Issued 2008 Version 3.1 Chapter 1 – General Advice on Correspondence Basics of Writing a Letter Letter Structure Addressing the Letter Opening Paragraph Middle Paragraphs Sign-off Enclosures Background Notes Parliamentary Conventions More than one MP has written about the same person Interim replies Requests from MPs for meetings Chapter 2 – Advice on Ministerial Correspondence Signing of Ministerial Letters Drafting for Ministers Annex 2.A – Phil Woolas Template Annex 2.B – Meg Hillier Template Annex 2.C – Home Secretary Template Annex 2.D – Chief Executive Template Annex 2.E – Home Secretary Stop List Chapter 3 – Advice on Official Replies Use of Official Reply Template Drafting Official Replies Signing Official Replies Annex 3.A – Official Reply Template Chapter 4 – Third Party Replies What is a third party? MPs acting on behalf of a relative of an applicant -
Ministerial Reshuffle – 5 June 2009 8 June 2009
Ministerial Reshuffle – 5 June 2009 8 June 2009 This note provides details of the Cabinet and Ministerial reshuffle carried out by the Prime Minister on 5 June following the resignation of a number of Cabinet members and other Ministers over the previous few days. In the new Cabinet, John Denham succeeds Hazel Blears as Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government and John Healey becomes Housing Minister – attending Cabinet - following Margaret Beckett’s departure. Other key Cabinet positions with responsibility for issues affecting housing remain largely unchanged. Alistair Darling stays as Chancellor of the Exchequer and Lord Mandelson at Business with increased responsibilities, while Ed Miliband continues at the Department for Energy and Climate Change and Hilary Benn at Defra. Yvette Cooper has, however, moved to become the new Secretary of State for Work and Pensions with Liam Byrne becoming Chief Secretary to the Treasury. The Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills has been merged with BERR to create a new Department for Business, Innovation and Skills under Lord Mandelson. As an existing CLG Minister, John Healey will be familiar with a number of the issues affecting the industry. He has been involved with last year’s Planning Act, including discussions on the Community Infrastructure Levy, and changes to future arrangements for the adoption of Regional Spatial Strategies. HBF will be seeking an early meeting with the new Housing Minister. A full list of the new Cabinet and other changes is set out below. There may yet be further changes in junior ministerial positions and we will let you know of any that bear on matters of interest to the industry. -
Redalyc.Jamaica: Forty Years of Independence
Revista Mexicana del Caribe ISSN: 1405-2962 [email protected] Universidad de Quintana Roo México Mcnish, Vilma Jamaica: Forty years of independence Revista Mexicana del Caribe, vol. VII, núm. 13, 2002, pp. 181-210 Universidad de Quintana Roo Chetumal, México Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=12801307 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative 190/VILMAMCNISH INTRODUCTION ortyyearsagoonAugust6,1962Jamaicabecamean F independentandsovereignnationaftermorethan300 hundredyearsofcolonialismundertheBritishEmpire.Inthein- ternationalcontext,Jamaicaisarelativelyyoungcountry.Indeed, incontrasttothecountriesinLatinAmerica,Jamaicaandthe othercountriesoftheEnglish-speakingCaribbean,allformercolo- niesofGreatBritain,onlybecameindependentinthesecondhalf ofthe20thcentury.UnliketheirSpanish-speakingneighboursthere- fore,noneoftheseterritorieshadthedistinctionofbeingfound- ingmembersofeithertheUnitedNationsorthehemispheric bodytheOrganisationofAmericanStates. Thepurposeofmypresentationistopresentanoverview,a perspectiveofthepolitical,economicandculturaldevelopment ofJamaicaoverthesefortyyears.Butbeforedoingso,Ithinkit isimportanttoprovideahistoricalcontexttomodernJamaica. SoIwillstartwithabriefhistoryofJamaica,tracingthetrajec- toryofconquest,settlementandcolonisationtoemancipation, independenceandnationhood. -
Constitution
LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION As amended at Party Conference 21-23 April 2017, Wexford Part 1: Principles and Objects OUR OBJECTIVE is to build a society based on political, social and economic democracy. We seek to challenge and redistribute all inequalities of power and wealth in society through the empowerment of ordinary people. We strive for social and economic justice, where everyone has a guaranteed standard of security and well-being, and fair opportunity to develop their personal and social selves and to participate in the economic, social and cultural life of the nation in conditions of freedom, solidarity, justice, economic security and equality. OUR DETERMINATION is to change Irish society through the broadest possible engagement with and empowerment of all progressive social forces – Irish, European and international – and through contesting elections and pursuing policies in government that further progressive ends. OUR PARTY is a democratic socialist party and, through its membership of the Party of European Socialists and the Progressive Alliance, is part of the international socialist movement working for equality and to empower of citizens, consumers and workers in a world increasingly dominated by big business, greed and selfishness. IT WAS FOUNDED from the trade union movement by James Connolly, Jim Larkin, Tom Johnson and others as a means for working people to organise politically, to combat squalor, ignorance, want, idleness and disease. These aspirations remain valid today. Despite Ireland’s economic wealth, class divisions continue to exist and many of its citizens continue to experience, from childhood, major inequalities in wealth, health and life chances. -
Peron and the Unions
UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INSTITUTE OF LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES RESEARCH PAPERS Peron and the Unions: The Early Years Torcuato S. Di Telia PER6N AND THE UNIONS: THE EARLY YEARS TORCUATO S. Dl TELLA Institute of Latin American Studies 31 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9HA Torcuato S. Di Telia has been a Professor of Sociology at the Universidad de Buenos Aires since 1985; and has taught at the Instituto del Servicio Exterior de la Nacion, first between 1987 and 1990, and again from 1993 onwards. He was a Visiting Exchange Fellow at the Institute of Latin American Studies, University of London, in 2001. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 1 900039 49 4 ISSN 0957 7947 © Institute of Latin American Studies University of London, 2002 Printed & bound by Antony Rowe Ltd, Eastbourne CONTENTS Anti-status-quo elites and masses: a model to build 2 The heterogeneity of the Argentine working class: myths and theories 7 The heterogeneity of the Argentine working class: the facts 11 Social mobilisation and mobilisationism 17 Mass society and popular mentalities 20 1. Mobilisational caudillismo 21 2. Rank and file associationism 28 3. The transmutation of lead into gold 33 The concept of the autonomous working class organisation 33 The organisational models of pragmatic unionism and verticalismo 42 The trade union leadership at the crossroads of October 1945 45 1. The skilled artisan unions 53 2. Land transport 54 3. The riverine circuit 56 4. Manufacturing industry: textile, metallurgy, glass and paper 58 5. Building and food-workers: the bases of communist expansion 58 6. -
Beyond Factionalism to Unity: Labour Under Starmer
Beyond factionalism to unity: Labour under Starmer Article (Accepted Version) Martell, Luke (2020) Beyond factionalism to unity: Labour under Starmer. Renewal: A journal of social democracy, 28 (4). pp. 67-75. ISSN 0968-252X This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/95933/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Beyond Factionalism to Unity: Labour under Starmer Luke Martell Accepted version. Final article published in Renewal 28, 4, 2020. The Labour leader has so far pursued a deliberately ambiguous approach to both party management and policy formation. -
JD-Acting-General-Secretary-Wales
Labour Party Job Description Job title: Acting General Secretary – Wales Responsible for: All staff employed by the Labour Party in Wales Location: The post holder will be based at the Welsh Labour HQ in Cardiff Key Purpose: The General Secretary – Welsh Labour is responsible for the effective and efficient organisation of Welsh Labour. The General Secretary will build the organisational capacity necessary to maximise Labour representation at all levels of government. Specific Responsibilities: Working to implement the Welsh Labour Organisational strategy, including strategies for the promotion of membership recruitment, campaigning activity, media communications and the selection of candidates. Co-ordinating the work of AMs/MPs/MEPs/ and representatives of the Welsh Local Authorities to maximise support for Labour’s policy programme. Under the political leadership of the Welsh Labour Leader and working with all other stakeholders to ensure the effective promotion of, and campaigning for the Welsh Labour Government and Labour’s Shadow Cabinet in Wales. Maintaining relationships with Leaders of Labour Groups in Local Authorities in Wales to ensure the effective promotion of and campaigning for Welsh Labour policies in local government. The co-ordination and production of all Welsh policy documents, manifestos and research briefings, ensuring they promote Welsh Labour’s policy programme in government in Wales and as the official Opposition in Westminster. Co-ordination of effective communications between Welsh Labour and elected representatives and individual members. Day-to-day management of all Labour Party staff in Wales. Act where appropriate, as Media Spokesperson on organisational matters for Welsh Labour. Financial management including drawing up maintaining and controlling budgets. -
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J. Rodrigo Zarazaga Journal of Democracy, Volume 31, Number 2, April 2020, pp. 125-136 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/753199 [ Access provided at 9 Apr 2020 16:36 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] ARGENTINA: PERONISM RETURNS María Victoria Murillo and Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J. María Victoria Murillo is professor of political science and interna- tional and public affairs and director of the Institute of Latin American Studies at Columbia University. Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J., is director of the Center for Research and Social Action (CIAS) and researcher at the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) in Buenos Aires. The headline news, the main takeaway, from Argentina’s 2019 gen- eral election is encouraging for democracy despite the dire economic situation. Mauricio Macri, a president not associated with the country’s powerful Peronist movement, became the first such chief executive to complete his mandate, whereas two non-Peronists before him had failed to do so.1 Macri would not repeat his term, however. He lost the 27 October 2019 election and then oversaw a peaceful handover of power to his Peronist rival, Alberto Fernández, who won by 48 to 40 percent and whose vice-president is former two-term president Cristina Fernán- dez de Kirchner (no relation). Strikingly, even the economic hard times gripping the country—they are the worst in two decades, and they sank Macri at the polls—could not ruffle the orderliness of the transition. Peaceful changes of administration tend to be taken for granted in democracies, but they are in fact major achievements anywhere.