Coup in Burma: Implications for Congress
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Letter on Myanmar to ASEAN and ASEAN Dialogue Partners
Open Letter on Myanmar to ASEAN and ASEAN Dialogue Partners To: ASEAN Leaders H.E. Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, Prime Minister of Brunei H.E Hun Sen, Prime Minister of Cambodia H.E Joko Widodo, President of Indonesia H.E Thongloun Sisoulith, Prime Minister of Laos H.E Tan Sri Muhyiddin Haji Mohd Yassin, Prime Minister of Malaysia H.E Rodrigo Roa Duterte, President of the Philippines H.E Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of Singapore H.E Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister of Thailand H.E. Nguyen Xuan Phuc, Prime Minister of Vietnam CC: ASEAN Dialogue Partners H.E. Will Nankervis, Ambassador of Australia to ASEAN H.E. Diedrah Kelly, Ambassador of Canada to ASEAN H.E. Deng Xijun, Ambassador of China to ASEAN H.E. Igor Driesmans, Ambassador of the European Union to ASEAN H.E. Shri Jayant N. Khobragade, Ambassador of India to ASEAN H.E. Chiba Akira, Ambassador of Japan to ASEAN H.E. Lim Sungnam, Ambassador of Korea to ASEAN H.E. Pam Dunn, Ambassador of New Zealand to ASEAN H.E. Alexander Ivanov, Ambassador of Russia to ASEAN H.E. Melissa A. Brown, Chargé d’Affaires, a.i., U.S. Mission to ASEAN 4 May 2021 Re: ASEAN's Consensus on Myanmar Your Excellencies, It has been just over a week since a Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar was reached at the ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting on 24 April 2021 between all ASEAN leaders and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. Although the consensus called for an immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar, there have been at least 18 more killings and 246 more arrests by the junta since. -
Myanmar Update April 2021 Report
STATUS OF HUMAN RIGHTS & SANCTIONS IN MYANMAR APRIL 2021 REPORT Summary. This report reviews the April 2021 developments relating to human rights in Myanmar. Relatedly, it addresses the interchange between Myanmar’s reform efforts and the responses of the international community. I. Coup and Crackdown on Protests....................................................................................2 II. Political Developments......................................................................................................3 A. Rohingya Refugee Crisis................................................................................................3 B. Corruption.......................................................................................................................4 C. International Community / Sanctions...........................................................................4 III. Civil and Political Rights...................................................................................................6 A. Freedom of Speech, Assembly and Association............................................................6 B. Freedom of the Press and Censorship...........................................................................6 IV. Economic Development.....................................................................................................7 A. Economic Development—Legal Framework, Foreign Investment............................7 B. Economic Development—Infrastructure, Major Projects..........................................7 -
Forced to Go East? Iran’S Foreign Policy Outlook and the Role of Russia, China and India Azadeh Zamirirad (Ed.)
Working Paper SWP Working Papers are online publications within the purview of the respective Research Division. Unlike SWP Research Papers and SWP Comments, they are not reviewed by the Institute. MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA DIVISION | WP NR. 01, APRIL 2020 Forced to Go East? Iran’s Foreign Policy Outlook and the Role of Russia, China and India Azadeh Zamirirad (ed.) Contents Introduction 3 Azadeh Zamirirad Iran’s Energy Industry: Going East? 6 David Ramin Jalilvand Russia: Iran’s Ambivalent Partner 13 Nikolay Kozhanov Iran and China: Ideational Nexus Across the Geography of the BRI 18 Mohammadbagher Forough Indo-Iranian Relations and the Role of External Actors 23 P R Kumaraswamy Opportunities and Challenges in Iran-India Relations 28 Ja’far Haghpanah and Dalileh Rahimi Ashtiani The European Pillar of Iran’s East-West Strategy 33 Sanam Vakil Implications of Tehran’s Look to the East Policy for EU-Iran Relations 38 Cornelius Adebahr 2 Introduction Azadeh Zamirirad The covid-19 outbreak has revived a foreign policy debate in Iran on how much the Dr Azadeh Zamirirad is Dep- country can and should rely on partners like China or Russia. Critics have blamed uty Head of the Middle East and Africa Division at SWP in an overdependence on Beijing for the hesitation of Iranian authorities to halt flights Berlin. from and to China—a decision many believe to have contributed to the severe spread of the virus in the country. Others point to economic necessities given the © Stiftung Wissenschaft drastic sanctions regime that has been imposed on the Islamic Republic by the US und Politik, 2020 All rights reserved. -
Reform in Myanmar: One Year On
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°136 Jakarta/Brussels, 11 April 2012 Reform in Myanmar: One Year On mar hosts the South East Asia Games in 2013 and takes I. OVERVIEW over the chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. One year into the new semi-civilian government, Myanmar has implemented a wide-ranging set of reforms as it em- Reforming the economy is another major issue. While vital barks on a remarkable top-down transition from five dec- and long overdue, there is a risk that making major policy ades of authoritarian rule. In an address to the nation on 1 changes in a context of unreliable data and weak econom- March 2012 marking his first year in office, President Thein ic institutions could create unintended economic shocks. Sein made clear that the goal was to introduce “genuine Given the high levels of impoverishment and vulnerabil- democracy” and that there was still much more to be done. ity, even a relatively minor shock has the potential to have This ambitious agenda includes further democratic reform, a major impact on livelihoods. At a time when expectations healing bitter wounds of the past, rebuilding the economy are running high, and authoritarian controls on the popu- and ensuring the rule of law, as well as respecting ethnic lation have been loosened, there would be a potential for diversity and equality. The changes are real, but the chal- unrest. lenges are complex and numerous. To consolidate and build on what has been achieved and increase the likeli- A third challenge is consolidating peace in ethnic areas. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
Burma Holds Peace Conference
CRS INSIGHT Burma Holds Peace Conference September 8, 2016 (IN10566) | Related Author Michael F. Martin | Michael F. Martin, Specialist in Asian Affairs ([email protected], 7-2199) In what many observers hope could be a step toward ending Burma's six-decade long, low-grade civil war and establishing a process eventually leading to reconciliation and possibly the formation of a democratic federated state, over 1,400 representatives of ethnic political parties, ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), the government in Naypyitaw and its military (Tatmadaw), and other concerned parties attended a peace conference in Naypyitaw, Burma, on August 31–September 3, 2016. Convened by Aung San Suu Kyi, State Counsellor for the government in Naypyitaw, the conference was called the "21st Century Panglong Peace Conference," a reference to a similar event convened by Aung San Suu Kyi's father, General Aung San, in 1947 that led to the creation of the independent state of Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi stated that she had hoped the conference would be an initial gathering of all concerned parties to share views for the future of a post-conflict Burma. Progress at the conference appeared to be hampered by the Tatmadaw's objection to inviting three EAOs to the conference, and two other ethnic organizations downgrading their participation. In addition, differences over protocol matters during the conference were perceived by some EAO representatives as deliberate disrespect on the part of the organizers. Statements presented by Commander-in-Chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and representatives of several EAOs, moreover, indicated a serious gap in their visions of a democratic federated state of Burma and the path to achieving that goal. -
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945- )
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945 - ) Major Events in the Life of a Revolutionary Leader All terms appearing in bold are included in the glossary. 1945 On June 19 in Rangoon (now called Yangon), the capital city of Burma (now called Myanmar), Aung San Suu Kyi was born the third child and only daughter to Aung San, national hero and leader of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), and Daw Khin Kyi, a nurse at Rangoon General Hospital. Aung San Suu Kyi was born into a country with a complex history of colonial domination that began late in the nineteenth century. After a series of wars between Burma and Great Britain, Burma was conquered by the British and annexed to British India in 1885. At first, the Burmese were afforded few rights and given no political autonomy under the British, but by 1923 Burmese nationals were permitted to hold select government offices. In 1935, the British separated Burma from India, giving the country its own constitution, an elected assembly of Burmese nationals, and some measure of self-governance. In 1941, expansionist ambitions led the Japanese to invade Burma, where they defeated the British and overthrew their colonial administration. While at first the Japanese were welcomed as liberators, under their rule more oppressive policies were instituted than under the British, precipitating resistance from Burmese nationalist groups like the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL). In 1945, Allied forces drove the Japanese out of Burma and Britain resumed control over the country. 1947 Aung San negotiated the full independence of Burma from British control. -
1 Myanmar Update
Myanmar Update – 15 February 2021 Summary • The Myanmar coup will likely lead to escalating civil resistance and a consequent heavy- handed military response. • The military will continue to expand control over the internet – leading to frequent “blackouts” • Monitoring the human rights situation as well as providing aid and development support will become increasingly difficult in the months ahead. Background to the November 2020 Elections Myanmar experienced five years of relative political stability after the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) handed power to State Counsellor (a position roughly analogous to Prime Minister) Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) following the November 2015 elections – which ended almost 50 years of military rule. Even then, however, the Tatmadaw retained substantial power, including the right to appoint a quarter of parliamentarians and control of key ministries. Elections to both Myanmar’s upper house - Amyotha Hluttaw - and lower house - Pyithu Hluttaw – took place on 8 November 2020. Suu Kyi’s NLD won a popular landslide, taking 161 (of the 224) seats in the Amyotha Hluttaw and 315 (of the 440) in the Pyithu Hluttaw, an even larger margin than in 2015. This equated to 83% of the available seats, while the Tatmadaw’s proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), won a total of just 33 seats. The USDP immediately began making accusations of fraud after the vote although the Union Election Commission said there was no proof to support these claims and there has been little or no independent evidence either. The Tatmadaw also disputed the results, claiming that the vote was fraudulent, perhaps fearing that the NLD, with its majority, would amend the constitution to reduce the Tatmadaw’s political influence – a longstanding NLD campaign pledge. -
Proposals for Constitutional Change in Myanmar from the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Amendment International Idea Interim Analysis
PROPOSALS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN MYANMAR FROM THE JOINT PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT INTERNATIONAL IDEA INTERIM ANALYSIS 1. Background, Purpose and Scope of this Report: On 29 January Myanmar’s Parliament voted to establish a committee to review the constitution and receive proposals for amendments. On July 15 a report containing a catalogue of each of these proposals was circulated in the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Legislature). This International IDEA analysis contains an overview and initial assessment of the content of these proposals. From the outset, the Tatmadaw (as well as the Union Solidarity and Development Party - USDP) has objected to this process of constitutional review,i and unless that opposition changes it would mean that the constitutional review process will not be able to proceed much further. Passing a constitutional amendment requires a 75% supermajority in the Union Legislature, which gives the military an effective veto as they have 25% of the seats.1 Nevertheless, the report provides the first official public record of proposed amendments from different political parties, and with it a set of interesting insights into the areas of possible consensus and divergence in future constitutional reform. The importance of this record is amplified by the direct connection of many of the subjects proposed for amendment to the Panglong Peace Process agenda. Thus far, the analyses of this report available publicly have merely counted the number of proposals from each party, and sorted them according to which chapter of the constitution they pertain to. But simply counting proposals does nothing to reveal what changes are sought, and can be misleading – depending on its content, amending one significant article may bring about more actual change than amending fifty other articles. -
Burma - Conduct of Elections and the Release of Opposition Leader Aung San Suu Kyi
C 99 E/120 EN Official Journal of the European Union 3.4.2012 Thursday 25 November 2010 Burma - conduct of elections and the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi P7_TA(2010)0450 European Parliament resolution of 25 November 2010 on Burma – conduct of elections and the release of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi (2012/C 99 E/23) The European Parliament, — having regard to its previous resolutions on Burma, the most recent adopted on 20 May 2010 ( 1 ), — having regard to Articles 18- 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948, — having regard to Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) of 1966, — having regard to the EU Presidency Statement of 23 February 2010 calling for all-inclusive dialogue between the authorities and the democratic forces in Burma, — having regard to the statement of the President of the European Parliament Jerzy Buzek of 11 March 2010 on Burma’s new election laws, — having regard to the Chairman’s Statement at the 16th ASEAN Summit held in Hanoi on 9 April 2010, — having regard to the Council Conclusions on Burma adopted at the 3009th Foreign Affairs Council meeting in Luxembourg on 26 April 2010, — having regard to the European Council Conclusions, Declaration on Burma, of 19 June 2010, — having regard to the UN Secretary-General’s report on the situation of human rights in Burma of 28 August 2009, — having regard to the statement made by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in Bangkok on 26 October 2010, — having regard to the Chair’s statement at the -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
Total Detention, Charge and Fatality Lists
ARRESTS No. Name Sex /Age Father's Name Position Date of Arrest Section of Law Plaintiff Current Condition Address Remark S: 8 of the Export and Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD Import Law and S: 25 leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and of the Natural Superintendent Kyi President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s Disaster Management Lin of Special Branch, 1 (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi F General Aung San State Counsellor (Chairman of NLD) 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and law, Penal Code - Dekkhina District regions were also detained. 505(B), S: 67 of the Administrator Telecommunications Law Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD S: 25 of the Natural leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Disaster Management Superintendent President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s law, Penal Code - Myint Naing, 2 (U) Win Myint M U Tun Kyin President (Vice Chairman-1 of NLD) 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and 505(B), S: 67 of the Dekkhina District regions were also detained. Telecommunications Administrator Law Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s 3 (U) Henry Van Thio M Vice President 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and regions were also detained. Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Speaker of the Union Assembly, the President U Win Myint were detained.