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Role of the British Foreign Policy in the First and Second Coalition, 1792-1799

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Role of the British Foreign Policy in the First and Second Coalition, 1792-1799 f / o THE ROLE OF THE BRITISH FORfclON POLICT IN THE FIRST AND SECOND COALITION 1792-1799 br f^6 MOHAMMED NAZIR RASMI MAHAYRI B. A., Aln-Shams University, Cairo, Egypt, 1959 A MASTER'S THESIS submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS Department of History, Political Science and Philosophy KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 1965 Approved by: Ha3oj7Pr^fes8or LD ^'^' ACKNOWLEDCWENTS C 2. una of the problems that I met in my study at Kansas State University was becoming acquainted Mlth the American college system which is quite different from that which I had exper- ienced in my undergraduate study. This makes the help and advice that I received from my instructors invaluable. Nevertheless, 1 feel honored to express my special appre- ciation and thanks to Or. Joseph Gallanar, Associate Professor of History at Kansas State University, for whose guidance and encouragement 1 am much indebted. 1 also would like to express my sincere thanks to Dr. Philip M. Rice, Head of the Department of History, Political Science and Philosophy, who extended to • all possible help and advice to oiake my study and stay in Manhattan enjoyable. 1 do not think that 1 could ever forget the valuable help that I received from Miss Jo Ann Molf in revising and correcting the manuscript. My appreciation to her cannot be fully ex- pressed. Furthermore, 1 feel obligated to the Kansas State Univer- sity Library staff who helped me in all ways possible. 1 wish to name here Miss Irene Braden, Miss Carol Owsley, and Mr. David May. Finally I would like to express my thanks to Mrs. Ralph Hood who worked diligently in typing and proof reading this work. ill TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKMOWLEDQHENTS 11 PREFACE 1 THE BACKGROUND 3 Uneasy Peace 3 From Isolation to Triple Alliance 12 Revolution and Reaction 24 THE FIRST COALITION U Neutrality or Belligerency 43 Coalition on Trial 52 OVERTURES AND TREATIES 66 Forced Peace 66 British Peace Overtvires 04 THE SECOND COALITION 97 Military and Diplomatic Developments 97 Rise and Fall of the Second Coalition 107 CONCLUSIONS 122 BIBLIOORAPHI 127 PR£FAC£ The foreign policy of a country cannot be treated as an absolute entity, separate from all other activities of life. Social problems, political institutions, economic situations, and religious and cultural affairs all contribute to the shaping of a nation's foreign policy. Since diplomatic history prima- rily deals with the relations between different states, any significant change in the internal or external policies of one state would necessarily have its effect on other states. It is impossible, therefore, to study British foreign policy in the last decade of the eighteenth century in regard to the First and Second Coalitions without dealing with the affairs and problems which formed the foreign policies of the other member states of the Coalitions. Equally important is the fact that these Coali- tions were essentially formed for the purpose of checking, by force, France's revolutionary principles and rising strength. Therefore, light should be shed on those most important develop- ments of the Revolution and their effect on the European pol- itics. Also, since the major purpose of the formation of these Coalitions was a military one, it becomes necessary to deal with the military operations that determined the development end fate of these Coalitions. The aim of this work is not to give an extensive set of facts concerning the diplomatic relations or to dwell upon the details of the military operations. This information can be found in numerous sources. This work is, instead, an attempt to study the factors that influenced the Britiah foreign policy in this period, the elements which decided its trends, and the forces which controlled its execution. Still more important is to determine the causes which led the British foreign policy in that period to that particular course of action. Also, this work attempts to study the attitudes and policies of the major Suropean states in regard to those Coalitions. Most of the forces that directed European diplomatic rela- tions in the last decade of the eighteenth century were only a continuation of the policies that had been developed over a long period. Sach of the major European powers had its tradi- tional line of policy in regard to its own sphere of Interests and its relations with other countries. The study of these different lines of policy and their conflict or agreement with each other is essential in order to fulfill the purpose of this work. Since the major task of this work is to deal with British foreign policy, it is natural then to put more stress on the diplomatic relations between each of the continental powers and England. Having given attention to all these points. It Is hoped that this work has achieved its purpose. THE BACKGROUND Uneasy Peace Throughout the eighteenth century Europe was in an almost continuous state of war. England was making her colonial empire, and Prussia and Russia were developing dynastic states by means ttaat night be described as systematic warfare. Spain was losing much of her empire and, accordingly, her seat as a first rate power. Although France emerged in the second half of the eight- eenth century as the feared power In Europe, her energies were divided between building up a colonial empire overseas and being a predominate power in Europe. Thus, the periods of general peace in this century were as short as they were few. Distrust and Jealousy were a general rule in the relations between the different European states. Each was only too ready to take of- fense at the other's real or supposed strength and prosperity. The Treaty of Versailles, sealed in November, 1783, brought a definite close to the American war, in which Great Britain had been engaged for more than seven years. A new epoch of the American continent, Europe, and Great Britain was opened with the frank and restricted recognition of the sovereignty and Independence of the United States of America. This recognition was stated In the first article of the Treaty of Versailles. Art. 1: His Britannle Majesty acknowledge the said United States to be free, sovereign and independent states, that he treats with them as such; and for himself, his heirs, and successors, relinquishes all claims to the government propriety, and territorial rights of the same, and every part of thereof, and that all disputes which might arise in future on the subject of boundaries of the said United States, may be prevented, it is hereby 2, that the following are and shall be their boundaries.... The Treaty of Versailles was not one but four separate trea- ties between Great Britain on the one hand and the United States, France, Holland, and Spain, respectively, on the other. France, although triumphant, did not obtain as many valuable concessions «s she had expected. Her gains were in the West Indies where she received Saint Pierre and Miquelon, and in Africa where she re- ceived Senegal and Gorce. She also took Tobago in exchange for Dominica and restored her commercial stations in India. In addi- tion, England aclcnowledged the rights of the French to the fish- eries in Newfoundland. Spain received Minorca and iiast Florida, while Great Britain regained the Bahama Islands and got the right of cutting log wood in the Bay of Honduras. England, however, held firm on the question of Gibraltar and refused to barter it for any valuable compensation that the Spanish offered. Holland 2 recovered all her colonies with the exception of Negapatam. Great Britain emerged from the American war without allies. Her prestige and place in the councils of Europe had sunk to the lowest point in centuries. The British finance was demoralized and disorganized. Ireland and India had called for legislatl/e treatment, and commerce was strangled by an antiquated fiscal code that fostered smuggling and bred administrative incompe- tence. Economic reform had not proved to be a controversial ^Hansard's Debates ( 1066 - 1918 ). XXIII, (New York: Readex Microprint, 1961), p. 355. nbid .. XXIII, pp. 359-369. issus between warring parties, but an Imperative political and financial neceeslty.^ The anxiety and disappointment which pre- vailed in Great Britain as a result of the loss of the United States were better expressed by George III in his speech to the Parliament in December, 1732. In thus admitting their separation from the crown of these kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own, to the wishes and opinion of my people. I make it my humble and earnest prayer to Almighty God, that Great Britain may not feel the evils lAlch might result from so great a dismemberment of the empire, and, so America may be free from those calamities which have formerly proved in the mother country how essential , monarchy is to the enjoyment of constitutional liberty. If Great Britain had suffered much from the Aaerican war, her opponents had suffered also. France and Spain had achieved a costly revenge, while Great Britain could more easily pay for her defeat than they could for their victory, France's state of finance was a difficult position, and this was one of the major reasons for the Revolution. If America's independence was a hard blow to the British Empire, it was also a notable example to the colonies of the other powers. American freedom was not so satisfactory a prospect to Spain. France, Indeed, did not welcome the large concessions with which Great Britain sought to conciliate the feelings of Spain. Meantime, Spain was not able to close her eyes to the fact that she had lost a part of her Sir Charles Grant Robertson, England Under the Hanoverians (New York: Methuen and Co., LTD., 1958.
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