This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 67-2512

PATSOURAS, Louis, 1931- JEAN GRAVE; FRENCH INTELLECTUAL AND ANARCHIST, 1854-1939.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, modem

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan JEAN GRAVE; FRENCH

INTELLECTUAL AND ANARCHIST,

1854-1939

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment oF the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By Louis Patsouras, B .A ., A .M .

The Ohio State University 1966

Approved by

J Adviser

Department of History Preface

Mankind, at least as far as written history is concerned, has been rather sharply demarcated into certain fixed castes or classes. Rule by elite has been the norm. Because of this thesis, an antithesis has evolved which sees the estab­ lishment of an egalitarian society with freedom for a ll, and without the encumbrance of any elite. As an ideal, this view of society was subscribed to in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by the socialists, who comprise the principal group for promoting change.

The French Revolution of 1789-1799 not only established the hegemony of the bourgeoisie but also helped to create the conditions necessary for the rise of the proletariat as contenders for power. Up to the 1848 Revolutionary Era, socialism was mainly of the Utopian variety of Saint-Simon, Fourier, Proudhon and Owen, among others. Their principal slogan was cooperation between the bourgeoisie and the workers. After 1848, however, socialism became more militant and en­ visaged a society of workers devoid of bourgeois elements. During the 1848-1914 period, revolution (at least in theory) was the dominant strain within socialism in

Europe. The two main streams within the revolutionary tradition were those of the

Marxists and the anarchists. Both subscribed to the ideas of class struggle between workers and bourgeois, following which the victorious workers would establish a classless society in which the state would cease to exist.

There were significant differences between the Marxists and anarchists on how to proceed to utopia. So marked and profound were they that before the nineteenth century was over the ties between the two movements were severed.

The bearing of the future on the present was an important factor in the split. The anarchists generally wished to combat the present society in a way whereby the ideals of the future would be fu ll/ applied in challenging the present, whereas the Marxists were much more cautious and saw that many of the present imperfec­ tions had to be kept and only slowly modified. What was involved were differences in the concepts of leadership, organization, the state, revolution, and the nature of industry.

While the anarchists were against the leadership principle and large-scale social and industry organization-, equating both with an unjust class society, the

Marxists saw-these forms as necessary. Both anarchists and Marxists agreed that the state was undesirable and that as long as it existed social inequality would exist. The Marxists, however, in the short run accepted inequality as inevitable.

For them, as long as the industrial process could not produce enough to satisfy all of man's needs (whatever they may be ) human antagonism would exist. As such the superior individual (leader, talented bureaucrat, or inspired artist) would be above the masses. In the long run when production reached an extremely high level, human selfishness would become satisfied, and then and only then would the state disappear and utopia come.

Needless to say, the anarchists opposed this Marxist pattern. They argued that it was one where reactionary Darwinian thought was very strong, and saw that behind this reasoning was the imposition of a new master class upon the masses. To obviate this the anarchists urged that the bourgeoisie and the state be swept away by the same revolution.

In these differing views the anarchists had a much more optimistic view of the masses than the Marxists did. While the Marxists would give the masses the intelligence to participate in revolution and government but not in leadership,; the anarchists thought them also capable of leadership. Perhaps this was why the

Marxists stressed leadership and discipline, while the anarchists stressed spontaneity with respect to the revblution. The problem of industry comes into this general picture. Industry during the nineteenth century was ever evolving towards increasing bigness and bureau­ cratization. Although these conditions developed under capitalistic arrangements, the Marxists saw them as necessary in the expansion of the productive process.

The anarchists realized the danger, and their cry was that with the advent of modern science and industry man could consciously for the first time in history shape and form the industrial process to his essential needs of freedom and equality.

Anarchist activity in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries has not been as extensive as that of social democracy and communism. It has had, nevertheless, considerable influence in the movement for change, particularly from the period between the Paris Commune of 1871 and World War I. The center of anarchism during this period, its area of greatest strength— in a cultural not numerical sense— was France. Here anarchist activity was widespread in the syndicalist movement and in artistic-intellectual life.

The nineteenth century in particular was the classic century of anarchist thought. Such intellectual and artistic luminaries as Henry David Thcreau, Percy

Bysshe Shelley, Leo Tolstoy, Henrik Ibsen, and William Morris were anarchists.

Among anarchist theoreticians arid activists, William Godwin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon,

Michael Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Errico Malatesta, and Louise Michel stand out.

Jean Grave falls in this grand tradition. N ot only was he a good novelist, but also an intellectual, one of the chief theoreticians of anarchism. Furthermore,

most of his life was characterized by a high revolutionary idealism. Among the

communist-anarchists, the principal group in anarchism after the Paris Commune,

Grave was only second in influence to Kropotkin.

The object of this study is to present the life and work of Grave and to tie

it in with the principal events, currents, and theories of anarchism. Particular

attention will be given to the period from the Paris Commune to the eve of World War I when both anarchism and Graye were in their vigor of youth and maturity.

Grave, theoretician, journalist-propagandist, artist, idealist, aspired to change the present. He and his comrades refused viable compromise and pursued as long as possible the goals of immediate revolution and utopia.

The tragedy of Grave and anarchism was that they would not deviate from their intellectual purity. This explained their great vitality but also paradoxically their ultimate disappointment and failure. It seemed, indeed, amazing that a movement of under ten thousand members had so much influence on society; their intense feelings and beliefs necessarily impelled them into ceaseless activity.

Lacking strong roots in the working class, however, which were not possible without

some compromise of ideals, anarchism failed to become a mass movement, and sank

to the status of a mere sect.

I would like to thank the following people for aiding me in various ways concerning this work: Professor Harvey Goldberg for suggesting its possibility,

Professor Jean Maitron for advising its feasibility; Monsieur Leon Ancely for our many conversations on anarchism and literature; Madame Paul Delesalle, ever

indomitable and charming, who gave many hours recounting many details on

Grave; M ile. Colette Chambelland of Le Musee Social, Mme. Fauvel-Rouiff

of L'lnstitut Francois d'Histoire Social, Miss M . Hunik, of the International

Institute for Social History at Amsterdam were most cooperative; Professor Henry

Whitney for encouragement and to my advisers, Professor Peter Larmour and

Professor Sydney Fisher.

Dedicated to my parents, William and Helen Patsouras; grandparents,

Theofanis and Irene Stratoudakis and Louis and Mary Patsouras; Leon Ancely;

and to all those who have fought oppression and have hoped for a better mankind. VITA

May 5, 1931 ...... Bom - Steubenville, Ohio

1953 ...... B .A ., Kent State University, Kent, Ohio

1959 ...... M .A ., Kent State University, Kent, Ohio

1961-1963 ...... Graduate Assistant, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1963-1966 ...... Instructor, History, Kent State University Academic Branches: Canton, Tuscarawas, and East Liverpool, Ohio.

PAPERS

M .A . Thesis: "Leon Blum and French Socialism; The Early Years through the Dissolution of the Popular Front in 1938."

Ph.D. Dissertation: "Jean Grave: French Intellectual and Anarchist, 1854-1939."

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: History

French History. Professor Harvey Goldberg

European History. Professor Henry N . Whitney and Professor John C . Rule

American History. Robert H . Bremner and Foster Rhea Dulles TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

PREFACE...... iii

VITA ...... vii

Chaster I. EARLY LIFE AND BEGINNING REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY 1854-1883 1

**• IE REVOLTS' AND LA REVOLTE P E R IO D ...... 30

III. LES TEMPS NOUVEAUX AND ACTIVITY FROM 1895-1900 . . . 58

IV. BETWEEN SYNDICALISM AND INDIVIDUALISM, 1900-1914 . . 78

V . THEORY OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT ...... 97

VI . IN THE WORLD OF A R T ...... 121

VII. FROM 1914 TO GRAVE'S DEATH IN 1939 ...... 134

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y...... 160

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 165

vm• • • CHAPTER I

EARLY LIFE AND B EG IN N IN G

REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY, 1854-1883

Jean Grave was bom on October 16, 1854, at Breuil in the Puy-de-

Dome Department J The Communist Manifesto and the 1848 revolutionary move­ ment had already become a part of the historical process which continued to be influenced greatly by the various economic, social and political currents unleashed by the great French Revolution*

France was stirring in the fifties, the industrial revolution was gaining momentum and many of the poorer peasantry and rural laborers were flocking to the cities to advance their socioeconomic status* Grave's parents were part of this migration* His father, also named Jean Grave (1822-1878?), and his mother, Elizabeth, nee Cregu (1831-1873), had probably come from the poorest 9 sections of the peasantry; his father's occupation was that of m iller. That their

son was to achieve intellectual prominence in. the revolutionary movement despite this lowly social status was indeed remarkable* Only very few from the very poor

* Jean Grave's birth certificate is deposited at Breuil-sur-Couze in the Puy-de-Dome Department. An unsuccessful attempt was made to locate the birth places of Grave's parents on the assumption that they too were born there.

The ages of Grave's parents and his father's occupation were notated on Grave's birth certificate. Although no positive proof exists as to the exact social category of Grave's parents, it is safe to assume that they were in the poorest sections of rural society. N o mention has ever been made by Grave concerning land ownership by his parents. The love for a few acres of land was so strong in French society that it eertainly would have been mentioned by Grave.

1 2

3 did so, the overwhelming majority being of a bourgeois background.

What sort of Paris greeted the young Grave and his family in 1860?

Firstly, it was one of small industry. O nly 7,492 manufacturing enterprises employed ten or more workers, while 31,480 employed from two to nine, and 62,199 one or more* O f the total employers and employees, about 100,000 and 400,000 req>ectively— two-thirds were in industry.* This characteristic, of course, did exist not only in Paris, but in all of France during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. For instance, towards the end of the nineteenth century, out of approximately 575,000 industrial enterprises, 534,000 employed less than ten people, while only 151 employed more than one thousand.^ The implications for social psychology, however, are different because the urban atmosphere and general industrial-commercial climate found in Paris made social mobility more likely than in the rest of France. This social mobility in the Paris region actually increased the social ties between the small bourgeoisie and the working class since entrance into a bud ness undertaking would not require a large outlay of capital* The unity be­ tween these classes was shown in the Paris Commune* There were certain tendencies, of course, which divided the working class, mainly provincialism and self-interest, but they were more than counterbalanced by nationalism and mutual aid.^

^Robert Michels, Political Parties; A Sociological Study of the Oligar­ chical Tendencies of Modem Democracy (New York: Collier Books, 1962), pp. 107ff. stated that the leaders of social-democracy in Germany were invariably of bourgeois background* The same would hold true for France* A notable excep­ tion was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who came from a working-class background* ^Georges W e ill, Histoire du mouvement social en France, 18152-1902 (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1904), p. 15. Georges Duveau. la Vie ouvriere enF ranee sous le Second Empire (Paris: Gallimard, 1946), pp* 321-27. O f the 400,000 workers, 300,000 were men, and 100,000 were women* A . Audiganne, Memoires d*un ouyrier de Paris, 1871-72 (Paris: Charpentier, 1873), p* 109, stated that by 1870, there were about 60(),000 workers in the Paris area*

^John H . Clapham, The Economic Development of France and Germany. 1815-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1921), p . 258.

^A . Audiganne, Les Populations ouvriers et les industries de la France (Paris: Capelle, I860), I , 283. 3

Secondly, it was a Paris where the working class was largely concentrated in a few areas. The main area was on the right bank, between Pere Lachaise cemetery and the rue de la Paix.^ Grave's family lived on the left bank, but not far from this concentration on the street Neuve-Sainte-Genevieve, which now is Q the street Toumefort in the fifth ward of Paris. The section was an odd combina­

tion of scholarship mixed with bohemian and family life. The University of Paris

dominated the landscape with its imposing structures, and student life was, as

always, an integral part of the quarter. This imprint on the neighborhood may

have had a social effect on young Grave by equating learning with higher social

status and thereby making it desirable.

Thirdly, it was a Paris of difficult living conditions for the working class.

Real wages generally did not rise during the Second Empire. Grave's father, a

shoemaker during most of the sixties, probably earned normal wages, about 950

francs per year, and experienced unemployment from two to three months per year.

By 1871, however, the earnings of shoemakers as compared with other occupations had

dropped considerably. Grave remembered, though, that the family lived as well

as the average working class one. The family income was supplemented by the work

of the mother and sister in the sewing trades, and by that of the young Grave

Even so, life was extremely difficult: the hours long and the wages inadequate.^

^Duveau, La Vie ouvriere.. . . pp. 321ff. Of the approximately 400,000 workers in Paris, 350,000 lived on the rignt bank according to ibid. , pp. 345-47. ®Jean Grave, le Movement libertaire sous la Troisieme Republigue, preface A . R. (Alfred Rosmer?) (Paris: Les Oeuvres Representatives, 1930), pp. x i-x ii. Hereafter cited as Mouvement libertaire. Jean G rave, La Grande fomille; roman militairo (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1907), p . 103. This is a largely autobiographical novel of Grave's early life and military experience. 9 \ Duveau, Lq Vie ouvriere.. . , pp. 541-50.

^ Ibid., pp. 283-93 and 304ff. Grave, La Grande famille, pp. 91-94.

^ W e ill, Histoire du mouvement sociale.. . , pp. 16-17, listed the costs for a typical working class family of four in the 1860's in the Paris area: 1100 4

12 It is often said that Louis Napoleon was a Saint-Simonian. Spectacular 13 industrialization and economic achievement took place while Paris was rebuilt.

He himself had written an inconsequential work advocating the establishment for the unemployed of vast agricultural colonies in which some democracy would prevail by the workers electing their junior officers.*^

True, he and his w ife, Eugenie, personally aided many charitable institu­ tions. Furthermore, mutual aid societies were encouraged on the local level as early as 1852. In 1868 the livret (the card carried by the workers indicating their employ­ ment record and behavior, and thus inferior position in society) was abolished; labor unions were tolerated; and public school education was extended to the age of twelve J** If Saint-Simonianism, however, is also equated with concern that the working class share in a rising material prosperity, then Napoleon III was not a member of the movement.^

Despite the limited reforms, the working class did not share the rising wealth of the society. Beneath the glitter of the life at Court and bourgeois francs— food, 300 francs—rent, 100 francs— laundry, 75 francs—heating and light, and 300 francs—miscellaneous expenses. Duveau, La Vie ouvriere.. . . pp. 238-39, stated that an eleven-and-a-half hour working day was the average for the period.

^ S e e , for example, John B. Wolf, France 1815 to the Present (Ann Arbor, Michigan: Cushing-Malloy, Inc., 1940, pp. 279ff. and Albert Guerard, Napoleon 111 (Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1943).

^ O n economic achievements, see Shepard B. Clough. Fiance; A History of National Economics. 1789-1939 (New York: Scribner's, 1939), pp. 5 -6 .

^W eill, Histoire du mouvement sociale.. . . pp. 5-6. The title of the work was L'extinctlon du paupdrlsme.

l ^lbid. , p . 8 . The livret had fallen in disuse by the sixties according to Duveau, La Vie ouvriere. . . , pp. 233-35.

^ O n Saint-Simon's ideas, Emile Durkheim, Socialism, trans. Charlotte Sattler, ed. Alvin W. Gouldner (New York: Collier Books, 1962), pp. 206-207. stated that society should benefit the many. 5 affluence, a world of misery existed for the bulk of the working class and peasantry.^

Grave's schooling lasted probably from four to five years. Although most of the children in the Paris area went to a public school, his parents sent 18 him to a Catholic one. They undoubtedly were conventionally religious— 19 coming from the peasantry and the provinces—and their son received first communion.

Two Catholic orders were especially active in educating the working class: the

Brothers of the Christian Doctrine and the Brothers of Mary. In 1860 there were about 2 .5 million boys in primary schools of which 20% were taught by those two

Orders.^®

Since the Grave family needed the money and as working class habits dictated, Grave left school at about the age of eleven, it was probably difficult for him to leave, especially as he had become an omnivorous reader from the age of ten with a keen desire to learn about the world. He later recalled that he read 21 everything that he could lay hold of— history, fiction, and science included.

He kept this habit throughout his life. 22 Grave was at first apprenticed to a mechanic. Technically, his employer had to give him a few hours off during the day for schooling, but since the law concerning this was hardly respected, Grave presumably did not benefit from i t . ^

^ A n excellent novel on working class life of the period is Germinal by Zola. For the elite and their problems during the Second Empire, see Roger L. Williams, The World of Napoleon III, 1851-1870 (New York: Collier Bodes, 1962). ^®Grave, La Grande fomille, p. 84.

^Jean Maitron, "Jean Grave, 1854-1939," Revue d'Histoire Economique et Sociale, XXVIII, No. 1 (1950), pp. 105-17. " 20 s Duveau, La Vie ouvriere. . . , pp. 449-50.

^Grave, La Grande famille, pp. 89-90. 22 Mouvement libertaire, p. x ii. 23 % Duveau, La vie ouvriere. . . , p. 437. This law for apprentices was passed on February 21, 1851. After a few months He left because the working conditions were unbearable. There

2A was evidence to suggest that he also was apprenticed to a blacksmith for a short period.

The psychological relations of a child with his parents offer some clues to the total picture of his life. With Grave the picture is one of a typical revolu­ tionary. Grave recalled that he had an authoritarian father. While working together, his father, who apparently was not too skilled, would cover up his own 25 deficiencies by blaming all faulty work on his son. Grave feared and hated his father, but understood that his character was largely formed by a life of great difficulty. At the same time he was rather proud of the fact that his father served 26 in one of the Commune's National Guard battalions.

In contrast to his mixed feelings concerning his father, Grave recalled

his mother with warm affection: a gentle and warm woman who tried to protect

him from an abusive fa th e r.^ That Grave's youth was one of great psychological

stress could be seen from certain neurotic symptoms: while young he would cry at the least thought of committing a sin, and in later life he tended to stammer, 28 especially before groups.

His mother died, it is believed, in 1873 after a painful illness of eighteen

months. His sister at seventeen was stricken with tuberculosis a few months after

the mother's death and died after seven months. Grave nursed both of them to the e n d ,^

OA Mouvement libertaire, p. x ii. OC ' 3Grave, La Grande familie# p. 85. Maitron, Revue d'Histoire Economiaue et Sociale, XXVIII, No. 1, 107. 26 Grave, La Grande fomille# pp. 87-88. Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man; The Social bases of politics (New York: Anchor Books, 1963), pp. 168-16. the working class father is usually authoritarian; at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale, Tie feels insecure and is frequently brutalized by life. Communist discipline is a manifestation of this today. 27 Grave, La Grande fam ille, p . 85. 28 y Mouvement libertaire, p. x ii. ^aitro n, Revue d'Histoire Economiaue et Sociale. XXVIII, No. 1, 107. 29 Mouvement libertaire, p. XH , Grave, La Grande familie, pp. 94-104. No information exists on Graveys father, mother, or sister in the records of the city hall in the fifth ward of Paris. The name of the sister is not known. 7

The apogee of revolutionary activity among the world proletariat in the nineteenth century was the Paris Commune through which the young Grave lived.

The Franco-Prussian war swept into oblivion Napoleon III. Leon Gambetta attempted to resurrect the nation by his Jacobin spirit, but the losses already suffered were inordinately severe. In this period heroic Paris endured a long siege, from late

1870 to early 1871.

The four-month siege of Paris had greatly frayed the nerves of its valiant petty-bourgeois and working class defenders. They had manned the walls to defend their city and had endured the tension and struggle of war only to see many of the wealthy flee in the face of danger. To make matters worse, the National Assembly that was elected by France_on January 29, 1871, after an armistice was concluded with Prussia, was preponderantly Royalist and conservative. It elected Louis Adolphe

Thiers as provisional executive. N ot only did radical Paris dislike him— he had been instrumental in suppressing the workers' revolt in Lyons in 1834 and had played a lead­ ing reactionary role in the 1848 revolutionary period— but also it saw itself betrayed when the National Assembly's Law of Maturities made it mandatory that debts— many incurred by the lower middle and working classes while manning the walls of Paris against the German attack— be paid within a brief period. But this was not a ll.

On March 18, 1871, Thiers sent troops to take away the artillery of the National

Guard. The majority of its 200,000 members, which were from the working class, did not approve and resisted. This incident sparked the founding of the Paris

Commune in which the people were determined to rule themselves. Paris thereupon 30 became a revolutionary island in a reactionary sea*

3°For an excellent account of the French revolutionary movement, see John Plamenatz, The Revolutionary Movement in France. 1815-1871 (London; Longmans, Green, and C o ., 1950;. For information on the National Assembly see Frank H. Brabant, The Beginning of the Third Republic in France; A History of the Notional Assembly (February-September, 1871) (Londons Macmillan and C o ., 104O), pp. 61-73. Edward S. Mason, me PariisCommune; An Episode in the History of the Socialist Movement (New York: Macmillan C o ., 19130), chap. ii, events leading to the founding of the Paris Commune. 8

These events undoubtedly influenced Grave's later political outlook.

His view that the state was basically in the hands of the economically dominant groups bent on perpetuating their status, economic and otherwise, had early cor** 31 roboration in the Law of Maturities, while his view that the authority of power was basically irresponsible and rested ultimately on force and deceit had early confirmation in the surprise attempt to remove the artillery from Montm artre.^

Within a few days elections for a Commune Government were held. O f the ninety-two elected representatives, twenty-four were Blanquists, twenty-two were of the First International, while the remainder were left-wing Jacobins, basically aligned with the working class. There were initially twenty-one

Republican radicals and moderates who shortly resigned. The supplementary 33 elections of April 16 further increased the socialist representation.

Anarchist representation in the Commune wos fairly strong. O f its approximately forty prominent individuals selected by G . D . H . Cole, about one-fourth had pronounced anarchist views. Identified with the Proudhonian mutualist group were such well-known figures as Eugene Varlin, the outstanding leader of the French union movement in the sixties; Gustave Courbet, the famous painter; and Charles Longuet, one of the founders of Guesde's Workers' Party and a son-in-law of Karl Marx. The Bakuninist strain had such stalwarts as Elie Reclus, the director of the Bibliotheque Nqtionale during the Commune; his brother Eltsee

Reclus, who was captured in the early fighting; and Louise Michel, the Commune's great heroine who fought to the bitter end.

ni t f 01 Jean Grave, La Societe mourante et I'anarchie. preface Octave Mirbeau (Paris: Tresse et Stock, 1893), pp. 199-212.

^ G . D . H. Cole. A.History of Socialist Thought. V ol. II: Marxism and Anarchism. 1850-1890 (London: Macmillan C o ., 1957)# p . 156. Hereafter cited as Cole, II . R. W . Postgate, Revolution from 1789 to 1906 (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1962), p . 285. 34 Short biographical sketches in Cole, II, 148-56. On Courbet, see Williams, The World of Napoleon III, 1815-1870, pp. 209-35. 9

The Commune was neither Marxist, Blanquist, Jacobin, nor anarchist.

Instead it was a combination of a l l . 35 If, however, it is possible to discern a strain somewhat stranger than the others in the Commune's decrees, it is anarchism of Bakunin and Proudhon. The Commune was against centralization; its aim was a federation of communes. The Commune was for a people's government where the distinctions between governors and governed would be largely erased. Repre­ sentatives of the people were to receive the wages of an average worker and be subject to immediate recall and, of course, be popularly elected• The Commune was against a military caste. Its military principle was that of the armed people: all were to bear arms. The Commune was militantly anti-religious. The aim was a humanity freed from the machinations and instilled superstitions of priestly class. Finally, the Commune wished the destruction of bourgeois property: to be replaced by cooperative ownership and management of all production.

A ll of the foregoing measures and principles enunciated by the Commune were deeply imbedded in Grave's thought: his anti-militarism, anti-religious

sentiments, his opposition to centralization and his stress on equality and fraternity 37 bounded by liberty. In a remarkable article, “Les Anarchistes sont les seuls

soeialistes,” Grave evoked the traditions of the Commune and rebuked the socialists for compromising with the present: for wishing to come to terms with the bourgeois

state by accepting its public offices, and for assuming that a hierarchical society 3fi would continue to exist even under socialism.

^^Aloin Sergent and Claude Harmel, Histoire de l'anarchie (Paris: Le Portulan, 1949), pp. 400-407, and Cole, II, 163-68. Both claimed that the Commune was a combination of all leftist tendencies.

^Postgate, Revolution from 1789 to 1906, pp. 298ff. 37 See chap. iv of this dissertation. 3®Jean Grave, "Les Anarchistes sont les seuls soeialistes," Les Temps Nouveaux, September 28, October 4, 1895, p. 1. 10

The Commune lasted from March 18 to May 28, 1871. The last of the fighting occurred at Pere Lachaise cemetery. On May 28, at the Wall of the

Federals, 147 Communards who survived the fighting were stood up against the wall and shot. The Paris Commune ceased to exist. France became ever more divided.

For the revolutionary generation of the last quarter of the nineteenth century and up to the Russian Revolution of 1917, it was the Commune, the most

significant working class revolution of the nineteenth century, which symbolized not only the revolutionary potential of the working class but also the outlines of

the new society.39

Jean Grave had lived through the experiences of the Commune. He

followed the events, the discussions of the people, shared its optimism and saw its

struggle to survive. He recalled that he was affected by the general revolutionary

euphoria called "revolutionary virus."^® His father, a worker of advanced social

opinions, promptly enrolled in the National Guard. Grave, also, wished to join,

but his father refused, undoubtedly fearing for his son's life . He did, however,

enroll in a youth battalion which was never activated

Grave vividly remembered going with his father to the various formations

of his father's battalion, which assembled at the Place du Pantheon. He recalled

that the rank-and-file had wished to march on Versailles to make short shrift of

its conservative government. The orders never came, however, and the opportunity

3 9 Cole, II, 163-73, gives a good account of the significance of the Commune as seen by the Marxists and anarchists.

^®See Jean Grave, "NosFautes; la foule et les minorites revolutionaires," La Bataille, October 4, 1918, p. 2. Grave, La Grande famille, p. 87, had hopes for a "just republic, giving to all the good life, liberty, and equality."

^ Ib id .; also, Jean Grave, "Ne nous illusionnons pas," Publications de "La Re volte11 et"Temps Nouveaux" No. 12, (April 1, 1922), p. Hereafter cited os Publications. Also, Grave, La Grande famille, p. 88. ____ 11

of victory wos l o s t . 4 ^ The only chance/ however slight, for the Commune to survive was to have marched to Versailles. 43 From this experience Grave drew the tactical lesson that the masses should act in a revolutionary situation without waiting for orders from the leadership. 44

Young Grave witnessed the horrible repression inflicted on the Commune by the Thiers government. He saw the bodies of the dead littering the streets and the last desperate struggle of the Communards. He saw the viciousness of it a ll. And he recalled that for him "discipline, obedience, and oppression," all that was most horrible in human existence triumphed with the fall of the C o m m u n e . 4^

Grave referred to the Commune quite often in his theoretical works. In la Societe future, he stated that one lesson learned by the working class during the Paris Commune was that its real enemy was capital.48

Then, too, as a result of the Commune's failure. Grave saw the revolu­ tion not as a single, apocalyptic act, but as a series of victories and defeats culminating in final triumph.47 The non-doctrinaire nature of the Commune also fitted in well with anarchist principles and paralleled Grave's assertion that it was

impossible to work out precise and exact details for a future society .48

For a brief period of his long life , in his middle teens, Grave lived in a revolutionary society in which the working classes were in control. In assessing

his future revolutionary energy and devotion, his repeated advocacy for change,

^ G ra v e , Publications, N o . 12, p . 13. ^ C o le , I I , 157, concurs with Grave that the Commune's only chance was to strike rapidly. 44Grove, Publications, N o . 12, p . 13. 45Qrave, la Grande famille, p. 89. 46Jean Grave, la Societe future (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1895), p . 3 . 47lbid., p. 8. 48Jean Grave, La Societe au lendemoin de la revolution (Paris: Au Bureau de la Revolte, 1893), p. 4. 12 and his constant refrain of its essential reasonableness within the present context of the human condition, the experience of the Commune was of the greatest importance*

The Parisian working class during the sixties and seventies—in fact during the entire nineteenth century--was the most socially and politically advanced in the world, being fully conscious of the revolutionary tradition of 1789,

1830, and 1848. This circumstance and an economic environment of small industry provided the necessary mixture for the dominant pattern of mutualism in the sixties*

Its theory had been worked out by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who had the rare distinction of being one of the significant thinkers of the nineteenth century despite 49 his working class background*

Proudhon, the founder of modern anarchism and a voluminous writer, often contradicted himself, but the main thrust of his ideas came under the head­ ing of mutualism. Proudhon based his social system on small individual prop­ erty— of a privately owned nature—where, however, exploitation of another's labor was not allowed. In this situation there would be no precise economic equality since intensity and longevity of work would vary by individual. There would be, nevertheless, general economic and consequently social equality.

Individual farming and artisanship as well as a small-scale combination of both would dominate. Largeness was to be avoided in economic life as it might bring about marked social and economic inequality

An essential element of the whole social fabric of Proudhonian Mutualism

^ O n Proudhon's life and ideas see George Woodcock, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (New York: Macmillan C o ., 1956); Hampden J. Jackson. Marx. Proudhon and European Socialism (New York: Collier Books, 1962); Sergent ami Ham el, Histoire de I'anarchie. p p . 117-148; 160ff. Cole, II, 201-18, and George Woodcock, Anarchism; A Historyof Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1962), pp. 106-44.

^Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Idee generole de la Revolution au x ix siecle as cited in Oeuvres completes de P. J. Proudhon, eds. C . Bougie' and H i Moysset (Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1923), III, 269ff. 13 was its contractual basis. Individuals would agree on any matter through no interven­ ing agency. There was no government per so. Society was decentralized, with the

C l local commune autonomous although federated with others in a common constitution.

Two important buttresses to this system were a strong family unit, in whic h the wife was clearly subordinated to the husband,^ and the national bank which would operate on the federal level • The bank itself would play a major role in bringing about the peaceful change from capitalism to anarchism. As the workers and peasants became stronger, a levy would be imposed upon the wealthy. The money from it would allow the bank to make low-term or interest-free loans to the working producers, individually or collectively in associations to begin their own

CO industry which they would themselves manage. Proudhon, not an elitist, intel­ lectual or otherwise, was confident that the people had the requisite intelligence to run their own affairs.

The influence of mutualism on Grave was considerable. Although Grave for most of his life rejected its peaceful evolutionary pattern for bringing about anarchism, and although he rejected its stress on privately owned property, he accepted its essential contractual nature. That is, he saw that the various facets of life should be governed by an agreement or contractual principle between indivi­ duals only, and not between individual and organization. Also he envisaged, as did Proudhon, a society where the individual was always in control of his environ­ ment. He would be involved in economic or social activity where his individual presence could count in the conduct of a f f a i r s . 54

^Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, De la capacite politique des classes ouvriers as cited in Oeuvres completes.. . (Paris: Marcel Kiviere, 1924), iV , .

52pierre-Joseph Proudhon, La Pomocratie ou les femme dans les temps modemes as cited in ibid. (Paris: Marcel Kiviere, 1^2^), XV, 40JW.

^Proudhon, Idee g e n e ra te.... Ill, 241ff.

^See chap. v. of dissertation. 14

With the demise of the Commune, mutualist ideas which stressed peaceful change gave way to the ideas of revolutionary collectivism, whose principal exponent was the Russian noble Michael Bakunin. This extremely unstable, swashbuckling man had one unswerving idea to which he devoted his life— the social revolutlbo, for which he endured exile, imprisonment,and great personal misfortune.55

The ideas of Bakunin were different in several respects from those of

Proudhon. Whereas Proudhon rejected a revolutionary overthrow of society,

Bakunin envisaged violent revolution through the activities cf a tightly knit

organization which would create the necessary conditions through propaganda by

deed to bring it about.55 To this end he founded the International Social

Democratic Alliance in 1868.57 Another important feature which distinguished

Bakuninism from Proudhonianism was in the economic realm. Whereas Proudhon

stressed privately owned agriculture and shop production units, Bakunin saw

industrial and farm collectives dominating.58 This fact was probably influenced by

the increasing industrial tendencies in Europe which Proudhon had not sufficiently

anticipated. One constant, however, between Proudhon and Bakunin was the

55The classic biography of Bakunin in English is by E. H . Carr, Michael Bakunin (New York: Vintage Books, 1961). 55G . P. Maximoff, The Political Philosophy of Bakunin: Scientific Anarchism (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1953), pp. 372-79. Bakunin was influenced by Sergei Nechaev, who thought that in pursuing revolution, a person was justified in anything he did--see Carr, Bakunin, pp. 390-409; and Avrahm Yarmolinsky. Road to Revolution: A Century of Russian Radicalism (New York: Collier Books, 1962), pp. 146-68.

^7Carr, B akunin, pp. 359-74. Bakunin conceived the Alliance as an elite organization to lead the First International. It did not gain admittance precisely for the reason. Maximoff, The PolHfif 1 Philosophy of Bakunin, pp. 206ff. on the state, pp. 105ff. on religion, pp. 179ff. on property.

58lbid., p. 298. 15 insistence on federations of communes.^ Bakunin's influence on Grave was particularly significant concerning the necessity of revolution to bring in utopia*

The idea of class struggle instead of class cooperation was emphasized.^

As anarchist ideas were spreading among the working class, so too were the ideas of Karl Marx. The conflicting currents of Marxism and anarchism met in the First International, which was formed to promote the extension of working class activity in a ll spheres of life at both the national and international levels.

In the early congresses the differing conceptions between Proudhonian mutualists,

Marxists, and other groupings did not lead to great disunity,^

A bitter struggle, however, in time erupted between the growing influence of a Bakuninist-inspired anarchist faction and the Marxist-oriented group.

Whereas the former was impatient for revolutionary action, re|ected any cooperation with the more progressive bourgeoisie for the enactment of social reform, advocated complete group autonomy and action within the International, and resolutely opposed the state, the latter was cautious concerning revolutionary action, accepted bourgeois cooperation for social reform, did not wish group autonomy but wanted centralization, and espoused a workers' state in the hands of a hierarchy supposedly responsive to the pro letariat.^

In the eventful Hague Congress of 1872, a split occurred between them, the anarchists founding a rival SainMmler International which lasted to 1877,

^ C a rr, Bakunin, p . 271ff. 60 See chap. v of dissertation for more detail*

^ F o r a good account of the early in-fighting between the mutualists, Marxists, and other factions such as the Blanquists see C ole, II, 8 8 ff., also Sergent and Harmel, Histoire de I'anorchie, pp. 313-44.

62lsaiah Berlin, Karl Marx; HisLife and Environment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), pp. 220-35; Carr, Bakunin, pp. 441-57; Cole, II, 174- 212; Woodcock, Anarchism, pp. 239ff; Sergent and Harmel, Histoire de I'anorchie. pp* 369-90, James Jolls The Anarchists (New Yorks Universal Library, 1966), pp. 102-14. A3 while the First International expired a year earlier. The demise of both Interna­ tionals resulted not only from the fact of intra-working class friction/ but also from the collapse of meaningful working class activity in France for a decade* The sup­ pression of the Commune and a general economic European recession which weakened the trade unions, one of the backbones of working class activity, had deleterious e ffe c t.^

Bakuninist collectivism gave way to communist anarchism by the late seventies. The difference between the two is not a significant one. The latter included the former plus the idea of free distribution of goods. The concept of wage 65 labor here was abolished completely.

The most prominent thinker of the communist-anarchists, although not its originator, was Peter Kropotkin, one of the most arresting and influential thinkers of contemporary history. Born in the highest nobility of Russia in a family of wealth where Russian Orthodox religious ideas mixed with those of feudalistic and western

liberal nature, this sensitive man rebelled against oppression.^

Graduating in 1857 from the exclusive Corps of Pages attached to the

Russian Tsar, Kropotkin enrolled in a Siberian regiment, spending five years in

Asiatic regions. Involved in hundreds of expeditions in the wilds, he was impressed

by the fact that their success depended on men working together and not on command decisions.

^ O n the 1872 Hague Congress see C arr, Bakunin, pp. 446ff; Cole, II, 198ff; Sergent and Hatmel, Histoire de I'anorchie, pp. 409-22. Cole, II, 211 and 323. It was a criminal offense in France to belong to an international working class organization.

^Woodcock, Anarchism, pp. 202-203, asserts that the idea of free distri­ bution goes back to such thinkers as Sir Thomas More and Gerrard Winstanley but its first modern advocates were Elisee Reclus and a Genevan worker, Francois Dumartheray in 1876. Ernest Victor Zenker, Anarchism; A Criticism and History of the Anarchist Theory. trans»from German (London: Methuen and C o ., 1898), pp. 142ff.

^ T h e material for Kropotkin has been taken from two sources basically: Peter Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, ed. James Allen Rogers (New York: Anchor Books, 1962); and George Woodcock and Ivan Avakumovic, The Anarchist Prince; A Biographical Study of Peter Kropotkin (London: V . Boardman, 1950). 17

In 1872, he made his first trip to Western Europe. While in Switzerland he noticed that among the socialists, the social, economic, and intellectual gulf' between the leaders and the rank-and-file was so marked that the spirit of equality was stifled. On the other hand, he noticed that among the Bakuninist anarchists in the Jura Federation a spirit of camaraderie and equality p re v aile d .^ O f course, economic reasons were important here. This anarchist group was composed of rather independent, educated small craftsmen, whereas in the socialist parties the rank-and- file were poor and under-educated.

When Kropotkin returned to Russia, he joined the revolutionary and propa­ gandist Chaikovsky circle. Its aim was to spread revolutionary ideas among the people. In 1874, Kropotkin was imprisoned for this activity but escaped in 1876 to London.

After the Commune was supressed, anarchist ideas continued to be strong in the Jura Federation whose base was in Switzerland and which was strongly Bakuninist.

By the late seventies, it was deteriorating, leaving the Geneva area the remaining center of anarchist activity, largely due to the many exiled Communards located 68 there. In 1877, Kropotkin, after being in Paris for a short tine, arrived and with

Paul Brousse worked on Levant Garde, an anarchist newspaper of G e n e v a.^

Among others who played an important part in early communist-anarchism were the

Reclus brothers Elie and Elisee. Both were deeply Impressed by Bakuninist ideas.

O f the two Elisee was the more prominent, indeed, this noted geographer may have first expounded the idea of free distribution in connection with communist-anarchism.

^Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, pp. 183-88. 68 On Jura Federation see Jean Maitron, Histoire du mouvement anarchiste en France (1880-1914) 2d e d .j Paris: Societe Universitaire d'^ditlons et de Librairie, l9$5), pp. 56-65. Hereafter cited as HMA. 69 Woodcock, Anarchism, p. 198. Paul Brousse became a reformist Socialist, Cole, II, 3267“^ 18

He was an intimate friend of Kropotkin and of Grave and contributed much money and intellectual work to the movement.^®

Grave was drafted into military service around 1874. Despite his intense hatred for the bourgeoisie and the military, he went into the marines anyway, probably 71 because of fear— the alternative was prison. Although the term of service was five 72 years, he was discharged early as his father was dying and had no one to support hint*

His largely autobiographical La Grande fomille written in tough and realistic prose, recounted his early life and military experience. The reader is with the soldier at inspection, experiencing the temper tantrums of the inspecting officers, on a particularly long march, on field maneuvers, in the barracks, and in situations where hapless prostitutes are brutalized. (Rank tyrannizes those under it, the brunt of it all being the common soldier. Man is alone in a menagerie of strife and terror where the aim is to make him a k ille r.) Grave succeeded brilliantly in tying the brutality of army life to that of society at large, showing it as merely its more brutal side.

Caragut, the hero, commited suicide after killing a petty arch-tyrannical, 73 non-commissioned officer. Even in this incident, Grave does not deviate far from the truth. He actually thought seriously of suicide when he was in the m ilita ry .^

The whole experience of military life made Grave more bitter and rebellious.

70 On the life and ideas of Elie and Efise'e Reclus see Paul Reclus, Los F re res Elie et Elisee Reel us ou du protestantisme a I'anorchisme (Paris: Les Amis d'Eliste Reclus, 1964), pp. 11-156 on Etisee Reclus and pp. 157-84 on Elie Reclus.

^Grave, La Grande famille, pp. 89-90. 72 Ibid. , pp. 101-103. Mou vement Iibertaire. p . x ii. Maitron, Revue d'Histoire f conomigue et Sociala. N o . 1, 107. Correspondence with the Chateau de Vincennes, where records of the military (non-officers) are kept was attempted. No response. 73 Grave, La Grande fam ille, pp. 330-36. ^Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, August 9, 1964. While in the military Grave was seriously ill with yellow jaundice, ibid. It would not be amiss to compare La Grande famille with Eric Maria Remarque*s All Quiet on the Western Front. 19

Grave returned to Paris discharged from the military in 1877 in time to participate in the May 1877 elections in which the President of the Republic,

Marshall Marie MacMahon, tried to bring back the Monarchy through a monarch­ ist dominated assembly by dissolving the older assembly and calling for new elections.

He failed as the Republicans combined and won a majority. Grave voted in the

13th district in Paris for a Republican candidate. This was the first and only time 75 he ever voted.

At first, Grave was not active in any working class activity. He had found work as a shoemaker with a former neighbor, and was content in doing it and nothing else.7^ By 1879, however, he was drawn to the meetings of the Federa­ tion of the Socialist Workers' Party of France (Federation du Parti des Travail I eurs

Socialiste de France) through reading their newspaper, Le Proletaire.77

This party, founded in 1879 by the French labor movement, had come into being as a result of the Marseilles Labor Congress of 1879, in which the reformist union group was decisively defeated by those who favored socialism.7^* The party was an unstable mixture of many groups—anarchist, Marxists, and others.

At the meetings Grave gravitated toward the anarchist side. His closest friends, Jeallot and M inville, were both anarchists. Jeallot was a worker who had already achieved some notoriety by being imprisoned for six months in 1878-79 for international socialist activity. M in ville, who had been an officer in the

75 Mouvement libertaire, p . 1.

7^lbid., pp. 1-2.

77tbid., p. 2.

7®On the early French Socialist movement see Aaron Noland, The Founding of the French Socialist Party (1893-1905) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956), pp. Iff; and Cole, II, 325ff. On the Marseilles Labor Congress, see Leon Blum, Les Conares ouvriers et socialistes francais. 1876-1900 as cited in L'Oeuvre de Leon Blum. 1891-1905 (Paris: Albin Michel. 1954). I . 392-97. Hereafter cited as Blum, I • 20

79 Commune, was also a worker. Grave recalled that after the meetings discus­ sions would continue to the early hours of the morning. This procedure went on four to five times a week. As a result Grave was worn down and could not do his work in a satisfactory manner (he was still presumably a shoemaker). The " 80 remedy was less companionship. He went to the meetings less often.

The anarchist current in which Grave found himself had received the

benefit of the activities of Kropotkin and Andrea Costa, an Italian follower of

Bakunin, who later became a Marxist and the founder of the Italian Socialist party.

Both were in Paris in 1878 promoting anarchist activity, but soon ran into trouble

with the government and the police. They were charged with being associated

with an international organization, the Anarchist International. Costa was 81 imprisoned for one year, but Kropotkin was able to escape to Switzerland.

Grave was very active in 1879. He belonged to a working class group

called The Committee to Aid the Amnestied, which was formed to collect money

to aid the amnestied Communards, most of whom were freed in 1879, the remainder

in 1880. Financiallyiit failed, only a few thousand francs being collected. It

was overshadowed by the prestigious Republican dominated Committee to Help

the Amnestied, which attracted much greater support.®^ Other activity

included work on a strike committee whose aim was to collect funds for striking

workers.83

Grave along with Jeallot and M inville founded the Social Study Group

of the Fifth and Thirteenth wards of Paris in early 1880. Grave became its

79 Mouvement libertaire. p . 3, and International Institute for Social History at Amsterdam, letter, Grave to Max N ettlau, November 6 , 1925. Here­ after material from this institute will be cited as AM. 88Mouvement libertaire, p . 3.

®^HMA, p . 97. Woodcock, Anarchism, p . 293. 82 Mouvement libertaire, p . 4 .

83lbid. 21

secretary. His correspondence with other groups helped him to become a better writer.®^ An example of some correspondence during this period was in the first

issue of Le Droit Sociol in which he urged the anarchists in the Lyons area to QC study the causes of their misfortune and to prepare for the inevitable revolution.

During the meetings of the Social Study Group, there was no chairman

to direct the proceedings. Many workers and intellectuals attended, among

whom were Errico Malatesta and Count Carlo Cafiero, both famous anarchists.®^

It was here also, that Jules Guesde, a Communard of anarchist orientation and

leader of the Socialist Workers' Party, who at this time was not unfriendly to the

anarchists, attended meetings. Interestingly, it was an such occasions that

the program far his newspaper, L'Egalite. which appeared in February 1880, was

hammered o u t .® ? Basically, the program affirmed that the working class could

free itself only by revolution, and although voting was allowed as a form of protest,

workers' candidates were not to aecppt office if elected. Grave approved the

program and joined the staff of L'Egalite.®®

In the spring of 1880, however, Guesde became a full fledged Marxist

as he went to London to confer with Marx concerning a minimum program which could

be accepted by the working class. Socialist candidates now could be elected to

office.®^ The Guesdist position of reformism in practice and revblution in theory

was rejected by Grave who was against all reformist and serious electoral activity.^®

The meetings of the Social Study Group were often attended by police

spies who gave rather detailed accounts of the proceedings. A typical police

®^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 5 -6 . AM letter Grave to N ettlau, November 6, 1925.------S^Le Droit Social, February 12, 1882, p . 3 . ^ Mouvement libertaire, pp. 5-8. ®?lbid. , p . 7. On Guesde, see Noland, The Founding of the French Socialist Party, pp. 2ff. 88L'Egolite, February 21, 1880. 89|Jerlin, Karl M arx..., pp. 274-75. ^Mouvement libertaire, p. 14. 22 report gave the location of the meeting: Fournier H all, 19 Pascal Street (where

the meetings were often held); the approximate number and some names: twenty- 9 1 fiv e , including Grave and Jeallot; and the problem discussed: voting— fraud.

The Social Study Group was interested in founding a bulletin for corres­

pondence purposes, and in 1881 issued Le Bulletin des Groupes Anarchistes. It

lasted only one number however, as financial difficulties and lack of coordination 92 among the various groups made failure inevitable.

During this period Grave was involved with Emile Gautier in propaganda

work. Gautier, a lawyer from bourgeois background, was very brilliant and

had established himself as an effective anarchist propagandist by giving a series 93 of public speeches throughout France during 1879-1880. Grave's collaboration

was concerned with placards. One entitled Mort aux Voleurs (Deoth to the Thieves)

was mainly his inspiration. (The thieves involved were the bourgeoisie.)^

The differences between Marxists and anarchists within the Socialist

Workers' party were becoming acute, as was shown by the regional Congress of the

Center held in Paris from July 18 to 25, 1880. Grave participated as the leading

delegate from the Social Study Group, for which he drew up its report which dealt 96 with such problems as property and electoral participation.

The most divisive of the problems between Marxists and anarchists concerned

parliamentary representation. Speaking before the congress, Grave made his posi­

tion clear when he maintained that it would be infinitely more appropriate to

^ Police Archives, Box 13/1505, Dossier No. 293839, July 6, 1881. 92 Mouvement libertaire, pp. 6 -7 .

^ O n Gautier, see ibid.. pp. 11-12, and Alfred Vi ze telly, The Anarchists: Their Faith and Their Record Including Sidelights on Hie Royal and other Personages Who Hove Been Assassinated (New York: John lane C o ., m l ) , p. 65. 94 Mouvement libertaire, pp. 11-12. 95 Blum, I, LesCongres ouvriers.. . , pp. 416-18.

^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 11-15. 23 purchase dynamite from money collected rather than to spend it on the electoral front. Voting was considered as essentially counterrevolutionary; the aim of

the leadership was conceived to be an awakening of the people to depose the

government through revolution. The strain of Bakuninism clearly overshadowed

the Proudhonian of peaceful change. Grave's speech had wide press coverage

and gave him a bit of n o to riety.^ Grave and the anarchists also opposed the

minimum program because it would diminish revolutionary fervor. However, in op this case, as in all other matters, the anarchist position was in the minority.

The final split between the contending factions came in 1881 at the Regional

Congress of the Center on May 22 at Paris. While the issue which caused the split

seemed minor, it underscored the deep antipathy and distrust of representation which

was equated With authority in the anarchist mind. The anarchists had instructed

their delegates that they were not to use their personal names, but only those of their

respective groups. The majority Guesdists and others insisted otherwise. The 99 anarchists thereupon walked out. The split had occurred.

The anarchists then held their own congress between May 25 and 29, 1881,

at Paris. It was attended by about two hundred persons. Among the principal

anarchist groups were the 5th and 13th section of Paris, the 6th section of Paris, and

the Revolution Sociale group of Lyons. Other anarchist organizations sent indicative

letters of interest. The resolutions adopted were indeed revolutionary: propaganda

by deed was endorsed, the salary system and all types or concepts of property— even ion in a collective sense— were to be abolished.

97 Jacques Prolo, Les Anarchistes. V ol. X of Histoire despartis socialistes en France, ed. A . Zevaes (Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1912), pp. 18-19. Mouvement" UbertaireTpp. 11ff. Le Citoven de Paris. Supplement. July 25. 1880. p . 3 . op HMA, pp. 101-102. Seven of about thirty groups in the congress were anarchist.

^ O n the Regional Congress of the Center in 1881, see Le R^volte', May 28, 1881; and HMA, p. 107. ------

*®®On the Anarchist Congress cf Paris 1881, see Le Revolte, June 11, 1881 • The next International Anarchist Congress was held in 1907^ \

24

In 1881, the anarchists held an international congress in London from

July 14 to 20* Many famous anarchists attended including Kropotkin, M ichel,

Malatesta, and Emile Pouget, a leading journalist. There were about thirty delegates representing thirteen nations and about 50,000 anarchists* Anarchism was enter­

ing a particularly militant period, and the adopted resolutions favored extremist action. Propaganda by deed and revolution were called for while reformist tactics

such as voting were rejected. Although the establishment of a Correspondence

Bureau in London was authorized it never m aterialized.^

In the early 1680's the French anarchists, undoubtedly influenced by the

terrorist activities of the Russian nihilists,1®^ embarked on the road of propaganda

by deed in which spectacular acts against the prevailing social structure were com­

mitted in the hope of arousing the supposedly lethargic masses to revolt. This

development clearly represented the ascendancy of Bakuninist ideas within anarchism.

Anarchist activists became more apparent. The typical revolutionary was

the fanatic with the martyr complex whose reward would be the happy mankind of

the future. Needless to say, this frame of mind had many parallels with religious

fanaticism, eqsecially of the Western variety.

The French anarchists were deeply infected by propaganda by deed— both

in fact and theory. Grave recalled that almost a ll, including himself, were think­

ing of it: " A ll, more or less—more so than less—were dreaming of bombs and attacks,

of committing unusual acts that would be capable of undermining bourgeois society.

101 On the London International Congress see Maitron, HMA, pp. 109- 110; Woodcock, Anarchism, pp. 297-60; V izetelly, The Anarchists, p . 70. The French groups represented are listed on Maitron, HMA. p. 109. 102 On the Russian revolutionary background see Yarmolinsky, Road to Revolution.... pp. 263ff., on the assassination of Tsar Alexander H oy nihilist terrorists in 1881. 103 Mouvement libertaire, p. 15. 25

In a letter to Le Droit Social, Grave, acting as spokesman for the Social

Study Group, revealed a deep apocalyptic mood for change. The revolution was considered imminent. The evils of capitalism would be done away w ith. As such, study for possible action was stressed:

So, comrades, it is time that we free ourselves from this situation, (exploitation'under capitalism]which can be done only if we wish to. We must, once and for a ll, discard bourgeois ideas constantly thrown at us through the press and the novel, and begin to study the causes of our misery, and to bring about the proper remedy.... *04

Articles in Le Droit Social gave minute and complicated directions for pre­ paring nitroglycerine. 1®® Anarchism was to make use of modem science to bring about revolution. It was as if modern science confirmed the validity of anarchism by making it possible for wholesale destruction to come about through individual effort and thus magnifying the individual and his problems. The individual as a modem David could do battle with the Goliath of the modem state and emerge victorious. The concrete aim, Grave stated, was to destroy the leading buildings of the Republic at w ill and thus prove that the authority and power of the state were unimportant against the will of determined individuals opposed to it and its ideals.1®6

Grave himself was intoxicated by it a ll. He began to engage in experiments

to make nitroglycerine and other explosives. Many hours were spent on this activity although he apparently did not use any of his homemade explosives in terroristic activity. Before leaving Paris for Geneva, he deposited them with some friends who later were imprisoned because they were found in their possess!on.I®7

The anarchist press reflected the emphasis being placed on propaganda

by deed. Le Revolte and Le Droit Social issued from time to time articles calling

for social change to be brought about by revolution.^®® Even the police helped

IQ4Le Droit Social, February 12, 1882. 105lb ld ., May 28, 1882.

106Mouvement libertaire, p. 15.

1°7lb id ;t pp. 16-17. 10®Le Droit Social, February 12, 1882; Le Revolte, April 1, 1882. 26 by subsidizing the only.anarchist paper in France in the early phase of propaganda by deed period— in 1880-81. Their plan was relatively simple and sound: use agent provocateurs to inflame further the unstable revolutionist in order to discredit all revolutionary ideas.

Egide Spilleux, better known as Serreaux, was one of these agent provocateurs. He posed as an anarchist and constantly urged propaganda by deed

The ground was fertile. In 1880, Serreaux approached Grave and Malatesta at one of the meetings of the 5th and 13th section groups. He told them that a wealthy lady wished to subsidize an anarchist newspaper. He was even kind enough to give the lady's address in London. Grave made inquiries to friends in

London who investigated. To their chagrin the lady was not rich. Grave, who had been suspicious all along of Serreaux, informed him that the money (3,000 francs) would be accepted on the condition that Grave become editor and Serreaux merely take over the business end. Serreaux refused,111

However, within a short time Serreaux convinced Emile Pouget and Louise

Michel of his sincerity and on December 12, 1880, La Revolution Sociale appeared.

This weekly, which lasted until September 1881, was at the time the only anarchist

newspaper in France.^2 |f5 policy was ultra-revolutionary. It constantly urged

violence and thus contributed to the proliferation of the concept of propaganda by

deed.^ 3 All the while the funds that Serreaux provided were furnished him by

Louis Andrieux, a police perfect.Serreaux, who was on the editorial staff,

^09Mouvement libertaire, pp. 191-92, on agent provocateurs.

^®On Spilleux, see Mouvement libertaire, pp. 192-94; HMA, pp. 135-36.

m Mouvement 1 ibertaire, pp. 192-94.

112HMA, pp. 134-35.

^ Mouvement libertaire, p. 194.

^ L o u is Andrieux, Souvenirs d'un prefet de police (Paris; Jules Rouff, 1885), I, 337-41. 27 had access to various correspondence conducted by the newspaper and thus learned much about anarchism. The venture was not a smashing success, however, since many anarchists were suspicious of Serreaux from the beginning. Andrieux eventually refused further funds to Serreaux, the newspaper closed, and Serreaux disappeared.11^ By 1882, Grave was already venturing deeply in anarchist theory in which his communist-anarchism is clearly evident. The element of revolution at this time was very important, for he was under the influence of propa­ ganda by deed.

La Societe au lendemain de la revolution appeared in serial form in the anarchist weekly in Lyons, Le Droit Social.11^ Grave believed the most impor­ tant thing to do after a successful revolution was to prevent the socialists from forming a government. Such action would consolidate the revolution and make it a lasting success. The new society would allow no property. Association would be voluntary, people with particular needs coalescing in groups to fulfill them.117

In early 1883, the revolutionary Grave wrote under the pseudonym of

Jehan Le Vagre, Organisation de la propagande revolutionnalre. It called for effective combat against bourgeois society. Small ephemeral groups were to be formed to accomplish specific acts of propaganda by deed such as the elimination of particularly obnoxious exploiters or the destruction of factories during strike periods. In these small groups individual initiative was to be stressed. The aim

115 Mouvement libertaire. pp. 193-94. Pouget and Michel were warned by Grave and others of Serreaux. Grave states that La Revolution Sociale did not cause too much damage to anarchism as no one took it seriously. 11A Le Droit Social lasted from February 12 to July 23, 1882. It was closed down because of its advocacy of propaganda by deed. It was followed by a host of ephemeral anarchist newspapers which met the same fate. 117 Jean Grave, La Societe au lendemain de la revolution (Paris: Publications de 5® et 13® Arrondissements), pp. 3 -3 1 . This pamphlet of thirty- one pages is at the Police Archives, BA/1505; also see Cole, II, 328. 28 was to make one involve himself personally in a way that would be impossible in a large centralized organization. These groups would constantly be forming and dissolving themselves, thus confusing the police and making their task of detection more difficult. The propaganda by deed was to be backed up by written and oral propaganda. Study groups were urged to educate, while newspapers were encouraged 118 to further propagate and defend propaganda by deed. >G

These ideas were shown to be part of a general pattern of activity within the working class. The actions of miners at Montceau-les Mines in 1882 who struck back at the alliance of church and capital by launching a series of mass

(propaganda by deed) attacks against roadside crosses and religious houses testifies to the fact. While anarchists were not involved at first, they subsequently were

in 1883 and 1884 when new series of attacks were launched there on churches

and houses of the mine management. There were many reasons why these assaults took place. Lowering of wages played a significant role, but this must be coupled

with the sense of frustration of being in the working class, which le Revolte correctly 119 pointed out.

Another example during this period was the raid by an unemployed group

on a few bakery shops in Paris. It occurred on March 9 , 1883, under the leader­

ship of two leading anarchists: Michel and Pouget who both received prison terms

^®Jehan Le Vagre [Jean G rave], Organisation de la propaganda rdvolu- rionnaire (Paris: Publications du Groupe des 5® et 13® Arrondissements, 1883). The Police Archives contain this pamphlet in BA/1505. The police knew of Grave's Le Vagre pseudonym”: Police Archives. BA/1505. The stress by Grave on conspiracy and small groups of activists to stir up revolution is similar to Blanquism. The obvious difference between Grave's conceptions and Blanqui's is that while Grave would have these groups decentralized, Blanqui would have the whole movement tightly centralized. On Blanqui, see Alan B. Spitzer, The Revolutionary Theories of Louis-Auguste Blanaui (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957), pp. 162ff. especially.

^^ H M A . pp. 148-58; Woodcock, Anarchism, p. 302; Le Revolte. September 16, October 28, November 11, December 9 , December 23, 1882. 29

120 of eight and six years respectively, but who were amnestied in January, 1886.

Many individual acts of propaganda by deed were committed. Perhaps

the best publicized was the bombing of the restaurant of the Bellecour theater in

Lyons in October, 1882. No one was killed. An anarchist journalist, Antoine

Cyvoct was accused and tried for the crime. The sentence, at first death, was

changed to life imprisonment at hard labor. He was, however, eventually freed in

1898, as a result of the insistence by the anarchist press that he was innocent.

Grave at this time was harassed by the police, who because of the 1882

incidents at Montceau-les-Mines staged a series of roundups. He was arrested and

interrogated concerning the events there, but was freed since there was no proven l i n k j ^

The individual and mass propaganda by deed activities led to the Lyons trial

of the anarchists in early January, 1883. They were accused of belonging to the

illegal R rst International and of being officers of it——alI sixty-five were accused

on the first count while only fiv e, which included such notables as Kropotkin and

Gautier, were accused on both.

Fortunately for Grave, however, an opportunity to leave Paris and the

propaganda by deed atmosphere were soon to present itself. It would involve his

becoming what he is best known for, an anarchist newspaper editor.

^ HMA. pp. 150-51. On the life of Louise Michel see Fernand Planche, La Vie ardente et intreoide de Louise Michel (Paris: Chez I'Auteur, 1946), pp. Iff: Michel*s father was a liberal noble who liked Rousseau and Voltaire. He seduced her mother, a servant in his household. The wife forgave all and liked Louise immensely. On the bakery episode, pp. 142ff. Planche is of anarchist persuasion. In Mouvement libertaire. pp. 281-82, Grave praises Michel's heroism and generosity. She could not stand to see anyone poorer than herself. He attended her funeral in 1905, at which the working class paid her tribute. 121 / ^ On Cyvoct, much information on his life and trial in Le Revolte. December 22, 1883. On his being freed, Les Temps Nouveaux. March 26-April 1, - 1898. Mouvement libertaire. pp. 36-38. Grave doubted Cyvoct's innocence claiming that he knew the person who presumably furnished Cyvoct with the dyna­ mite to commit the bombing. 122 Ib id ., pp. 22-27. Further information on the raids is in Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, pp. 285-87. CHAPTER II

LE REVOLTE AND LA REVOLTS PERIOD,

1883-1895

By its very nature, anarchism was a movement containing many actors: major, intermediate, and minor. Like others, it too had its criteria of status.

The typical major actor in anarchism was either a newspaper editor, theoretical thinker, or terrorist. Seldom was one all three, but being both of tbe first and second was not uncommon. During 1883 Grave was to become a major actor through his editorship oF anarchism's most important newspaper in the 1880's—

Le Revolte.

Its founding editor was Peter Kropotkin, who, with the aid of some Genevan workers, brought out an excellent newspaper. In 1882 Kropotkin was expelled from

Geneva through Russian government pressure,^ and although he continued to send it articles from afar, the newspaper was clearly in need of a new editor. Elisee Reclus could have taken the position, but he was preoccupied with other affairs.

Although Grave before this time was not considered a major anarchist, he had nevertheless an established reputation as a pamphleteer and correspondence secre­ tary of his group in Paris. In addition he had met and struck up a warm and lasting friendship with Peter Kropotkin and his wife, Sophie, while they were passing through

Paris in early 1881 They apparently were greatly impressed by Grave, for when

^ On the founding of Le Revolte see Pierre Kropotkin, "Comment fut fonde Le Re vo lte." Les Temps Nouveaux. February 20-26, 1904, pp. 1 -2 , and March 19- 25, 1904, p. 3. 2 Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist, p. 279. 3 Mouvement libertaire, p. 19; Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Anarchist Prince, p. 183. the search for a new Le Re volte editor was undertaken, Elisee Reclus on the advice of Sophie Kropotkin asked Grave to take the position* Grave at first hesitated since he did not know the typographical end of the operation* But after he was assured of an option to leave after six months, Grave accepted *^

Grave, indeed, did experience a sense of excitement in accepting the

position. He thought of the new surroundings and welcomed the idea of a change.

There was only one drawback. He had met a young woman whom he wished to

marry. 5

Arriving in Geneva towards the end of 1883, Grave lived at first with a

former Parisian comrade, Finet, whose family was in need since he was unemployed.

(Part of Grave's salary of eighty francs per month aided them until work was found.

Grave had many problems as editor of le Revolte: breaking down the

resentment among his co-workers against an outsider becoming editor, and learning

the various facets of newspaper work. Despite difficulties, he overcame them a ll*

Within a brief period, Grave settled down and in fact found Geneva an enjoyable

place* He made friends easily with the local anarchists, and would often spend 8 Sundays with them in talking, eating, and drinking*

Grave not only proved to be an excellent editor, but also an able promoter*

Through his many previous contacts as secretary of the 5th and 13th Sections Group,

newspaper circulation increased markedly: the number of copies printed rose from

1,500 to 3,000.9

^Mouvement libertaire. p . 39. Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Anarchist Prince* p. 193. 5 Mouvement libertaire, pp. 44-45.

6tbid., p. 39.

7lbid., pp. 39-40.

8lbid. p. 41.

9lb id ., p. 4 1. Jean Grave, "Du Revolte aux Temps Nouveaux*" Temps Nouveaux* March 5-11 * 1904, pp. 2 -3 . Circulation was estimated at about 2,5tf c ------32

The problem, however, shortly arose (by the end of 1883) of how to cope with the refusal of the French government to allow the newspaper in France because of its subversive nature. After the bribery of customs officers proved too expensive, smuggling was resorted t o . ^ It succeeded, but a high price was paid since many anarchists were caught in the various attempts.^ Other subterfuge was attempted by mailing the newspaper to France within sealed envelopes, which apparently was successful.^ 13 In the meantime, Grave's fiancee joined him in Geneva. Their life there was rather tranquil at first, but soon became stormy. The police claimed that an anarchist plot was afoot to blow up the Federal Palace at Berne. A series of raids were held including one at Grave's residence where he was searched and held for questioning. Fortunately, he was released. With this experience. Grave had just about enough of G e n e v a .^ He and Elisee Reclus also decided that since most of the newspaper's readers were in France, to move it to Pari s. ^ The last issue in Geneva of Le Re volte was published on March 14, 1 8 8 5 ,^

Grave and his fiancee left Geneva late iri March 1885 for Paris to live in the home of her sister, Madame Joseph Benoit at 140 Mouffetard S tre e t.^ Funds for Le Reyplte at this time were scarce but Grave's fiancee allowed him to pawn her

^Q Mouvement Iibertaire. p . 42. Grave, Les Temps Nouveaux. March 5 -11, 1904, pp. 2-3. 1 1 ' Mouvement libertaire, p. 42. 12 Ibid., pp. 42-43, Grave, Les Temps Nouveaux, March 5 -H , 1904, pp. 2 -3 . i 'i Mouvement libertaire, pp. 44-45.

^Grave, Les Temps Nouveaux, March 5 -1 1 ,1904,. pp.. 2-3.

^Mouvement libertaire, p. 46.

^ Le Revolted March 14, 1885. 17 "Mouvement libertaire, pp. 47-48. 33 jewelry to obtain some money.More trouble followed. Within a few months after their arrival he lost both his fiancee who became his common-law wife and a baby boy at childbirth. While Grave was deeply shaken by this and extremely depressed for many months, he resolved nevertheless to go on.1^ Much later, he received a touching letter from Kropotkin and his wife expressing their sorrow.20

Grave continued to stay with his in-laws for the next seventeen years. 21

Grave lived in the attic, which not only served as living quarters, but also as the office of Le Revolte, La Revolte, and Les Temps Nouveaux in its early years.22 Grave's daily life here was rather Spartan, but it did have some petty frills. There was always a vase of fresh flowers next to his books.23 The news­ paper writer, Felix Dubois, gives an interesting description of Grave and the attic in 1894:

Jean Grave is the real manager of La Revolte, if one can say that it has one. His place of residence, which is situated in a narrow house at the very end of Mouffetard Street is the legal address of the newspaper. We have climbed up five floors; we must still go up another narrow flight of unequal steps at the end of which we find ourselves facing an attic door. We see a sign on it; we know that this is the entrance to the newspaper offices. There is no b e ll. We knock. A dog barks. A voice tells us to come in and we turn the key of the door to enter. Once in we see that the desks merely serve as places to dry clothing and to put unused articles on. In a narrow attic piles of newspapers and shelves overcharged with pamphlets fight over the space left by the slanting roof. The room contains two chairs. What passes for a table is merely a few boards set over some

1 ^Mouvement libertaire, p. 56.

1^1 bid ., p . 48. Correspondence was made with the mayor of the Fifth Ward of Paris concerning information on Grave's wife and child. A response was received indicating no information existed. 20 Institut Franqais d'Histoire Sociale, Grave Archives, letter Kropotkin to Grave, November 1, 1685. Hereafter letters from this source will be cited as GA.

21 Mouvement libertaire, p . 48.

22lbid., p. 47.

^ V ic to r Serge, Alexandre Croix and Jean Bernier, "L'Anarchie," Crapoullot (January, 1938), p . 16. (Grave and his flowers and books in the attic— a drawing.) The same drawing is in Mouvement libertaire, p . 179. 34

boxes. It is here that La Re volte is put together. Near the attic window, to better utilize the little light which comes in, comrade Grave has installed his place of work. Grave's work had not always been that of writing. He had been a shoemaker and then a printer, whose distinctive long black apron he still wears. About thirty to thirty-five years of age, with large head and ample brow, he has at once both a resolute and gentle air about him. His simple manner constitutes a most interesting appearance which has nothing in common with the fanatics of public meetings. His voice is So tranquil and soft that it is sympathetic. We ask ourselves if it is possible that in the deep crevices of his brain he has something in common with Ravachol, Pini, and the other thieves?**

Le Revolte' became a weekly—previously it was a bi-monthly— with its

May 9 -15, 1886, issue. In January 1887 the newspaper price per copy was reduced from ten to five centimes in the hope of increasing circulation. A four-page tabloid,

Le Re volte7 printed about 8,000 copies per issue in 1887, of which approximately one- half were sold. ^

The change from Le Revolte" to La Revoife occurred in September, 1887, in an unexpected manner. A local antipatriotic league formed principally by young men was conducting antimilitary propaganda: advocating desertion from the military. When a raffle was held by it in order to raise money for propaganda purposes. Grave cooperated by putting the winning numbers in the paper. Grave had, however, forgotten that it was illegal for newspapers to participate with 26 other groups in a lottery, and the government quickly charged the newspaper's legal publisher, Emile Mereaux, a long-time collaborator and friend, of being involved in an illegal raffle. He was tried and received a fine of fifteen days

rel ix Dubois, "Le Peril anarchiste," Le Figaro. Supplement Litteraire, January 13, 1894, p . 6 . This description is also quoted by Alain Sergent, fes Anarchistes: scenes et portraits recueillis et presentes (Pdtfs: Frederic Chambridnd, 1951), pp. 32-34. On p. 15 of ibid. there is a picture of three men in an office entitled "La Salle de redaction de La Revolte." Grave is the man whose back is turned. Also, see the description of a very disorderly office in Emile Damaud (e d .), 140 Rue Mouffetard Paris (Paris: Foix, 1889), pp. 7 -8 . For a drawing of the house at 140 Rue Mouffetard (five stories and an attic) see L'l I lustration, March 2, 1889, p. 176. ------

^ L e Revolte', February 12-18, 1887. 26 Mouvement libertaire, pp. 63-64. 35 imprisonment and payment of five hundred francs.2^ Grave erroneously thought that the newspaper would be responsible for the payment of the money fine, and thus changed the name of Le Re volte to la Revolte. Actually, no change of name was needed since the newspaper was not responsible for payment.^®

In 1889# La Re volte had a circulation of about 6,000.2^ As an anarchist organ it criticized the leading institutions of society in an uncompromising manner.

Its influence, however, on general events was negligible because in addition to its limited circulation it appealed mainly to the workers, artists, and intellectuals.

Although the latter two groups (the first was never too important) had great influence in relation to their limited numbers, they usually exaggerated their own importance.

v*. • * * In addition to many leading active anarchists such as Kropotkin, Pouget,

Paul and Elisee Reclus, a group of anarchist inclined painters and writers also

subscribed: Octave Mirbeau, Paul Adam, Jean Richepin, Bernard Lazare, Maxi mi lien

Luce, and Paul Signac among others. Subscribing writers who were not connected with anarchism included Anatole France and Stephane Mallarme. Even a few

right wing intellectuals subscribed, like the antisemitic Edouard Drumont, editor

of La Libre Parole, and Maurice Banes, who wanted a France of social conservatism,

and nationalism, but who still was receptive to socialist ideas for the economic and

moral improvement of the working class. The only bonds of kinship between Grave

and them were those of common antipathy to bourgeois values and compassion to

the workers* plight.'*®

27 Grave, Les Temps Nouveaux, March 5-11, 1904, pp. 2-3.

2®lbid. The last issue of Le Re volte was September 10-16, 1887. The first issue of La Revolte was September 17-23, 1887.

2^La Re volte. June 3 0 -July 6 , 1889. Felix Dubois, "Le Peril anarchiste," Figaro, Supplement Litteraire, January 13, 1894, p. 6. 30 7 On Drumont, concerning his activity and philosophy, see Edouard Drumont, Le Testament d*un anti Semite (Paris: E. Dentu, 1891), eq>ecially pp. 1-56 on his general antisemitism. For a spirited,defense of Drumont's life , see Georges Bernanos, La Grande peur des bien-pensants: Edouard Drumont (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1931). On Maurice Barr&s, see Edouard Berth, La Fin d'une culture (Paris: Marcel Riviere. 1927), pp. 105-149. ------36

Some of the leading literary magazines ef the period, strongly influenced by anarchism subscribed: notably La Revue Blanche and La Plume. It must not be forgotten, however, that the overwhelming majority of the subscribers and readers were in the working class: miners, shoemakers, barbers, and the like*

Of the 1057 subscribers, 767 were in France* Foreign representation, however, was quite impressive* The United States led with 61, about on err third being in the New York C ity area (one was from Mahoning County in Ohio); Italy followed with 33; England had 29, part representing political exiles residing there

like Kropotkin; Switzerland followed with 27, while Belgium had 24 and Holland 20.

In Latin America, Brazil laid with 6 subscribers, while in Eastern Europe, Rumania

led with 12.31

In November 1887, Grave expanded La Revolte by introducing a

Supplement Litteraire (Literary Supplement) of four pages which first appeared in every second issue and beginning in August 1890, in every issue, or weekly .32

The reasons for a literary supplement were succintly and cogently stated in its first number: _

1) To show the workers that the ideas which we defend have not come about just recently and that we are only continuing in all modesty the work of those thinkors of which bourgeois tradition pretends to follow.

2) To make those satisfied under present circumstances remember and leam that they are the beneficiaries of past revolutions and that it would be in bad tatte an their part to denounce those whose only crime consists in wishing to put into practise the theories of their thinkers.33

Its purposes were more than fulfilled as a rich intellectual harvest

was provided* Excerpts which often would continue for months at a time

^ Oh: subscribers, see Archives Nationales. 12506 (1894). An error has been made by the compiler concerning the number of U . S. subscribers. The total of 62 should be 61 as one address was London, England.

33Lai Revolte* Supplement Litteraire* 19-25 November 1887. Hence­ forth to be called RSU 33lbid. 37 were gleaned from literary and philosophical works. A book review section for which Grave often wrote was also included.

The literary section stressed social misery, alienation and revolt. A

frequently used poet who wrote in the popular vein was Eugene Pottier of L'lnter-

notionale fame.®^ Leo Tolstoy, the great Christian anarchist, was a principal

literary source3^ along with such other writers as Emile Zola®^ and Mirbeau.37

Three early French anarchists who flourished in the fifties were also much

in evidence. The first, Joseph Dejacque, took part in the workers' revolution of

June 1848 in Paris and is best known for his L'Humanisphere, a utopia where social

coercion and hierarchy do not exist and where mankind has totally conquered nature.

It was republished by Grave in 1899.®® The second, Anselme Bellegarrigue, was

close to the individualistic strain of anarchism. He was editor and sole contributor

of the magazine, L'Anarchic, Journal de I'O rdre, which lasted for two issues—

April and M ay, 1850.®^ The third, Ernest Coeurderoy, was a physician who was

involved in the February 1848 Revolution and in the unsuccessful attempt in June,

^RSL, 24-30 December 1887; 31 December-15 January, 1888. G A . letter Pottier to Grave, 23 May 1887 giving Grave permission to use his poetry. On Pottier and his works see Eug&ne Pottier, Chants Revolutionnoires (Preface by Lueien Descaves; Paris: fcdl tiens Soeiales Internationales, 1937).

3"*RSL. N o . 16 (1st y r.), 1888; N o . 39 (2nd y r.), 1889. An interesting biography on Tolstoy is by his daughter, Ajexamdra Tolstoy, Tolstoy; A Life of My Father, trans. Elizabeth Reynolds Hapgood (New York: Harper and Brothers Publish- ers, 1953).

^RSL, N o . 12 (1st y r.), 1887; N o . 8 (3rd y r.), 1889. An excellent biography on Zola is by Mathew Josephson. Zola and His Time (Garden C ity, New York: Garden City Publishing C o ., 192SJ

37RSL, N o. 8 (3rd y r.), 1889; N o . 29 (3rd y r.), 1889. 38 Ibid., No. 44 (1st yr.), 1888. On Dejacque, see Sergentand Harmel, Histoire de L'onarchie, pp. 263-77. L'Humani sphere was brought out by LerTemps NouveauxT 39 RSL. Nos. 3-648 (7th yr.), 1893. On Bellegarrigue, see Sergent and Harmel, Histoire de l'qnarchief pp. 230-38. 38

1849, to prevent Louis Napoleon from becoming President. His best known work was his autobiographical Jours d 'e x il, which came out in 1854.4®

It was the works of more contemporary anarchist thinkers, however, which were stressed. Portions of the yet unpublished Mutual Aid by Kropotkin ran issue after issue;^ the Reclus Brothers, Elie and Elisee contributed many articles;^ and, of course, Proudhon4^ and Bakunin44 were included. Even the new world was not neglected. Especially did Grave like and appreciate the anarch!st-oriented Henry

David Thoreau, certainly one of the most influential figures in American thought and author of such works as C ivil Disobedience.4** Classic utopian works such as

Sir Thomas More's Utopia4^ and Francois Rabelais' Gargantua and Pantagruel4^ were widely featured. The Enlightenment furnished mbch material since its progressive heritage was appreciated by Grave. His favorite among the philosophes was Denis

Diderot, perhaps their most audacious proponent of freedom and equality.4®

Curiously, an unusual favorite was the reactionary English sociologist

Herbert Spencer, whose basic ideas were an amalgam of Social Darwinism and

Classical Economics. What Grave presented, however, were some of their political elements which lended themselves to anarchist biases, such

40 RSI, Nos. 3 and 9 (7th y r.), 1893. On Coeurderoy, see Sergenf and Harmel, Histoire de I'anarchie. pp. 255-63.

4 ]RSL, N o s . 29-32 (5th yr.), 1892; Nos. 21-26 (7th yr.), 1894.

42lbid., Nos. 38-41 (6th yr.), 1893.

43lbid., Nos. 28, 32, and 35 (6th yr.), 1893.

44lbid., No. 38 (5th yr.), 1892.

4**lbid. , Nos. 29 and 31 (2nd y r .), 1889. On Thoreau, see Henry Seidel Cgnby (e d .), The Works of Thoreau (Boston: Houghton M ifflin C o ., 1946).

^RSL, No. 1 (5th yr.), 1891.

47lbid., No. 20 (7th yr.), 1894. AO Ibid., No. 21 (2nd yr.), 1889; No. 1 (5th yr.), 1891. 39 as fear of government bureaucracy and majority op in io n .^ Another reactionary,

Drumont, also received much q>ace.^®

A group of contemporary literary figures associated with anarchism found much favor. They included Bernard Lazare,*^ Paul Adam,^2 Jean Richepin,**3

Zo d 'A x a ,^ and Lucien Descaves.^ At times, Grave would even insert excerpts from his own literary efforts: La Grande fam ille, for example, under its originally intended title Sous 1*uniform ed

By the early 1890's the problem of robbery was becoming very important

in French anarchism. By its very nature of being against economic, political and moral authority anarchism could not but attract many to its ranks who in protest­

ing against their harsh lot in society would often resort to theft. Most of it was

of the petty variety such as deliberately not paying debts or filching m all items

like spoons and forks from restaurants.^ Some of it, however, was of major pro­

portions involving much money.

Grave was acquainted with many criminals through no fault of his own,

since they would come to the newspaper offices quite often to buy it and other

propaganda. Ohe such an acquaintance was Clement Duval, who despite a major

robbery to his credit still had impressed Grave by his revolutionary idealim.^®

^RSL, No. 43 (4th yr.), 1891. Ohe of many examples. On Spencer and his ideas, see Ricliard Hafstadter, Social Darwinim in American Thought (Boston: The Beacon Press, 1955).

SORSL, N o . 38 (4th yr.), 1891. 51 Ibid., No. 33 (5th yr.), 1892. 52IWd., No. 34 (4th yr.), 1891. 53lb»d., No. 36 (4th yr.), 1891. ^ Ib id ., No. 38 (4th yr.), 1891. 55lb id ., N o . 20 (3rd y r.), 1890. 56lbid., Nos. 30-31 (5th yr.), 1892. 57 Mouvement libertaire, pp. 210-11.

58lb id ., p . 57. 40

Grave thought that on the whole Duval was basically good even though a thief

Duval himself when tried in court defended his acts as philosophically justified in a world of oppression.^® He was sentenced in January 1887 to French Guiana at hard labor for life / but in 1901 he escaped to the New York City area where he stayed permanently.^ Another one was Leon Ortiz, an anarchist intellectual who

led a gangl of thieves in the early 1890's, which contributed some of its loot to propaganda by deed. Grave thought that some of the spectacular bombings in this period including the one of the Cafe Terminus in the Saint Lazare railroad

station were financed by this group. In a moment of weakness Grave had allowed

O rtiz to settle some money problems with another member of the gang in La

Revolte offices. The police later questioned Grave about this episode but he denied any knowledge of it . O rtiz and his group were ultimately apprehended.^

There was a deep theoretical division in anarchism concerning theft. At

once it was admitted by both parties that bourgeois society was un{ust for it was

based on the exploitation of labor and that great property therefore was theft as

Proudhon had stated. There was, however, disagreement whether this would justify

theft or not.

For Grave the problem became important in the latter part of 1891 when

he was serving a six month prison sentence at Sainte-Pelagie prison in Paris.

During Grave's absence Paul Reclus, the engineer son of Elie Reclus, administered

Lg Revolte. After he had written an unsigned article whose basic thesis was

^ Mouvement libertaire, p. 57.

^®Lq Re volte, January 29-February 4 , 1887.

^ HMA, p. 177. Prolo, Les Anarchistes, pp. 29-37.

620n O rtiz see Mouvement libertaire, pp. 215-16 and A , Bataille, Causes criminelles et mondainesde 1894; lesproces anarchistes (Paris: E. Dentu, 1895)7 pp.756-58: ------“ ------

^Elisee Reclus, Correspondence, III (Paris: Alfred Costes, 1925), 96-98. On Paul Reclus see Reclus,"Tes rrferes ETTe et Elisee R eclu s..., p . 203. 41

that in a bourgeois society (heft was as morally defensible as w o r k , 64 Grave was so perturbed that he asked Elisee Reclus to restrain his nephew's exuberance.

Reclus, however, backed up his nephew:

We are like furious wolves, disputing with one another our daily existence at the expense of the weak; each loaf of bread that we eat is taken from the poor and leaves in its wake its particular drop of blood .65

Grave wrote in defense of his ideals a rejoinder entitled "Encore la morale," in which he asked whether or not theft would regenerate man by bringing about the revolution. In the first installment, Grave equated property with theft, obviously endorsing Proudhon's famous pronouncement. But then Grave turned the equation around and asked whether it was true that theft was property. If so, one engaging in theft desired property, becoming thereby a common bourgeois, not a revolutionary .66

In the second installment, Grave stated that theft was a factor working against revolutionary energy:

Since the days of the Pharoahs in Egypt, the masters have stolen the labor of their slaves, and the slaves instead of revolting have stolen from their masters,67

In the third article, the basic point made was that theft showed weakness of a social nature:

Theft is property. It is appropriation not expropriation. Only the weak steal, while only force exprepriates.68

The debate continued to rage for years. A letter from Elisee Reclus to

Grave on May 21, 1893, especially defended a certain type of robbery—one

committed by a revolutionary to aid his f r i e n d s . 69 Grave disagreed and was

64paul Reclus, "Vol et Travail," La Revolte, November 21-27, 1891. Reclus, Correspondence,UL, 96-98.

65 Lg Re volte, November 28-December 4, 1891.

6 6 Jean Grave, "Encore la morale," i b i d . , December 5 -1 1, 1891, pp. 1 -2 .

6 7 | b i d . , December 12-18, 1891, pp. 1 -2.

68lb id ., December 19-25, 1891, pp. 1 -2 .

69Reclus, Correspondence, III, 140. 42

S’ backed up by Kropotkin, who definitely was against robbery whether of a revolu­ tionary nature or not. He had told Grave that the Populist movement in Russia had suffered greatly because of i t . 7® Ultimately Grave was against theft because:

To practice stealing is to diminish oneself as one must lie and deceive. This does not raise character. Many who began to steal to provide for propaganda funds have finished by making theft into their livelihood and have lived dissolutely after tneir thefts. This was inevitable. Money corrupts, especially when to have it we risk our liberty in using equivocal ends.7 '

The Literary Supplement begun in 1886 had by July 1890 involved Grave with the Society of Letters (La Societe' des Gens de Lettres), a literary organization formed to protect writers from unauthorized copying of their work. Its president was Zola. Grave was told by the Society to pay them for using the works of its members in the Supplement, or face a court suit.72 Grave replied that Lq Revolte

should be exempt as it was not of a commercial nature, but one of general enlighten­

ment. Since he did not wish any controversy, however, he asked what they would

accept as payment. The Society asked for one hundred francs. Grave retorted

if it could be paid in quarterly installments. The reply was that a mistake had been

made, that two hundred francs were owed, eighty of which were to be paid immediately. 73 The irate Grave then simply refused to pay anything.

A quasi-tragic situation is seen here in that both sides in the controversy had a valid claim: Grave's desire to have a more meaningful newspaper on scanty economic

resources was balanced by the Society's concern for protecting its member writers.

7®Mouvement Iibertaiire, pp. 217-18. On other letters concerning theft concerning Elisde Reclus and Grave, see ib id ., pp. 61-62.

71 Ibid., p. 197.

72lbid., pp. 86-87. Josephson, Zola and His Time, p. 333.

7®Bibliotheque Nationale, New Acquisitions, 24, 272, letter Grave to Felix Nadar, n. d. From Internal evidence it was written in November-December, 1891, while Grave was in Sainte-Pelagie prison. In Mouvement libertaire. Grave does not do himself justice, for he omitted this reasonableness in the controversy which instead is revealed in this letter to Felix Nadar, a prominent socialist, photographer and Communard. 43

Grave was especially resentful towards Zola, who previous to his joining the Society had given him permission to publish portions of his work in the Supplement.

Zola, of course, after joining the Society abided with its p o l i c i e s . 74

Guy de Maupassant, the magnificent short-story writer, also incurred

Grave's anger after he had informed Grave that his works were not to be copied without authorization.7** Grave's reply to him was a theoretical exposition of the relation of the artist to society, in which the creative man was seen as not apart or above but within and reflecting society. The artist owed much to society as it nourished him; and as art is as much social as private, no artist in good faith could prevent the dissemination of his work.7^

A noted lawyer, Jean Ajalbert, represented Grave in the controversy with the Society.77 Furthermore, Grave was defended by many in the literary and journalistic professions with numerous articles.7® As late as 1911, Grave had difficulties with the Society and it was only time that finally intervened to resolve the controversy.7^

On May Day 1891, two incidents occurred which Grave protested against.

As a result he received two prison sentences, one for six months, the other for three weeks. A workers' demonstration in the small town of Fourmies in northern France

^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 87-88; two letters: Zola to Grave, Grave to Zola; and GA, letter. Grave to Mirbeau, July 21, 1891. 7c Mouvement libertaire, p . 91; letter, Maupassant to Grave.

76tbid., pp. 91-92.

^Ibid. , pp. 94-95; GA, letter Ajalbert to Grave, n. d.

7®Mouvement libertaire, p . 88; Octave Mirbeau, I'Echo de Paris, August 4, 1891; kSL, August 22-29, 1891. 79 Mouvement libertaire, p . 97; G A , letter Henri Barbusse to Grave, January 23, V9l I . Barbusse, the author dTFire (a good World War I novel) told Grave that he could not allow him to print one of his works in Les Temps Nouveaux Literary Supplement as he was a member of the Society. 44 was dispersed by troops in which ten people were killed,®® while at the Paris Q1 suburb of Clichy an anarchist group exchanged shots with the police.

A La Revolte article entitled "Viande a mitraille," was especially critical of the role played by the army at Fourmies and urged the soldiers of the army to desert.®^ Inasmuch as articles were not signed i))e police asked Grave to reveal the authorship in order to prosecute. It was written by Mereaux, but Grave refused to give any information.®® Grave was promptly arrested and in early June tried in the Criminal Court in Paris for urging soldiers to disobey their officers and to desert.®^

Grave did not wish a lawyer, preferring to defend himself at court, an action which he later admitted was a mistake since he did very poorly. Throughout the trial Grave was defiant: "N o one has the right to judge me, nor to prevent my saying what I QC th in k.. .do what you w ill, but I do not care what you do."103 He was sentenced by the jury to six months imprisonment and a one hundred franc fine. The incarceration O/ was at Sainte-Pelagie prison.

Once there, Grave settled down to productive intellectual labor. Not only did he finish the first draft of the largely autobiographical novel, La Grande fam ille,®^ but also largely completed his most famous theoretical work, Lq Societe' mourante et I'anarchie (much of it was a collation of previous articles in La Revolte), whose title was suggested by Elisee Reelus.®® While yet in prison, Grave was able

®°La Revolte, May 9-15, 1891, p. 1. 81 Ibid., May 23-29, p. 2, and September 5-11, 1891, pp. 1-3. ®^(jfmile Mereaux), "Viande a M itraille," ibid., May 16^22, 1891, p. 1. 83Mouvement libertaire, pp. 75-76. ®4La Re volte, June 6-12, p. 1, and June 13-19, 1891, p. 2. ®5lbid., June 13-19, 1891. 86jbid., GA, letter Grave to Mirbeau, July 21, 1891 from prison. ®^Mouvement libertaire. p. 85 and p. 146. Its original title was Sous I'uniforme but since it was preempted by another it was changed just before publication in 1895. ®®lbid., p . 83. 45 to persuade Octave Mirbeau, a well-known anarchist litterateur to write the preface. This added luster undoubtedly helped to publicize the work since

Mirbeau was considered to be in the top layer of the artistic elite

It was during this period that Grave earned the dubious title of Pape of

Mouffetard Street from a fellow anarchist and prison mate, Charles Malato. In

Philosophic de I'onarchie (1889), Malato advocated the importance of leadership.

Grave disagreed and apparently Malato in anger had Grave's printer's blouse trans­ formed into a clerical robe.

While in prison, Grave was able to carry out much of the administration

and correspondence of La Revolte with the aid of his sister-in-law, Madame Joseph

91 Benoit, who was his almost daily courier.

After serving his prison term, Grave was still under continual government

pressure. The courageous articles that he had written on the Fourmies massacre

prompted the government to impose another fine on him. When he went to pay 92 a part of the fine, he was again jailed for three weeks out of spite.

The events at Clichy and Fourmies, not only had repercussions on Grave's

life , but also led to an intensification of the struggle between anarchism and govern­

ment. Feeling the frustration of the working class in not being able to riposte

effectively to these atrocities, some anarchists decided to launch spectacular propa­

ganda by deed for revenge.

The most famous of this group was Francois Koeningstein, better known

by his mother's maiden name— Ravac hoi. After the father, from Hoi land, had left

89 Mouvement libertaire# pp. 83-84. On Mirbeau's life , see Maxine Revon, Octave Mirbeau: son oeuvre (Paris: Nouvelle Revue Critique, 1924). Mirbeau was the son of a highly educated middle class family which gave him a good education; with the Jesuits and the Law School in Paris. 90 Mouvement libertaire, pp. 79-80, and 1. 166. Charles Malato, Philosophie de I'anarchie (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1897). 91 Mouvement libertaire, p . 80.

92lbid., pp. 105-108. 46 the family, Ravachol went to work from the age of eight to help raise the family.

When he got older he became an anarchist and a th ie f.^

After committing a variety of crimes, which were definitely not in the category of propaganda by deed: killing and robbing a beggar-miser and search­ ing the tomb of a rich countess for jewelry, Ravachol settled down to propaganda by deed. In a sense his honor impelled him to do so, since many anarchists, including Grave, had thought him a police spy bent on discrediting anarchism.^

Thus it was that in March 1892, he blew up the houses of the judge and prosecutor that had tried the Clichy anarchists. Miraculously the occupants escaped injury. He was soon tried for the murder of the beggar-miser, and exe­ cuted on July 11, 1892. By April and May 1892 Ravachol was already on the way

of becoming a martyr to a n a r c h i s m . Grave, for example, blamed Ravachol for

murder but at the same time paid due respect to his sincerity and a c tio n .^

Auguste Vaillant fulfilled the next chapter of propaganda by deed by

throwing a bomb from a gallery in the Chamber of Deputies on December 9 , 1893.

A few deputies were injured, none killed. Vaillant, who had been dissatisfied

with a series of jobs in Paris, had gone to Argentina from August 1890 to March 1893

where lie was economically unsuccessful. He returned to Paris, where still unhappy,

he had made the bomb which probably was not intended to kill anyone— it was filled

with nails instead of steel balls. In spite of a good defense lawyer, Fernand Labor!

(who later defended Zola), Vaillant was sentenced to death. He was executed

^ O n Ravachol see Jean Maitron, Ravachol et les anarchistes (Paris: Rene* Julliard, 1964), pp. 39-76; V izetelly, The Anarchists, pp. 106-26. Henri Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio (Notesd'audience) (Paris: Gam ier, n. d .), pp. 1-78; Gilbert Guilleminault and Andre Mahe, L'Epopee de la Revolte (Paris: Denoel, 1963), pp. 57-92.

^ La Revolte, January 16-22, 1892.

^ O n anarchist newspaper, HMA, p . 208.

^ Mouvement libertaire, p . 102.^ A . Hamon, Les Hommes et les theories de I'anarchie (Paris: Aux bureaux de La Re*volte, 1893)t PP. 4 r 11 / .defended some of Ravachoi's actions by pointing out that in Indo-Cnina French army officers violated graves with no public outcry. 47 on February 5 , 1894, after his daughter, Sidonie, in vain pleaded to President 97 Carnot for his life .

The mounting wave of terror led to the expected countermoves of the

Casimir-Perier ministry (December 1893 to May 1894) with the passage of the first two of the three Exceptional Laws. The first law concerned the press. It was passed on December 11 and 12, 1893, by the Chamber of Deputies and Senate

respectively. For provoking or calling for such crimeis as "murder, pillage, and arson," a writer could be sentenced to jail from one to five years and pay a fine QQ from one hundred to three thousand francs.

The second law concerned criminal associations. It was passed on

December 18 and 19, 1893, by the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate respectively.

It was so worded that knowing an anarchist or even talking about anarchism in a

group could be considered a crime. A key article of this law read:

All formal or informal associations of no matter how many members or how long in existence, and all understandings which prepare or commit crimes against persons and property constitute a crime against the public peace.™

The key word is "understandings" which could conceivably include chance associa-

tion.

The last significant terroristic act took place soon afterwards. On * February 12, 1894, a week following Vaillant's execution, Emile Henry, from a

revolutionary working class family of Communards, threw a bomb in the Cafe

^O n Vaillant, see,HMA, pp. 218-25; Mouvement Iibertaire, p. 114; Guilleminault and Mahe, L'Epopee de la re volte, pp. V E = T \T .------

^®For specific texts on these laws and the timetable of the votes in Parlia­ ment see Varennes, De Ravachol a Cgserio, pp. 351-56.

^ Ib id ., p. 353. For an anarchist criticism of the Exceptional Laws and the hardship caused on many anarchists who could be imprisoned for merely attending meetings, see Emile Pouget, "L'Application des lois d'exception de 1893 et 1894," La Revue Blanche, XVI (15 July 1898), 426-43. 48

Terminus of the St. Lazare railroad station killing one and injuring twenty for which he was tried, and executed.100 Henry's act was extremely damaging to anarchism because it clearly was indiscriminate.

Under the mounting wave of anti-anarchist hysteria, in early January 1894

Grave was arrested for violating the first of the Exceptional Laws. He was charged with fomenting civil disobedience in La Societe mourante et I'anarchie (1892), which included such acts as mutiny and robbery. The second edition in 1893, with the exception of a few hundred copies furnished to newspapers by the government, was not allowed circulation. Grave was incarcerated in the Mazas prison to await tria l.101

The trial of Grave was held before the Criminal Court of the Seine Depart­ ment on February 25, 1894. The public prosecutor detailed his attack on the numerous purported instances of advocating propaganda by deed. Grave had of course written inflammatory articles and books, but La Societe mourante et I'anarchie was mainly theoretical in nature. There were some isolated passages that could be construed as calling for propaganda by deed but this was largely poetic license.

The prosecutor's charge that Grave was responsible for the various propaganda by deed attacks in the last few years was only tenable in a nation full of hysteria and insecure of its e lf.10^

100Grave, Mouvement libertaire, p. 139, stated that Fortune' Henry, the elder brother of Emile (not to be confused with the father whose name also is Fortune) who was atClairvaux with Grave told him that Emile became despondent because he was in love with a married woman. Also on Emile Henry, including his life , the bombing of the Hotel Terminus and his trial see Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio, pp. 208-45. 101 x On events leading to and the trial itself see Emile de Saint-Auban, L'Histoire sociale au Palais de Justice; plaidoyersphilosophiques (Paris: A . Pedone, 1895), pp. 20l-43« Mouvement libertaire, pp. 118—1 25 ; HMA, p. 232. Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio, pp. 153-63.

10^See Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio, pp. 155-58 and de Saint-Auban, L'Histoire sociale, pp. 204-203. 49

Grave was ably defended by Emile de Saint-Auban, a noted progressive lawyer and intellectual of the period. He presented a brilliant defense which included four distinguished character witnesses. The first was Elisee Reclus who said:

I have known Jean Grave for twenty-five years. I have great affection for him. He has educated himself splendidly. He has followed his studies in a meritorious manner. His intelligence is of the highest order. Jean Grave is especially concerned with anthropology./ithc ' Know­ ing the character and habits of Jean Grave, ave, I can I say that he never favoredfnunror) or nr counseled rniincalarl any nnv criminal rrim innl act . 1

The second was Octave Mirbeau, who stated that although he knew Grave only through correspondence, he had written the preface of La Societe mourante et

I'anarchie only because of his great admiration for Grave and their mutual "philosophic preoccupations." 104 He added:

I consider him [jG rave] an apostle. A&o very superior logician who pushes reasoning to its uttermost lim its.' 0^

He also opined that the literary world had a very high opinion of Grave's talents

and that in fact he enfoyed "great authority" among t h e m . 106

The third was the noted author Paul Adam who declared:

I do not personally know Jean Grave. I see him here for the first time. But I can say that it would have been very much to my credit to have written his book.’ ®'

The fourth was Bernard Lazare, a noted anarchist sympathizer:

I have known Jean Grave for four years. His loyalty and probity are above reproqch, He is a writer of great talent, whose work is among the best I k n o w 7 * 0 o

lO^Vqrennefr De Ravachol a Caserio, p . 159.

104lbid., p. 160.

105lbid., p. 160.

106ib id .

l^ D e Saint-Auban, L'Histoire sociale..., p. 204.

108lbid. 50

De Saint-Auban gave Grave a brilliant defense oration. He pointed out

that what was being tried were the ideas of Grave/ and not Grave as a criminal.

He compared Grave to such famous social critics as Victor Hugo and Gustave

Flaubert, among others, who also had uttered uncomplimentary and unflattering

remarks at bourgeois society, including hope for its end without having to go to

prison,^09 Grave had been unusually nervous throughout the tria l, especially

under the cross-examination of the prosecutor, and when asked at the end of it

to say a few words in his defense he was afraid to improvise at length lest he

stammer. He thus simply and with dignity stated: “I accept the responsibility of

what I have written."H® The prosecutor asked the jury for five years imprison­

ment, with the reminder that Grave already had served six months in prison.

His hope here was to reinforce in their minds the idea of Grave being a habitual

criminal J H The jury, probably swayed by de Saint-Auban's brilliant defense,

returned to declare Grave guilty with extenuating circumstances. The court

sentenced him to two years imprisonment and a one thousand franc fine .112

It seemed almost incredible that the government was so determined to

imprison Grave for merely writing a book. An added dimension comes to the fore,

however, when the work of police agents is taken into account. They had reported

that Grave, Pouget, and some others were possible organizers of an anarchist

European Information Bureau. 113 The wide publicity of the trial and his widespread

lO^On this brilliant defense, see de Saint-Auban, L'Histoire s o c ia le ..., pp. 205-43.

11 ^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 120-21.

HlVarennes, De Ravachol a Caserio, p . 158; Mouvement libertaire, pp. 120-21.

11 ^De Saint-Auban, L'Histoire s o c ia le ..., pp. 204-205. Mouvement libertaire, p. 120 .

11 ^Archives Nationales, Box F^ 12504. Mouvement Iibertaire had no mention of it. HMA/ p. 106, believes it was simply a police hoax. 51 defense by various intellectuals brought Grave much notoriety and made him well known to the general public

After he had been imprisoned in early January, 1894, la Revolte's administration and affairs were run by Julien Ledot who had been recommended to

Grave by Elisee Reclus.^** Soon after the trial on March 10, 1894, it was closed.

Earlier, on February 21, 1894, Emile Pouget's Pere Peinard had met the same fate.

In the first half of 1894 the anarchist press had been forced to close by the government, and approximately four hundred anarchists and anarchist sympathizers had been arrested O f these, approximately twenty-five were to be tried by the government. In the meantime, some anarchists had been lucky enough to flee the country. By having a trial, the government hoped to justify the Exceptional Laws, the arrests, and also to prove that it was acting vigorously against the anarchist threat.

About a month after Henry's execution, an Italian anarchist, Santo Caserio, stabbed to death President Sadi Carnot at Lyons on June 24, 1894. For this, he was executed on the fifteenth of August 1894, dying bravely, as had the others. His ito act was the last of the major classic propaganda by deeds in France. Caserio's act spurred the Charles DePuy Ministry (May 1893 to January 1895) to pass the

Third of the Exceptional Laws on July 26 and 27, 1894, by the Chamber of Deputies and Senate respectively. Now, even to apologize for any propaganda by deed or

^^Mirbeau and Clemenceau among others defended Grave's right to write. A petition was launched by some young writers to free Grave. Zola, notably, refused to sign it for he saw it as inflammatory propaganda: see Mouvement libertaire, pp. 97-99, and Josephson, Zola and His Time, pp. 377-78.

^**O n Ledot, see Mouvement libertaire, p. 115. Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio, p. 288; ibid. pp. 30i-3d3 on his cross examination in the Trial of the Thirty.

1160n number arrested see HMA, p. 237.

^^For some reasons to try the anarchists in court, Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio, p. 286.

^®On Caserio, see HMA, pp. 234-35. 52

for mutiny in the armed forces could lead to imprisonment from three months to

two years and a fine from 100 to 2,000 francs . 119 The Radicals and Socialists

fought bitterly against this law, fearing that with its vagueeess it could at any 190 time be turned against them.

It was under this atmosphere of hysteria and tension that thirty anarchists

were placed on trial in Paris before the Criminal Court of the Seine Department

from August 6 to 14, 1894.1^1 They were accused by the prosecutor, Bulot, of

belonging to a criminal group whose aim was to overthrow the government through

force and violence, which included such acts as arson, pillaging, and assassination.

The indictment also noted that those who used propaganda by word or writing were

just as responsible as those who had committed propaganda by deed.1^ Thus,

even the acts of criminals who gave part of their loot for anarchist propaganda

were to be shouldered by those like Grave who were against theft. Grave, already

serving sentence, was to be tried again.

The most famous of the Thirty was Grave, by then the leading theoretician

of French anarchism* at the peak of physical and intellectual power, he was interest­

ingly described during the trial as a "corpulent anarchist with a protruding forehead

and a pale complexion."1^

Grave was charged principally for developing the basic plans bf French

119 For the text of the third of the Exceptional Laws see Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio# pp. 355-56; Vizetelly The Anarchists, pp. 190-92, remarks that what was considered anarchist propaganda was very vague. 1 ^Harvey Goldberg, The Life of Jean Jaures (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962), pp. 126-28. 121 Q i the Trial of the Thirty see Bataille, Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894, pp. 146-203; Varennes. De Ravachol a Caserio. pp. 287-345; de Saint- Auban, L'Histoire Sociale..., pp. 245-97; Gazette des Tribunaux, August 6-14, 1894. 122 Bataille, Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894, pp. 149-55. ^ ^ Ibid. . p. 147. Victor Meric Flax in Les Hommes du Jour, No. 24, 1908(no month given), pp. 2 -4 , an account of Grave in the Trial of the Thirty and an his life . 53

anarchism in the 1883 pamphlet Organisation de la propagande revolutionnaire—■

small information groups of intellectuals to incite propaganda by deed. Grave's La

Revolte was seen as a good example of this: it spread general anarchist ideas, praised the various propaganda by deed acts, and in addition served as a liaison

between various anarchist groups in the "Petite Correspondence" column. The

indictment noted also that Grave was serving sentence.

Other well known anarchists tried included Sebastien Faure, who was

125 ’ active in journalism and organizing conferences; Emile Pouget, the editor of

12A 1 0 7 Pere Peinard; and Paul Reclus. Literary anarchism was represented notably

by the writer and critic Felix Feneon^® and Charles Chatel, the former editor of 129 L'En-Dehors. Eleven of the thirty were individuals charged with or being

accomplices to theft. The most prominent among them was Leon C rtiz .

The cross-examination of Grave and Faure was not conducted openly in

order to forestall wide publicity in the event of a good performance on their part. 130 It is known, however, that Grave performed admirably under it.

Bulot's speech attempted to connect the anarchism of Grave in Organisa­

tion de la propagande revolutionnaire with the various propaganda by deed committed

1 9A Gazette des Tribunaux# August 6 and 7, 1894, pp. 1-2; Varennes, De Ravachol h Caserio. pp. 296-97. 19*5 A complete list of those tried, including dates of birth and occupation is givfen in ibid. , pp. 288-89. Emile Pouget, Paul Keel us and three lesser known anarchists were tried in absentia as they had fled or had been expelled from France during the dragnet operations preceding the trial. For this, see de Saint-Auban, L'Histoire s o c ia le ..., pp. 245-46. On Sebastien Faure: Bataille# Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894. pp. 150-51, 202-203; Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio# pp. 298-301, 333ff. I t y s / °O n Emile Pouget: Bataille, Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894, p. 155. 127 On Paul Reclus: ibid. , pp. 152-53. 128 ' / t , / For a short biography on Felix Feneon, see Felix Feneon, Oeuvres (Introduction by Jean Paulhan; Paris: Gallimard, 1948), pp. 9 -4 9. ^^Varennes, De Ravachol a Caserio, pp. 303ff. 130 Bataille, Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894, p. 161. 54

by Ravachol, Henry and the others, and to make Grave appear as sympathetic

to criminal acts. To reinforce his argument he read a letter from Elisee Reclus

to Grave during the Pini Trial in which Reclus defended theft by one in the pro­

letariat as a just recompense for bourgeois expropriation of labor. ^ The aim

of Bulot here was guilt by association.

De Saint-Auban's defense of Jean Grave was delivered on August 9 .

It combined the best of logic and literary excellence. He began by chiding the

- prosecutor for comparing a thinker like Grave to common criminals. Instead,

Grave was pictured as an eminently honorable man, the jury being reminded that

a man like Frantz-Jourdain (a well-known architect and socialist) had already 1 testified to his character. A testimonial letter alluding to Grave's high

intelligence and peaceful nature was then presented. It was written by an eminent

anthropologist and distinguished professor at the School of Medicine, Manouvrier,

who had exchanged letters with Grave concerning anthropology and who had 1 visited Grave at Sainte-Pelagie prison.

The central problem, however, was to demolish by reason the Law of

December 18-19, 1893, which provided stiff penalties for "associations" or

"understandings." An "understand! ng" was construed as simply a concrete action

between two or more persons, while an "association" presupposed a group with a 135 definite aim. De Saint-Auban's tried to indicate that there could be no

— 131 On Bulot's speech, Bataille, Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894. pp. 188-93. For the letter from Elisee Reclus to Grave, see ib id ., pp. 190-91.

^^De Saint-Auban, L'Histoire sociale,.., pp. 247-97, contains his defense of Grave.

133 lbid., p. 252.

134 lb?d.

bid. , p. 256. On the Law of December 18, 1893, see Varennes, De Ravachol *b Caserio, pp. 353-55. 55

"association" or "understandings" between anarchists because: ( 1) the/ usually disagreed with each other concerning anarchism's essentials, and ( 2 ) the very nature of anarchism with its emphasis on individual autonomy necessarily precluded any such groupings. ^ 6 On the question of propaganda by deed, the Grave of

Organisation de la propagande revolutionnaire no longer existed. Grave was pictured as essentially a man of peace.As for La Revolte being a center of criminal anarchist conspiracy, it was indicated that on the contrary it merely considered itself a journal of anarchist opinion and should thus be treated as such.138

After the various defense lawyers had completed their speeches, the defendants were allowed to make final statements. Although Grave was visibly nervous before presenting his (so much so that de Saint-Auban and others offered to read it), he courageously persevered: he began by picturing himself a martyr:

Gentlemen, forgive this speech of twenty or so lines. I have not previously taken your attention. I am not an orator. I have always avoided talking. I have been silent all my life . Silent have I remained during this trial, and in silence will I succumb under the weight of injustice. *39

But then Grave defended himself vigorously: he had been always against theft, and against anarchist organization; as for violence, it was not important since his communism was of the Proudhonian variety. Grave's reasoning was simple and effective. He was informing the jury that he was in court not because of criminal actions, but because of opinion, which in any case was not too dangerous.140

^ D e Saint-Auban, L'Histoire sociale..., p. 252.

t 137 lbid., pp. 275ff. See Grave's article, "Lutte et Theorie," La Revolte, February 17, 1888, which was cited by Grave's lawyer to prove Grave's critical regard towards ultra-revolutionary propaganda by deed. Also, see Grave's ideas on robbery in a previous section of this study.

^3®De Saint-Auban, L*Histoire sociale. . . , p. 270. La Revolte, September 17-23, 1887, viewed itself as a newspaper of opinion.

139yarennes, De Ravachol a Caserio, p. 342. Bataille, Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894, pp . 202-203. ——————

^ I b i d e , Mouvement libertaire, pp. 134-35. 56

Grave's statement was followed by those of some of the other defendants, notably

Faure's. Then, the jury retired to deliberate, returning after two hours with the verdict: exoneration for Grave, Faure, and the others who were indicted as leaders of a criminal conspiracy. The criminal group, Ortiz and some others were, | i j however, sentenced to long prison terms for theft.

The Trial of the Thirty may be regarded as marking the end of the propa­ ganda by deed era. Firstly and most importantly, most anarchists now saw the promise of a revolutionary overthrow of society not in sterile acts of individual propaganda by deed, but in collectivist syndicalist action. The rise of revolu­ tionary syndicalism in the 1890's could not but absorb the energies of the mor© action-minded anarchist militants. Secondly, the general acquittal of the Thirty eliminated the motive of revenge which had been a powerful catalyst for continuing the propaganda by deed terror, and thirdly, the public was tired of the scare headlines in the newspapers concerning anarchism. A belated International Congress of

Governments was held at Rome in 1898 against the manace of anarchism, but nothing 142 was accomplished. The terrorist peak was now in the past.

After his acquittal in the Trial of the Thirty, Grave continued his stay at the Mazas prison until early September when he was transferred to the prison at

C l a i r v a u x J 43 There he was installed in the political prisoners' section where he

enjoyed many privileges. He was allowed to procure two cases of books and political newspapers .^ 44 Like the time in Sainte-Pelagie prison, this period was

one of intense intellectual activity. He revised La Societe au lendemain de la

141 Bataille, Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894, p. 203.

142 H ^ ' PP • 236“41' and Co,e' 111' 333-36. 143 ...... Mouvement libertaire, p . 136. 144 Ib id ., pp. 139-40. 57 revolution and completed La Societe future His good friend Elisee Reclus

helped make life more bearable by providing him with pocket money and extensive correspondence.^ Grave also kept in touch with his family, writing charming

letters to his nephews and nieces J 47

Following the resignation of Casimir-Perier as President on January 15,

1895, and his replacement two days later by Felix Faure, a general amnesty of

political prisoners was declared to mark the beginning of the new term of office* 140 Within a week Grave received a pardon and returned to 140 Mouffetard Street*

145 Mouvement libertaire, p . 141.

^ I b i d . , p. 140; G A , letters: Elisee Reclus to Grave, September 12, November 26, 1894.

147lbid., letter: Grave to his nephew, November 19, 1894.

^^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 143-45. CHAPTER III

LES TEMPS NOUVEAUX AND

ACTIVITY FROM 1895-1900

Grave.'s most*immediate and important concern after returning from prison was to found a newspaper. Money had to be procured and literary contributors enlisted. Trips were made to Brussels to see Elisee Reclus and to

Ldodon to see Kropotkin for aid J Reclus after some hesitation committed himself

to financial assistance, while Kropotkin, highly enthusiastic from the outset, promised articles.^ The financial aid of many friends and some royalties from

La Socidtd mourante et I'anarchie provided just enough money to begin publica­

tion.^

Les Temps Nouveaux was published continuously from May/4, 1895, to

August 1, 1914.4 During this period it was one of the four leading weekly newt* papers of anarchism in France,^ From the beginning no advertisements were allowed for the obvious reason: to maintain independence. This policy, of course, subjected

the paper to the problem of always being in a state of financial crisis.^ Grave

often borrowed money and resorted to his favorite promotional device for raising

^Mouvement libertaire, p . 147, ^Ibid., p. 148.

3 lbid.

^Ibid. The name of the newspaper was the inspiration of E!is£e Reclus. 5 The other journals are covered within This following pages.

^Concerning the financial budget, see Les Temps Nouveaux. May 4 -1 0, 1895, p. 1; May 16-22, 1896, p. 1; January 12-18, 1902, p. 1; September 12 , 1908, p. 1 .

58 59 additional revenue: the raffle/ which was very successful.^ The first one/ held in

M ay, 1899,produced an enormous profit of 950 francs; 1100 participated at one franc per ticket.** At various raffles during the years such prizes were offered as water colors by Signac and paintings by Camille and Lucien Pissaro.?

That the newspaper survived twenty years is indeed eloquent testimony to Grave's tenacity and endurance in the face of this continual financial crisis.

However, without the generous aid and sacrifice of friends he never would have been able to continue. Kropotkin, for example, was persuaded by Grave to make a speech on the historic role of the state in Paris on March 7 , 1896. The qponsor was Les Temps Nouveaux. The object was to publicize the paper and to raise money from the proceeds. Kropotkin unfortunately was turned back by French authorities and prevented from qseaking. The sacrifice, however, was not in vain, since the q»eech was transformed into a series of articles for the paper.***

An example of generous aid would be the support rendered by the symbolist poet

Stuart M errill. Although his works nevor found a place in the paper since Grave considered them too abstract, he unselfishly time and time again contributed money.**

Grave's own sacrifice for the paper was enormous. He contributed at least 12,000 francs from the royalties of his works, an 800 franc stamp collection outright, and the greater part of his monthly salary of 200 francs as well .* 2

9 On the borrowing of three thousand francs, see Les Temps Nouveaux, September 23, 1911, p . 1, and September 30, 1911, p . 1 •

8lbid., May 6-12, 1899, p. 4.

9lbid., April 15-21, p. 4, and April 22-28, 1899, p. 4. * ^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 271-73* Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Anarchist Prince, pp. 271-73.

* * Mouvement libertaire. pp. 153-54. G A . letter Stuart Merrill to Grave, October 1, 1896. 12 Mouvement libertaire, pp. 293-98. 60

Expectations for a fairly large circulation were high and the first printing was 18,000 copies.^ Within a short period of time, however, the number was reduced to about 8 ,000, of which only 2,700 were s o ld .^ By 1902, however, 5,200 were sold weekly: 4,100 to non-subscribers and 1,100 to subscribers.^

In the final years, a decline to about 5,000 sales occurred, largely in consequence of the appearance of La Guerre Sociale, founded by Gustave Herve The new creationjfor which many anarchists (Faure and Pouget among others) wrote, was an anti-parliamentary and ultra-revolutionary journal which urged insurrection in the event of war

Les Temps Nouveaux was a weekly, except for a period in 1909-1910 when it appeared every fifteen days due to financial trouble. It began with four 1 ft pages and a Literary Supplement of eight pages. After October, 1903, it was an eight page affair. Its price per ccpy was ten centimes inside France, fifteen outside.^

The other principal anarchist weekly of the period was Faure's Le Libertaire.

It lasted from 1895 to the eve of World War I and had a circulation about equal to that of Les Temps Nouveaux. Faure, unlike Grave, was not principally a theoreti­ cian but a man of action, always giving conferences and touring the country. Like

13 Mouvement libertaire, p;i 153.

14lbid., p. 300. 1 S Les Temps Nouveaux, September 12 , 1908, p. 1 . ^ O n Hervd, see G . D . H . Cole, A History of Socialist Thought. Vol. Ill, Part 1: The Second International, 1889-1914 (London: Macmibn C o., 1959), p. 367. Hereafter referred to as Cole, III Part 1 . ^ Mouvement libertaire, pp. 224-25. ^®At times, the Literary Supplement did net appear. 19 For a period in 1907 the price per copy was fifteen centimes within and outside France. 61

many anarchists he was bourgeois, educated by the Jesuits. He rebelled from this background and became an anarchist by 1888. Like Grave he was a AA communi st-anacchi St.

Another important journalist of anarchist persuasion was Pouget. He came to Paris with his father while still in his teens and soon joined leftist circles, where in short order he achieved some literary distinction. His Le Pere

Peinard (1889-1900), written in the rough vernacular of the working class, was absolutely irreverent and revolutionary. When la Voix du Peuple. the official weekly of the General Confederation of Labor (Confederation Generate du

Travail), was founded in 1900, he became its principal editor and was instrumental in giving it an anarchist coloration. Indeed, even with the formalization in 1907 of revolutionary syndicalism, anarchist influence in the C . G . T. continued to remain strong through his editorship.

The group of intellectuals involved in writing for Les Temps Nouveaux may compare favorably with any other in general artistic and intellectual ability in twentieth century France. General theoretical ideas and comments on life and events by Kropotkin and Elisee Reclus alone would have catapulted it into intellectual eminence. However, Grave also enlisted many of the greatest thinkers and activists of anarcho-syndicalism, the more proletarian and revolu­ tionary part of anarchism; Fernand Pelloutier, Paul Delesalle, and Pierre Monatte among others. Grave himself, as chief editor and leading spirit, was recognized by painters and writers as a significant social thinker.

20 On Faure, see Jeanne Humbert, Sebastien Faure: I'apotre. une epoaue (Paris: Editions du Libertaire. 1949); Flax(Victor Meric) Sebastien Faure," Les Hommes du Jour. N o . 18, 1908, pp. 1-4 (no month given).

^ O n Pouget's life, see Flax (Victor M eric), "Emile Pouget," Les Hommes du Joury ,No. 27, 1908 (no month given), pp. 2-4. 62

in addition to these luminaries, there was another group of anarchists, not so well known as the former, who contributed just as much to the newspaper, and who in fact did most of the writing. Their cultural-intellectual level was extremely high. This group included Andre Girard, Charles Benoit, Charles

Albert, Rene Chaughi, the physician, Marc Pierrot, William Tscerkesoff, and

Adolphe Rette.

Andre Girard perhaps was the most important. A dedicated anarchist, he had already worked with Grave in putting out La Revolte, greatly aiding

Grave in the day-to-day operations. He came from a bourgeois background and possessed considerable culture and erudition. He covered "France" under the "Social Movement" (Mouvement Social) column. Around 1910, he left the administrative side of the work to procure a position at the Machette Publish­ ing House, partly, it seems, to please his wife who did not like the Temps Nouveaux crowd.22 Even afterwards, however, he apparently found time to continue as one of the most important contributors, serving in that capacity to the end. He wrote many notable articles covering many phases of anarchist concern: education, strike activity, brutality in the army, and general anarchist theory. Many

Temps Nouveaux pamphlets came from his pen.23

After Girard left, his place as chief administrator was taken by Charles

Benoit, who came from a lower-middle class background; his mother ran a small

22Mouvement libertaire, pp. 155-58. On Girard's background, I am indebted to M r. Leon Ancely, a person long involved in libertarian circles and a good friend of Madame Paul Delesalle ana Madame Charles Benoit. He visited Madame Paul Delesalle almost every Sunday for over fifteen years. Letter, Ancely to Patsouras, June 2 , 1965.

23Some articles chosen at random are: Andre Girard, "Biribi et autres lieux," Les Temps Nouveaux, May 16-22, 1896, pp. 1- 2 , (brutality in the army). Andre Girard, La Greve Nouvelle," ibid., October 15-21, 1898, p. 1, (on the possibility of a general strike). Some of his pamphlets are used in other sections of this disserta­ tion. 63

cafe a t Rouen. From an early age he wa* involved in typical leftist activity: he participated in a series of strikes in Rouen in the 1898-1900 period, and produced anti-militaristic propaganda. He was especially concerned with the systematic spread of libertarian ideas through Los Temps Nouveaux pamphlets.^

Charles Albert was a familiar type found in the intellectual circles of anarchism, he had a rich wife and a big v illa , was a friend of artists (a good friend

of Signac), and was extremely intelligent. An excellent writer and thinker, he contributed articles on almost every conceivable subject having to do with anarchism

and the social question. Grave and he broke a longtime collaboration about

1910, when they argued over a rather trivial thing: the general appearance of the

newspaper. Thereafter he did not write for the newspaper.^

Rene Chaughi was a longtime contributor. He too had a background of

wealth and cultivation and possessed a facile style of writing. He was also one

of the bevy who contributed les Temps Nouveaux pam phlets.^

The physician, Marc Pierrot, was one of the mainstays of the group.

Not only did he write many articles, but also he helped in running the newspaper

and contributed money to its operation. His articles reflected an interesting

synthesis of his scientific training and his broad reading in the social sciences.^

^S ee his obituary, Maurice Chambelland, "Charles Benoit," La Revolution Proletarienne, March, 19& , pp. 29-30. 25 On Charles Albert (his actual name was Charles Albert Daudet), see Mouvement libertoi re# pp. 228-29. Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, August 9 , 1964. She knew him w ell. One of his articles was in nine installments: Charles Albert, wLe Preiuae politique." Les Temps Nouveaux. November, 1901, to February, 1902. Ckt his pamphlets, see various sections of this dissertation. 26 / On Rene Chaughi, interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, August 9, 1964. A few articles: Rene Chaughi. "Domestiaues." Les Temps Nouveaux. December 15-21, 1901, p . 1. Rene Chaughi, "5ur la religion, ibid.. April 1-7, 1899, pp. 1- 2 . Vgrious pamphlets of his are used in this dissertation.

^O n Dr. Pierrot, see HMA. pp. 253-54, 275, 279. See, for example, Marc Pierrot, "La Grave des cheminots," Les Temps Nouveaux, October 15, 1910, pp. 1-2. 64

William Tscerkesoff, a Georgian prince, who like Kropotkin forsook social advantage to aid the cause of social change, had known Grave from the days of the Fifth and Thirteenth Sections Group. He wrote on many subjects, but his specialty was on Turkish atrocities in the Near Eastern a r e a . 28

Adolfe Rette, a prominent anarchist writer also contributed to such anarchist inclined magazines as La Plume and La Revue Blanche. From a bourgeois back­ ground intermixed with a pious Catholicism, Rette's anarchism reflected strong religious overtones. Rette was so interested in Grave that he used him as a leading character in one of his works under the name of Jules Greive.29

Outside Grave, the two most well-known contributors were Peter

Kropotkin and Elisee Reclus. Kropotkin by the first decade of the twentieth century had a world-wide reputation as a scholar and as the foremost exponent of anarchism. His influence on the newspaper was indeed pervasive. Article after article on the theoretical and contemporary issues came from his pen; many ran in serial for months at a time. Perhaps the most notable was L'lftat: son role historique, which was a masterful exposition on the rise of the s ta te .^ Elisee

Reclus did not write many articles.31 His time for the newspaper was limited by other commitments, especially his teaching at Brussels.32

^ Mouvement Ijbertaire, pp. 8 -9 . On theory, William Tscerkesoff, "Pages d'histoire socialtste," Les Temps Nouveaux, January 11-17, 1896 to Apr!I 29- May 5, 1899. Most of this series was done by July, 1896.

29On Rette's life and works, see William Kenneth Cornell, Adolphe Rette, 1863-1930 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942). On Grave as a character in Retted Au pays des lys noir, see ibid. , p . 179. Also, see Adolphe Rette, "Le Mineurs, Les temps Nouveaux, October 19-25 and October 26-November 1 , 1895, pp. 3-4 respectively. OQ / Peter Kropotkin, "L'Etat; son role historique," ibid., December 19-25, 1896 to July 3 -9 , 1897. (ten installments)

^Reclus, Les Freres Elie et Elisee Reclus, pp. 141ff.

32Elisee Reclus, "L'Anarchie," Les Temps Nouveaux, May-June, 1895. 65

Bernard Lazare and Paul Adam, both of whom had been character witnesses for Grave in his February 1894 trial, had promised to write articles for les Temps

Nouveaux (both were listed as contributing editors in the first issue, May 4, 1895).

Neither, however, submitted any articles. It seems that Lazare did promise to contribute, but expected to be paid. Although their relationship was probably

3 3 strained. Grave praised the work and character of Lazare at his death. The failure of Adam to write for the paper certainly did strain his friendship with Grave at the time, but it was not until Adam left anarchism to become a conservative that relations were severed between them.

Les Temps Nouveaux was Grave's main concern in the period from 1895 to 1914. It occupied most of his daily activity. As Chief Editor, he was ultimately responsible for the final copy. The work was long and arduous, but he enjoyed it. He saw the newspaper as an important agency of education and information.

He conceived himself as principally a journalist and propagandist.

Les Temps Nouveaux printed at least eighty-eight pamphlets from 1895 to

1914 with a total circulation running in the millions. Among the most notable by

Grave were La Panacee-Revolution, Le Machinisme, La Colonisation, and Organisa­ tion, initiative, cohesion. Others which sold many thousands of copies were

Malatesta's Entre Pa/sans, and Kropotkin's Aux jeunes gens and L'Esprit du Re'volte.

Other authors of pamphlets included such Les Temps Nouveaux contributors as

^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 141 and 153. GA, two letters from Bernard Lazare to Grave in 1891 concerning the wish for a copy of La Revolte and minor matters. Grave's tribute to Lazare is in Les Temps Nouveaux, December 5 -1 1 , 1903. On his life and activity, see Herbert, The Artist and Social Rfeform. pp. 106-107, 141.

Mouvement libertaire. pp. 151-52. G A. five letters from Paul Adam to Grave which have no dale. Letter 1466, in 1891, gave permission to Grave to reproduce excerpts of Robes Rouaes in La Re volte in addition to stating "very pleased and flattered that you think me capable to serve in some measure the ideas of justice which you so capably defend with such courage, logic, and science." On Paul Adam's life, see Camille Mauclair, Paul Adam, 1862-1920 (Paris: Flammarion, 1921). 66

Delesalle, Girard, Chaughi, and Albert. What made the pamphlets more attractive than the usual run were the cover drawings of a high artistic order by such artists as

Luce, Steinlen, Hermann-Paul and Roubille.

Les Temps Nouveaux reflected to a great extent the daily preoccupations and mind of Grave. His first concern was for the working class, not just in France or Europe, but in the entire world. The world was treated as one, where the working class and the forces of progress were in mighty combat with those of the bourgeoisie and status-quo. In the "Mouvement International" column, international working class activity was covered in depth: strikes, various acts of brutality inflicted by the various governments on the anarchists and the working class, congresses and conferences of unions and socialism, economic and social conditions of the workers in their respective nations, in fact, anything having to do with working class activity and aspiration.^

An important example of Les Temps Nouveaux concern for working class internationalism was its cry for justice concerning the Mano Negra or Black Hand.

This Spanish society, basically composed of poor peasants who terrorized their landlords, was ruthlessly attacked by the government in November 1883; many poor peasants were executed or given long prison sentences. After taking the cue from a Sjbanish anarchist newspaper, Les Temps Nouveaux ran article after article appealing to all left-wing intellectuals to join in freeing the victims. Many responded, including Anatole France and Georges Clemenceau. Within a short time even some of the large press, like L'Aurore joined the fray to free the innocent.

^ F o r a rather comprehensive list of these brochures, see Les Temps Nouveaux, October 18, 1913, p. 8. In Mouvement libertaire, pp. 302ft., Grave gives much attention to propaganda by pamphlet, praising nighly the work done by anarchism in this field.

^S ee, for example, any issue of Les Temps Nouveaux. 67

By March, 1903, the prisoners who were still alive were finally released by the

Spanish government.8^

Grave endured much as journalist and propagandist, for the police were ever trying to implicate him in crimes in which anarchists were involved. Since

Grave was one of the principal activists and theoreticians of the communist- anarchists, imprisoning him could intimidate others. The police here acted on the assumption that merely being an anarchist in itself was criminal, and often would pay agents provocateurs deliberately to create frame-ups. One such incident which showed the extreme lengths undertaken by the police in this respect was more than bizarre.

On the night of May 13, 1905, a terrorist threw a bomb at the carriage of the French President, Loubet, who was riding with Alfonse X III of Spain from the opera to the Foreign Ministry Building. Although they escaped injury, a wave of anti-anarchist hysteria gripped the bourgeois press. A round-up was begun by the 38 police, and four anarchists were indicted, the most prominent being Charles Malato.

That Grave was involved was probably due to an agent provocateur.

In the Clarmat Woods outside Paris, some of his correspondence including a letter from his publisher, Stock, was found tom into many small pieces and scattered about. The police claimed to have put it together again, and promptly raided the offices of Les Temps Nouveaux and arrested Grave. Grave, who denied any

3^For two signed articles by Grave concerning this case, see Jean Grave, "Pour ceux que blessent les in justices , 11 Les Temps Nouveaux. December 6 -1 2 , 1902, p . 2; and Jean Grave "Ou en est la presse , 11 ib id ., December 27-January 2 , 1903, pp. 1- 2 . For other articles concerning this case in Les Temps Nouveaux, see, for example, those in November 1- 6, 8-14, 15-21, 22-28, and December 6- 12, 1903. The last articles in Les Temps Nouveaux concerning the case was March 21-27, 1903. Two long articles written by Georges Clemenceau for La Dep^che de Toulouse in December, 1902 are included in La Mano Negro: la main noire (Paris: Imprimerie Charles Blot, n. d .), pp. 1-7T

* 8HMA, p. 386. 68 part in the attempted assassination, was mystified as to how some of his corres­ pondence was found in the woods. As the evidence against him was flimsy, he

was on this occasion r e l e a s e d . ^9

During the trial of the four anarchists, Grave was called by the prosecution to say who he thought the culprit to be. Grave simply informed them that he did not know. The tactic of the prosecutor was to build up in the public mind a type of guilt by association by having as many anarchists as possible testify. The accused, however, were acquitted.^

In addition to his work on Les Temps Nouveaux, Grave found time to attend the 1896 London Congress of the Second International which saw the final split between international anarchism and socialism. Grave was a representative of the metal workers union of Amiens. Even though he was not remotely connected with them, he became their delegate, probably because anarchist influence in that group was strong. The large French delegation in fact contained many anarchists.^!

The great debate of the congress centered on whether or not the various anarchist delegates should be excluded. The issue arose primarily because the anarchists opposed all parliamentary action, which they thought was leading socialism to a reformist position in which social action was subordinated to the end of winning parliamentary elections. The anarchists feared such emphasis would lead to an excess of organization within socialism and an increase in the authority of parlia­ mentary leadership which would inevitably act as a brake on revolutionary forces.

The socialists, Marxists and non-Marxists alike, opposed the anarchist position.

^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 222-24. Les Temps Nouveaux, July 1, 1905, p. 2 .

^ Mouvement libertaire, p . 223. A . Dunois, "Le Proces," Les Temps Nouveaux, December 9, )9oi>, p. 2 .

^ O n the 1896 London Congress of the Second International held in late July, see Augustin Hamon, Le Socialisme et le congresde Londres (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1899), pp. 99-180. ------69

Their main activity was indeed in the political parliamentary arena*—-a cataclysmic change of society was not expected in actuality, although it was preached theoreti­ c a lly . 42

Since the anarchists were ultimately banned from future congresses, common dialogue between socialists and anarchists in an official capacity ceased to exist. To be sure, the socialists did not exclude from the present congress anarcho-syndicalists of long standing, such as Fernand Pelloutier and Paul Delesalle

(they were to be excluded only from the future ones), for their union activity and strength in unions was so well-established that an abrupt change was deemed unwise. Grave, however, was barred from the congress, probably because, in although he ^presented a union, he was not active in syndicalist activity.

After their exclusion, the anarchists held a conference of their own for a few days in London. It was an important one in which the principal figures were Kropotkin, Malatesta, Pouget and M ichel. After the socialists were denounced for expelling anarchists, a round of discussions began on various theore­

tical questions: what to do in the event of war, gradual feform as opposed to

revolution, and the problem of violence. Grave himself, it appears, did not 44 attend this conference.

or an excellent article against voting and parliamentary activity which is seen as essentially counterrevolutionary, see Jean Grave, "Questions des tactiques," les Temps Nouveaux. August 22-28, 1896, pp. 162. The non­ anarchist arguments for electoral participation are discussed in the section concerning the nineteenth century debate on evolution or revolution. 43 Grave defended his right and that of other anarchists to be present in the 1896 London Congress an the basis that the anarchists were part of the socialist tradition: Jean Grave, Les Temps Nouveaux, September 12-18, 1896, p . 2 . 44 An excellent source for this congress is by Paul Delesalle, "Les Conferences anarchistes de Londres," ib id ., August 22-28, 1896, p. 2 . Grave does not mention any attendance at this congress. 70

While visiting Kropotkin in 1895, Grave was probably introduced by him to Miss Mabel Holland Thomas, an Englishwoman of wealth and culture who was interested in anarchism. Kropotkin had many friends among England's elite.

After a ll, he was a Russian prince. By 1897, Miss Thomas was writing for les

Temps Nouveaux articles which showed great literary ability. In "Le Message," a brief vignette, her hero was seen urging the rebirth of mankind through anarchism.^

In another short piece entitled "L'Excentrique," an eccentric was extolled as one who was most concerned with human misery and suffering.^ In addition to her writing, Miss Thomas did excellent art work, including the drawings of Terre

Libre.^ The friendship of Grave and Miss Thomas developed, and within a short

time Grave would write to her almost daily about the various vicissitudes encountered

in bringing out Les Temps N o u v e a u x . ^

An important project engaged in by Grave during this period concerned

the feasibility of starting an anarchist summer school. For this purpose, an educa­

tional committee was set up in 1897-1898 including Tolstoy, Kropotkin, and Elisee

Reclus.^9

Why was there an attempt for such a school ? The most important reason

was that under present conditions. Grave and the other anarchists saw schools as

being under the impress of authoritarian patterns of a class-ridden society. The

students were inculcated with the spirit of submission and obedience, while at

^ M ab el Holland Thomas, "Le Message," Les Temps Nouveaux, September 4-10, 1897, p. 1. ------

^Mabel Holland Thomas, "L'Excentrique," ibid., November 20-26, 1897, p. 7 .

On Terre Libre see chap. vi of dissertation.

^Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, June 27 and August 9, 1964.

^ O n the school and Educational committee, see Groupe d'initiative pour i'ecole libertaire. La Liberte par I'enseianment: I'dcole libertaire (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 1898), Iff. Jean Grave, "L'ecole Libertaire," Les Temps Nouveaux. October 22-28, 1898, p. 2 . Mouvement libertaire. pp. 175-78. 71 the same time trained to engage in social snobbery and individual aggrandizement.

The system of grading linked all these unwholesome features together, competicn being fostered to mirror that in society and learning being seen as part of the general syndrome of social and economic inequality. The teacher himself was a figure of authority and discipline. Learning generally was not a joyful, inquisitive experience, but instead a necessary compulsion in the struggle for existence.^®

exposed to this authoritarian pattern was the liberterian one. It was t greatly influenced by the ideas of Rousseau, who in Emile, or on Education gave

the outline to modern progressive education. Like Rousseau, the anarchists were faced with the problem of what to teach the child in a corrupt society.

In teaching the child, individuality, above all else, was rejected and

encouraged— not in the sense of competition, but in exploration of the world about

him. Individual differences in aptitudes and likings were taken into account.

As such, one not interested in a particular area would not be forced to study it.

Learning by experimentation, not rote, was the rule. Coeducation was seen as

normal and desirable in establishing equality and mutual respect between the sexes.

Initiative and indepdence were guiding goals. The teacher was seen throughout

the learning process as a guide, not a dispenser of grades. Sports of all kind were

encouraged to keep a sound mind in a healthy body. As in all other areas of life ,

the educational system was not to be centralized but based on the local commune.^

50 For anarchist criticism of schools in bourgeois society, see Grave, l a Societe future^ pp. 340ff. Jean Grave, Enasianement bourgeois et enseianement libertaire (Paris; Les Temps Nouveaux, 1900), pp. If f . Andr6 Girard, Education; autorite patemelle (Eoris: Les TempsNouveaux, 1898), pp. 5ff. 51 Berlin, The Hedgehog and the Fox, p . 67, stated that Tolsjoy thought that Emile was the best work on education. Jean*Jacques Rousseau, Emile or Treatiy on Education, abridged, translated and annotated William H. Payne (New York: 0 . Appleton and C o ., 1911.) 52 Grave, Enseianement bourgeois.. . , pp. I l f f . Grave, Terre Libre, pp. 229-39. Grave, La Societe future, pp. 340ff. Grave, La Societe au lendemain de la revolution, pp. Girard, Education; autorite patemelle. pp. 3ff. 72

The educational ideas were good, but the human material was not, for the school founded by the committee was a dismal failure since teachers involved began to squabble among themselves. Grave himsalf was later to return to the problem of education, but then it was concerned with bringing out a work of children stories to inculcate anarchist ideas among c h ild ren .^

On January 5, 1895, Captain Alfred Dreyfus was drummed out of the

French Army after being falsely accused and tried by it, and was sent to Devil's

Island off the coast of French Guiana to serve his term of life imprisonment.

Because he was the son of a rich and powerful family (Alsatian-Jewish stock), and because there were many inconsistencies in the case (why would he sell secrets to the Germans, coming from a family which had moved from Alsace-Lorraine after its annexation by the Germans in 1871 to France for patriotic reasons?), question was raised whether or not there were anti-semitic implications in the p ic tu re .^

Dreyfus was caught in a large historical net in which the France of liberal capitalism and of the ideas of the French Revolution, was engaged in a struggle for power with the Royalisr-clerical complex whose social, political, and cultural ideals were those of the Old Regime. The heavily royalist and clerical officer corps in the army was one of the centers of the struggle.

From the beginning anarchism played a leading role in the case, although there was a division between the anarchists who were active Dreyfusards (actively

^ W illia m Morris, Leo Tolstoy and others, Le Coin des enfonts; recueiI de contes, preface by Jean Grave, illustrated by Mabel Holland Thomas, Hermann- Paul, and others (3 vols.; Paris: Librarie des Temps Nouveaux, 1905-1907), 1, 7-13. 54 On the Dreyfus Case, see Nicholas Halasz, Captain Dreyfus: The Story of Moss Hysteria (New York: The Grove Press, 1957), pp. 122ff. on anti­ sem itism .O n this same aspect, see Leon Blum, Souvenirs sur L'Affaire (Paris: Gallimard, 1935), pp. 63ff. 73 for Dreyfus) and those who were not vitally concerned. It was Bernard Lazare, already a prominent anarchist writer, who, hired by the Dreyfus fam ily, renewed interest in the case by his brilliant work in exposing the many inconsistencies involved.^ In the 1898-1899 period the case reached a period of high intensity which divided the nation. On one side were the Dreyfusards, mainly liberal and left wing intellectuals who saw Dreyfus as a victim of injustice and anti­ semitism. Q i the other were the nationalist and royalist-clerical groups which defended the army's justice, and which pictured their opponents as subverters of French tradition.**^

The struggle began in earnest when Emile Zola electrified the country in January, 1898, by his J* Accuse, in which he accused the French Army of unjustly trying D reyfus.^ For a time it seemed that c iv ilw a r would involve the two factions.**®

55 Bernard Lazare, Une erreur iudicaire; la verite sur I "Affaire Dreyfus (Bruxelles: (nopublidler), 1898), pp. 1-24. (24p p .) ^H alasz, Captain Dreyfus, pp. 161 f f . On left wing intellectuals, see Blum, Souvenirs sur 1*Affaire, ch. iv. Q i Jauresand the Socialists, see Goldberg, The Life of Jean Jaur&s, pp. 217ff. The Guesdist-Marxists had a position similar to Grave's—unconcern over the personal fate of Dreyfus, see Noland, The Founding of the French Socialist Party, pp. 86-88. Blum, Souvenirs sur I'A ffaire, pp. 85ff. told of the termination of friendship between himself and Maurice Barres as a result of the case. Blum (1872-1950) was the principal leader of French Socialism after World War I to his death. On his life and ideas, see Louis Patsouras. Leon Blum and French Socialism: The Early Years through the Dissolution of the Popular Front in 1938 (unpublished Master's thesis. Department of History, Kent State University, 1959). ^L'A urore. January 13, 1898. This newspaper was founded in 1897 for the defense of Dreyfus. Its editor was Georges Clemenceau (1841-1929), the fore­ most of the Dreyfusards, a Radical and saviour of France in World War I . On his life , see J . Hampden Jackson, Clemenceau and the Third Republic (London: The English Universities Press Ltd., 1959), pp. 110-32, on the Dreyfus episode. Grave wrote about six articles for L'Aurore at about fifty francs for each. His collabora­ tion was oF short duration, however, as his request to insert articles on anarchism and anti-militarism was denied. b rig h t, France in Modern Times, pp. 321-24; and Halasz, Captain Dreyfus, pp. 161-65^ 74

Grave and Les Temps Nouveaux were never actively cr seriously engaged in securing Dreyfus's freedom. Grave himself had serious doubts about the case because he found it very difficult to believe that Dreyfus, as a member of an elite

group, would be falsely convicted for treason. In his estimation Grave had been

at first unaware of the intense anti-semitism within the officer corps in the army.

Although he had a conversation with Lazare who tried to convince him of Dreyfus's

innocence,^ his doubts remained.

At bottom. Grave's uncertainty was probably based on class prejudice.

It was difficult for him to accept the ironic fact of liberal and left wing intellectuals

concerning themselves with a member of the governing class, while they had shown

scant interest in the cases of innumerable obscure anarchists who had been unjustly

condemned to prison. Grave had felt the bitterness and frustration of their lost

cause, and in fact intimated that perhaps there was some type of justice in the

mere fact that one of the ruling elite had been caught in the web usually reserved

for anarchists and other social reformers.^®

As it was, Les Temps Nouveaux throughout the crucial period reflected

this ironic attitude, it pointed out the fact that the Dreyfus case was a cause

celebre while other cases of supposed injustice were n o t.^ This is not to signify

that this attitude was hostile to Dreyfus. Grave himself wrote a Ifetter to Zola

in L'Aurore in February, 1898, praising him for his courageous stand on behalf of

Dreyfus, and urging review of the case, especially as it had been conducted in

the unfavorable circumstances of secrecy.^

^ Mouvement libertaire, p. 141 and pp. 161-62. ^®Jean Grave, "Purulences.11 Les Temos Nouveaux, January 22-28, 1898, pp. 1-2; Jean Grave, "Pour ceux qui sont au bagne, “ ibid., March 12-18, 1898, p. 1. ^Cjwrles Albert, "A. M . Emile Zola," Les Temps Nouveaux, January 27- February 4 , 1898, pp. 1-2. Charles Albert, "Procesd'un homme ouprocesd'un monde," ib id. , February 19-25, 1898, p . 1.

^ L'Aurore, February 17, 1898. 75

By November, 1898, Grave sqw that the case had bypassed the stage of whether Dreyfus was innocent or guilty into that of a contest between liberalism and reaction, and that in defending Dreyfus the anarchists were doing battle with institutions which they had always particularly disliked: the church and the army.

In the meantime, a very active role in the case was being played by Sebastien

Faure and Emile Pouget, the leading individuals in the Dreyfusard anarchist daily,

Le Journal de Peuple, which appeared in 1 8 9 9 .^ Literary anarchism was well represented by La Revue Blanche^ and by such authors as Octave M irbeau^ and

Laurent T a ilh ad e.^

Perhaps the climactic weeks in the Dreyfus affair were in early June,

1899, when civil war between the factions seemed imminent. Q i June 4, the

President of the Republic, Emile Loubet, was attacked by a reactionary baron while attending the Longchamps race track. To protest this action and to show their readiness to defend the Republic, various socialist and republican groups were to hold a mass show of strength at the same race track on June 11. Many anarchists agreed to join the socialist in participating and united together in a

Committee of Vigilance.^®

Grave was against this close anarchist participation with socialist groups with whom they had differed before. In a showdown, however, he indicated that

Jean Grave,"L"Agitation et les anarchistes," Les Temps Nouveaux, November 5-11, 1898, p. 1.

^ Le Journal de Peuple# February-December, 1899. Sebastien Faure, Les Anarchistes et I'Affaire Dreyfus (Paris: Imprimerie Lafont, 1898), pp. 6 -1 9 , stated that the anarchists in defending Dreyfus were fighting clericalism and chauvinism. ^Blum, Souvenirs sur I'Affaire, p. 93. ^H alasz, Captain Dreyfus, p . 153 and p. 182. ^Fernand Kolney (ed .), Laurent Tailhade (1854-1919); Au Pays de mufle: Suivi de nombreux poemes inedits et precedes de la vie de I "auteur (Paris: Francis Bemouard, 1929), pp. xxxxiv. ff. ^®Halasz, Captain Dreyfus, pp. 200-201, HMA, p. 318. 76 he would without intimate collaboration defend the Republic against a royalist- clerical coup d'etat. So, on June 11, while many anarchists foined the socialist and republican groups in a show of strength at the Longchamps race track, Grave and some fellow anarchists, guarding their independence of action, took a walk

in the nearby Meudon Woods, prepared to foin the others in case of attack from

reaction.^ The attack did not come, and tensions subsided rapidly. Dreyfus

was pardoned in September, 1899.

On balance, the participation by the anarchists in the Dreyfus Case proved wise. It not only gave them a platform to expound their ideas to a larger

audience, but also renewed interest in the fortunes of obscure anarchists unjustly

jailed. Grave, whose relations with Zola had greatly improved during the Affair,

visited Zola at his home to enlist aid in freeing them.^® As a result of this and

other work some anarchists were freed

Toward the end of the period, Grave was at work on a report to be sub­

mitted before an international anarchist congress to be held in Paris for 1900,

Organization was to be its main theme. At the time there was a drive in anarchist

circles for the formation of an anarchist party. Grave himself was not against the

idea as such, but he opposed any official organs such as a newspaper or committee

claiming to speak for the anarchists as a whole. He was afraid that, once begun,

this arrangement would lead to centralization within anarchism and make it no

^ Mouvement Iibertaire, p. 164. Jean Grave, "Kif'Kif bourriquet," Les Temps Nouveaux, June 17-23, 1899, p. 1. Meric, Les Hommesdu Jour, RT.~27f'T908: ------

^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 168-70. included are two letters from Zola to Grave. One is dated December 6 , 1900; the other has no date, but is presumably of the same period. Josephson, Zola and His Time, p . 506, included Grave among those at Zola's funeral.

^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 170-71. HMA, pp. 320-22. different than socialism. Since the French government refused the anarchists permission to meet, the congress was postponed. The report itself was published 72 shortly as a pamphlet under the title of Organisation, initiative, cohesion.

Jean Grave, Organisation, initiative, cohesion (Paris: Temps Nouveaux, 1902), pp, llff. CHAPTER I V -

'BETWEEN SYNDICALISM AND INDIVIDUALISM, 1901-1914

The period 1895-1900 ended with Grave occupied with the problem con­ cerning spontaneity as opposed to organization. But one may ask if Grave was not acting in a world of unreality? What relevance did his action have to the social struggles about him? The answer is a great deal, especially where the proletariat aspirations to become the leading class of society is concerned.

Vitally involved with this problem was the syndicalist movement which, during the first decade of the twentieth century, was in its heroic period, and in which anarchists were seriously involved.

The anarchists had long advocated union of the working class in a general strike that would ultimately bring about revolution. Bakunin as early as the late sixties urged just this, and there was a general concurrence of opinion within anarchism on the importance of union activity J During the 1880's and the first half of the 1890's, however, more attention was given to propaganda by deed than to mass union activity and action. Oily after the Trial of the Thirty when propaganda by deed was recognized as sterile did the focus shift to union activity.^

French labor itself had been closely attuned to anarchist ideas as early as in the 1860's, when mutualism was strong. A reaction set in for about a decade after the Commune, when the unions became reconciled to capitalism. However,

^Maximoff, The Political Philosophy of Bakunin, pp. 382ff. Pierre Kropotkin, "Le ler mai 1891Lq Re volte. October 18-24, 1890, pp. 1-2, demanded mass union action. HMA, p. 252, indicated that such well-known anarchists as Michel and Malatesta urged anarchists to join unions.

^Ibid., p. 249.

78 79 in 1879 French labor accepted socialism at its Marseilles Labor Congress,^ and when in 1884, unions became fully legal, they soon afterward began to see themselves as not merely the adjuncts of the various socialist parties, but as independent entities with life and rhythm of their own (The socialist parties had a tendency to subordinate union activity to the winning of elections.) There were two main unions by the mid-nineties, the C . G . T, and the Federation of Labor Exchanges (Federation des Bourses du Travail) founded in 1892.** In

1902, the two merged their activity at the Montpellier Labor Congress, with each keeping its separate identity.^

Revolutionary or anarchi-syndicalism owes a great debt to the communist- anarchists. Many of its leading figures had a general communist-anarchist orienta­

tion before specifically becoming anarcho-syndicalists. Also, many were associated

with Les Temps Nouveaux: Fernand Pelloutier, Pierre Monatte, Amedee Dunois,

and George Dumbulin among others. Grave knew them all well and was in

constant contact with anarcho-syndicalism.

The founder of anarcho-syndicalism and its greatest thinker was Fernand

Pelloutier, who came from a bourgeois background, his father being a functionary in

the Post O ffice. Although trained in a Jesuit institution, he apparently showed

^Blum, LesCongres ouvriers, as cited in Blum, I, pp. 404ff. \o u is Levine, Syndicalism in France (New York: Columbia University Press, 1914), pp. 45ff. Edouard Dolleans, Histoire du mouvement ouvrier, 1871-1920, II, (Paris: Armand Colin, 1957), pp. tiff, hereafter to be cited as Dolleans II . On the 1884 law concerning unions, see Sylvain Humbert, Le Mouvement svndical. V o l. IX of Histoire des partis soclolistes en France. ecTT A . Zevaes (Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1912), pp. 3—12. For an excellent presenta­ tion of French and world syndicalism see Rudolf Rocker, Anarcho-Syndicalism; Theory and Practice (Indore, India: Modern Publishers, 1947), pp. 155-60 on French Revolutionary Syndicalism.

^Blum, LesConares ouvriers. as cited in Blum I, pp. 454-55. The various Labor Exchanges (first one was founded in Paris 1887) federated at the 1892 Saint-Etienne Labor Congress. ^Levine, Syndicalism in France, pp. 162ff. 80 some disapproval with this environment by writing a pornographic novel, which among other reasons brought his expulsion. He wrote for Les Temps Nouveaux during its early years, his articles being marked by both breadth and acuteness.

Pelloutier was the leading spirit of the Labor Exchanges, serving as Secretary from 1895 to his death in 1901 ?

Pelloutier's replacement to cover syndicalist activity for Les Temps

Nouveaux was Paul Delesalle, v/hose father was a skilled mechanic. In the

1890's he worked with Pelloutier as Assistant Secretary of the Labor Exchanges, in which capacity he continued to serve after their coalition with the C . G . T.

in 1902.8 He not only wrote the "Mouvement Ouvrier" column but also reported on other contemporary happenings.^' His association lasted from 1895 to May,

1906, when he left after writing an unfortunate anti-semitic letter,^® to which

Dr. Pierrot objected. ^ Delesalle wished to reply on its context, but resigned when Grave overruled him J^ Despite his removal, Delesalle remained one of

Grave's closest friends, their friendship lasted to Grave's death. Grave's friendship helped sustain him for many years and kept him from suicide.^ Delesalle perhaps was best known as the presenter of the doctrine of revolutionary or anarcho-syndicalism

^On Fernand Pelloutier, see Maurice Pelloutier, Fernand Pelloutier. sa vie, son oeuvre. 1867-1901 (Paris: Schleicher Freres, 1911), pp. 5-18 on family background; pp. 19ff on schooling; pp. 60ff. on his union activity. G . D. H. C ole, The Second International. 1889-1914. Vol. Ill, Part I, df A iry of Socialist Thought (London: The Macmillan C o .. 1956), p . 336 stated that Pelloutier was the founder of syndicalism. W e ill, Le Mouvement sociale. . . . p. 331, stated that Pelloutier was against social reform coming from Parliamentary activity. p On Delesalle's life, see Jean Maitron, Le Syndicalism revolutionnaire; Paul Delesalle (Paris: Les Editions Ouvriers, 1952). ^See for example, Paul Delesalle, "Mouvement Ouvrier," Les Temps Nouveaux, May 5, 1906, pp. 6-7. ^®Paul Delesalle, ibid., May 5, 1906, p. 2. ^Marc Pierrot, ibid., May 12, 1906, p. 3.

^Mouvement libertaire, p. 159. ^Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, August 9 , 1964. 81 at the famous 1906 Amiens Labor Congress. In 1908, he left the union movement to devote his time to his lifelong dream, a bookstore concerned with the working class movement.

After Delesalle's departure, the “Mouvement Ouvrier" column was taken over by Ame'dee Dunois. Grave, who had known him for many years, was im­ pressed by his sincerity and writing ability. As a youth, Dunois would come to the newspaper office, offering to help in any way. His background was bourgeois

his father was a lawyer and judge. He not only wrote a regular column but also contributed to the newspaper many fine articles on various topics.14 After leaving the newspaper Dunois wrote that it was only good for sentimental old ladies which ended his friendship with Grave. He was replaced by George Dumoulin and

Doctor Pierrot. Dumoulin was an Assistant Treasurer of the C . G . T . and a notable of syndicalism.^**

The theory of anarcho-syndicalism postulated a heroic proletariat holding ever before it a myth of general strike which would overthrow the bourgeoisie and

usher in a society in which the working class would rule. The general strike would

be preceded by a long period of unceasing class warfare between the two classes,

in which the working class would condition itself to rule through constant training, engaging in perpetual strikes, boycotts, and sabotage* The basic unit for the workers in this struggle was to be the trade union, the working class organization par excellence. When the future society was installed, the union would be its basic cooperative unit. In stressing direct action with the union as the center of activity, anarcho-syndicalism resembled communist-anarchism in this way: it eschewed parliamentarism and advocated decentralization. Bureaucracy would be

14 BDn Dunois, sed Mouvement libertaire. p p . 159-60. Interview ^ith Madame Paul Delesalle, August 9 , 1964. She knew Dunois very w ell. One of his articles: Amedee Dunois, "L'Action directe contre la guerre," Les Tamps Nouveaux, July 22, 1905, pp. 1-2.

I^On Dumoulin, see Dolleans, II, 198. 82 eliminated or kept at a minimum since the practical utilitarianism of the union would set the tone

Les Temps Nouveaux hod a long and fruitful association with syndicalism largely because Grave sympathized with it as an indigenous working class movement.

This sympathy in fact was shared by most of the communist-anarchists. Faure's

Le Libertaire/ for example/ was sympathetic to syndicalism. The individualist anarchists/ on the other hand/ in L'Anarchie were opposed to it . For them the individual was everything; organization was utterly rejected.

Although sympathetic to unions Grave had serious reservations of their usefulness to improve the economic condition of the working class. His arguments, which were basically Marxist, had to do with assumptions concerning wages and employment, and were pervaded by the gloom of the nineteenth century for he believed the worker was doomed to a minimum subsistence J? The concept of an iron law of wages was seen from two distinct points of view during the period. The bourgeoisie had their exponents in the Malthus-Ricardo school which used "natural law1' ideas to assert that the proletariat was fated to a minimum wage level due to its sexual improvidence whereby it would procreate more children than

In connection with revolutionary syndicalism mention must be made of Geoiges Sorel, one of its chief theoreticians. He visited Delesolle's bookstore for many years, and may have been Delesalle's closest friend— Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, August 9, 1964. On Syndicalism, see Georges Sorel, Reflections on Violence (New York: Collier Books, 1961), pp. 119ff., 158ff., and 240ff. especially. Paul Delesalle, L'Action syndicole et les anarchistes (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 1901), pp. 4 -16. Fernand Pelloutier. Histoire des Bourses, oriaino. institutions, avenir. preface Georges Sorel (Paris: Schleicher Frdres, 1902), pp. 171ff. Fernand Pelloutier, L'Oraanization corporative et I'anarchie (Paris: Bibliotheque de L'Art Social, n. d .) , pp. 5 -1 4 . ^Charles P. Kindleberaer. Economic Growth in France and Britain. 1851-1950 (Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964), pp. 232ff. is concerned with wages for the working class and agricultural groups in France . Real wages did go up during the 1880-1914 period, but only very slowly. On the deep misery of the French working class, see, for example, Jacques Chastenst, Histoire de la Troisieme Republique, III, (Paris: Librarie Hachette, 1955), 338. 83

necessary, Increasing in turn the competition for employment and holding wages to 18 a minimum. This view was rejected by Grave since it made the workers mainly

responsible for their own misery. Grave, like the proletariat's main theoretical

spokesman in this controversy, Karl Marx, saw that the working class was subsist­

ing at a minimum level because of the tendency for improved technology under

capitalism to act as a depressant to higher wages. Labor-saving machinery would,

in other words, be introduced to counteract higher w ages.^

Grave used the argument of labor-saving machinery with telling effect

to prove that the general tendency of wages was towards a basic minimum. He

saw, for example, that if workers in one industry successfully struck to secure

— a wage increase, the capitalist to make up his loss would introduce more labor-

saving machinery which would cause some of them to lose their jobs, or else he

would use less expensive sources of raw materials which would only bring unemploy­

ment to other industries, or he would raise his prices which would in turn force

the workers in other industries eventually to strike in order to catch up to the

price advance.^®

Grave was not so naive (neither were Marx nor Ricardo for that matter)

Thomas Robert Malthus, An Essay on Population (London: J. M . Dent and Sons, 1914), II, 6 -1 8 . Piero SraFFa and M . h . Dobb (eds.), The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo, Vol. II: Notes on Malthus (Cambridge: At the University Press, I9 6 l), pp. 197ff. On the lives and ideas of David Ricardo and Thomas Robert Malthus, see Robert L. Heilbroner, The Lives. Times, and Ideas of the Great Economic Thinkers (New York: Simon Schuster, 19 d 3), pp. 67-95.

^Karl Marx, Capital; A Critique of Political Economy (New York: The Modem Libray, n. d .), pp. 466FF. An excellent technical work on Marx's economic ideas is by Leo Rogin, The Meaning and Validity of Economic Theory; A Historical Approach (New York: Harper brothers, 1959;, pp. 332-410.

Jean Grave, L'Anarchle, son but, ses moyens (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1899), pp. 263-64. Jean Grave, Ce que nous voulons (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, n. d.), pp. 1- 6. Grave mentioned that shorter hours of work all too'often led to the intensification of work. This brochure was to have been read by Grave before the 1913 French Anarchist Congress. Jean Grave, Le Mqchinisme (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1898), p. 14. (from La Societe Future). 84 as to believe that the minimum economic level could not rise. But he believed that

in the short-run economic gains for the working class as a whole were illusory.

An ambivalence is noted, however, in Grave's thought concerning unions

and economic gain. Even though economic gain for the entire working class

was seen as illusory, particular groups within it, because of skill and organization

(the two go together), might consolidate their economic position by receiving

higher wages than normal. This could be done, however, only at the expenses

of the less skilled, unorganized workers. Unionism then had a tendency to

make those under its wing more attached to bourgeois society and values and

helped to bifurcate the working class into a have and have-not group, thus

weakening it ss a w hole.^

Grave in stressing this fact made it clear that unions had a tendency

to pursue merely economic ends, and as a result of this, would not advance the

class struggle but actually retard it. The anarcho-syndicalists, however, never

stressed only economic betterment as the main purpose of unionism. Consequently

there was never any disagreement between them and Grave on this matter.

Despite Grave's suspicions of unions, he tolerated them as the natural

terrain for working class organization which not only promoted mutual aid (workers

would learn to co-operate among themselves), but which also promised to be a 22 possible vehicle in the overturn of bourgeois society.

The means for this change could be the general strike. The isolated

strike itself, of course, could not change anything, its merit lay in providing

the proletariat with the preparatory experience that nothing could be expected

— . Grave, L'Anarchie, son but, ses moyens, pp. 239ff.

Jean Grave# Terre Libre (Les Pionniers) (Illustrations by Mabel Holland Thomas) (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1908), p . 19. Jean Grave, Reformes# Revolution (Paris: P. V . Stock# 1910. p . 225. Jean Grave, La Conqufete des pouvoirspublics (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux# 1911). p. 3. 85 from capital without a struggle. Ultimately the worker would realize that freedom was possible only in a world without property and authority and with this under­ standing would launch a series of strikes culminating in a general one to overturn the present system.^

Despite these areas of agreement, there were serious differences between

Grave and the anarcho-syndicalists, eq>ecially over the outline of the future

society. Pelloutier saw the union not only as the nucleus to overturn bourgeois society but also as the basic productive and educational cell of anarchism itself. 24 Society was looked upon from the point of view of production. For Grave,

on the other hand, the union in the future society might develop bureaucratic and thus authoritarian tendencies precisely because it was an arrangement concerned

with production. To obviate this danger, he envisaged society from the standpoint

of individuals cooperating together to fulfill their needs by exchanging individual

services. This thought is in line with his general concept of work in which the

well rounded individual would engage in many varied tasks and thus not become 25 attached to a particular occupation.

Tactical differences existed between Grave and the syndicalists which

also complicated the picture. While both agreed on the acceptability of sabotage

during a strike Grave did not endorse the syndicalist slogan of "Bad Pay, Bad Work,"

for the reason that the personality of the worker would be degraded by bad work . 26

^ G ra v e , L'Anarchie. son but, ses movens. pp. 262ff. N ot all workers needed to go out on strike; a few major industries struck would suffice for a general strike.

^Fernand Pelloutier, "L'Anarchisme et les syndicats ouvriers," Les Temps Nouveaux. November 2-8, 1895, pp. 2-4. Pelloutier, Histoire des Bourses du Travail, pp. 163-64.

^Grave, Terre Libre, pp. 19-20. Grave, Roformes Revolution, pp. 223- 25. Jean Grave, LeSyndicalisme dans Involution sociale (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 1908), pp. 8-11. Cole, I I , 335-36, stated that the differences between tne communist- anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists were over the role of the union in a future society.

Jean Grave, "L'Anarchisme et la cooperation," Les Temps Nouveaux, February 9-15, 1901, p. 2. 86

Grave however always supported the unions in their struggle against the employers. He was greatly involved in the tense period during the spring of 1906 when the C . G . T. was preparing to launch a general strike to achieve an eight hour day. In March, a tragic mine disaster in the Nord Department had triggered in northern France a series of strikes, which soon spread, especially to the Paris a r e a .^ Clemenceau, who was Prime Minister riposted by using force against the striking miners after negotiations failed.^® Les Temps Nouveaux and Grave, of course, tried to make the situation as revolutionary as possible. Delesalle, who was dispatched to the strike-torn area, wrote penetrating articles on the conditions

1— 79 - - of the miners and their uncompromising mood. Grave himself produced articles against Parliamentary democracy, which more than intimated that change could only come from the force of the people.®® By late A pril, tension throughout

France, but especially in the Paris area, was high. Panic and fear gripped many of the bourgeois elements in Paris; many fled to England, while others stored 31 food for emergency use.

i Clemenceau, taking no chances, began to arrest prominent syndicalists and prohibited the appearance of Les Temps Nouveaux and other revolutionary newspapers on May Day.®^ Grave was subjected to this harassment. He had lent money to Pierre Monatte, an anarcho-syndicalist, soon to become an assistant

27 For background, see Louis Levine, Syndicalism in France, pp. 175-77. Levine stated that the number of workers on strike in 1907, was about twice as high as any other year since 1892; over 438,000 workerssttruck. On the mine disaster in the Nord Department, see Paul Delesalle, "Chez les mineurs," Les Temps Nouveaux, April 7, 1906, pp. 2-3. ^L evin e, Syndicalism in France, pp. 175-77. 29Paul Delesalle, "Chez les mineurs," Lbs Temps Nouveaux, April 14, p. 3, April 28, p. 3, 1906. ------®®Jean Grave, "Le Mensonge Electoral," ibid. , April 14, pp. 1- 2 , April 28, p. 4, 1906. 31 Levine, Syndicalism in France, pp. 175ff. ®^Dolleans, II, 134-35 has some general information. 87 secretary of the C . G . T ., to help him to go to foin the striking miners. Monatte, however, was arrested in late April and the police found among his belongings a letter from Grave. A police raid was conducted against the offices of Les Temps

Nouveaux in the hope of finding incriminating evidence concerning strike activity.

They found nothing, and then began checking the residences of various anarchists and sympathizers. Luckily Delesalle, whose place bad been earlier searched, outraced the police to Grave's residence and warned him of their coming. Grave then managed to bum all letters that might incriminate him in strike activity.

Not finding any letters, the police confiscated some pamphlets which were later 33 returned after Grave lodged a formal protest.

Grave and Delesalle struck back courageously at these harassments and intimidations with articles in Les Temps Nouveaux which contrasted the

Clemenceau of the Dreyfus Case (the defender of justice) with Clemenceau of the strike-breaker .34

May Day in Paris was tense, and troops were everywhere. Nothing happened, however, to touch off the possible explosion. The peak of excitement had been reached, and matters turned to a more normal state.35

The importance of syndicalism for anarchism was underscored in the Inter­ national Anarchists Congress held from August 24 to 31, 1907, at Amsterdam.36

33Mouvement Iibertaire, pp. 178-80, Dolleans, II, 134, stated that the police searches in the C . G . T. offices were to find evidence between the unions and the monarchists. Pierre Monatte, "Le Complot," Les Temps Nouveaux, June 16, 1906, pp. 2 -3 , ridiculed the charges of the government concerning any connection between the unions and reaction (Bonapartists). Jackson, Clemenceau, p. 142, said of Clemenceau concerning the suppression of civil disobedience and strike activity: "The poacher had turned gamekeeper with a vengeance."

Jean Grave, "La Gangrene du pouvoir," Les Temps Nouveaux, May 5, 1906, pp. 1- 2 . Paul Delesalle, "Le Complot," ibid., p. 3.

350n the tremendous tension in Paris on May Day, see John L. Charpentier, "Glanes; le premier mai," ib id .. May 12 , 1906, pp. 1- 2 .

360n the Congress, see Le Bureau International, Resolutions approuvees par le congres anarchiste tenu a Amsterdam, Aout 24-31, 1907 (London: Worker's Friend' Pr!ntfng7 rT. cTT), p p .T -'IZ ' HMA7pp : 308=309. 88

Although this meeting was the first international anarchist congress since 1881,

Grave opposed it and chose not to go, like most French anarchists.3?

The great debate in this congress between Monatte and Malatesta

brought out the various tensions within anarchism: what its future activity and

organization should be. For Monatte, syndicalism was workers' anarchism and

since the workers were the revolutionary class, the future society should develop

within the confines of their natural organization—the union. Against this,

Malatesta argued that this conception narrowed the base of anarchism to the working

class alone. Like Grave, he regarded syndicalism as only one of the many possible ways to usher in anarchism, and, like Grave, rejected the union as the nucleus

of future society. Underlying this argument was the fear of organization shared

by many communist-anarchists . 38 The debate itself did not resolve anything.

But it is significant that the congress voted for an International Correspondence

Bureau to facilitate communication between various anarchist groups by acting

as a kind of intermediary and information agency. This Bureau was short-lived

and expired in 1911. Centralization was again frustrated. For how long, however,

could the communist-anarchists continue the luxury of refusing organization with­

out becoming an isolated revolutionary sect? The future indeed was fraught with

danger.

In the years before World War I Grave continued to be engaged in

various activities to promote anarchism. He continued to pour forth a steady

stream of articles on the working class for Les Temps Nouveaux. A theoretical

work of great stature, Reformes, Revolution, was published in 1910 which reflected

3?Les Temps Nouveaux gave this congress scant coverage. The one important article concerning it was by Errico Malatesta, "Le Congres d'Amsterdam," Les Temps Nouveaux, September 21, 1907, pp. 1 -2 , and September 28, 1907, p . 2.

38HMA, pp. 303-309. 89 as always, the tensions in Grave's thought and the preoccupations of the communist-anarchists.

The greatest preoccupation during this period was the tension between

the syndicalists' effort to create an organization and the desire of the communist- anarchists not to succumb to the same. Outwardly and inwardly, Grave remained attached to the working class and consequently followed syndicalism closely. He could not, however, subscribe to its theoretical views which emphasized the trade

union as the ideal permanent organization. The fissure between anarchism and

syndicalism began to widen. The split became noticeable after the Amiens

Labor Congress^ and the International Anarchist Congress at Amsterdam. Perhaps

this division was inevitable. The daily struggle to remain alive forced the working

class to create permanent organizations, specifically trade unions; but these,

unfortunately, exhibited authoritarian tendencies. Despite sympathy for syndicalism,

Grave and many felow anarchists were, of course, concerned about this.

What was basically in question in the disenchantment between Grave and

the syndicalists, however, was not merely ideas, but a different mode of life. Although

Grave was vitally engrossed with the daily struggles of the working class, he was

much more concerned with the maintenance of the doctrinal purity of communist-

anarchism. As one of the few who represented this view of life , he may have fe lt

that certain principles could not be compromised. Another factor of significance

was no doubt the conflict between Grave the worker and Grave the intellectual

and artist. While the former inclined towards some organization, the latter was

prone to a certain individualistic style of life . His marriage to Mabel Holland

Thomas in June, 1909, in a civil ceremony at Folkstone, England, may also be

of some im portance.^ Her wealth enabled Grave to move from his humble lodgings

39 Dolleans, I I , 139 comments on the fact that the union was regarded as the key institutional grouping of the future society.

^Maitron, Revue d'histoire economique et sociale, XXVIII, No. 1, 109-10. 90 in Paris to a spacious house in the suburb of Robinson. His wife was no conven­ tional bourgeois. Indeed, she was strongly sympathetic to anarchism, contributed her own articles to les Temps Nouveaux, and greatly helped Grave in his w ritings.^

Nonetheless, there is some truth in the accusations made by various anarchists that

Grave became increasingly attuned to a bourgeois existence, and thus more apt to AO emphasize doctrinal purity at the expense of action.

In rejecting organization and thus close ties to syndicalism, Grave lost some of his working class connections since the syndicalist movement represented the principal part of workers' anarchism in F r a n c e . 43 Grave, as a result, began to notice the pressures of the individualists. Indeed, in Mouvement libertaire,

he gave the individualists much attention, and rightly so, for they were a very

important group in the world of anarchism just before the Great W a r . 4 4

Grave recognized that his ideas in certain key areas coincided with those

of the individualists: both were for individual sovereignty as against the precedence

of the group, both had deep fear of any social organization, which was seen as always tending towards authoritarian patterns, and both regarded the state as the

negation of f r e e d o m . 45 Yet Grave had great dislike for the individualists. This was due partly to theoretical differences between them concerning individual action

within existing society. The communist-anarchists stressed mutual aid and insisted

on man's essential sociability, which had as a corollary man's primarily peaceful

nature; in contrast the individualists stressed the concept of struggle for existence.

4^See for example, Mabel Holland Grave, "Le Congr&s des trades unions pour 1910,11 Les Temps Nouveaux, October 1, 1910, pp9 1 -2 . ^Interview with Modame Paul Delesalle, June 26, and August 9, 1964. ^ D an iel Gu 6rin, L'Anarchisme: de la doctrine b I'action (Paris: Gailimard, 1965), pp. 85ff. stated that the decline of the anarchists was their rejection to enter wholeheartedly into syndicalism. ^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 181 ff.

45J o h a n n Kaspar Schmidt Max Stimer , The Eao and His Own, trans. Steven T. Byington (New York: Boni and Liveright, n. d .), pp. 378-81. 91

In their opinion, the majority of mankind would always accept an unhappy lot in life . In consequence, effective collective social action did not figure promi­ nently in their thought.4^ Behind this idea was a deep pessimism that most men were perpetually doomed to be ruled..4^ Class as a term became meaningless under such circumstances. Although the idea of revolution was assuredly accepted, it was of an individual variety in which force and deception were to be allowed for the purpose of expropriating the bourgeoisie.4®

Another reason for Grave's antipathy to the individualists was probably because of psychological tension. It was as if the young Grave, obsessed with bombs and freedom, was in conflict with the mature individual, who procuring

some measure of respectability through writing and domesticated by marriage

had eschewed violence for moderation. If the individualists comprised the anti­

social part of anarchism, there was a godd possibility that they represented a like

element in Grave's psyche. Perhaps this was why Grave's personal hatred of the

individualists often was of a greater intensity than that displayed towards individual

members of the bourgeoisie . 49

The principal founder of the individualists was a nineteenth century German

^Contempt for the masses and hatred for the rulers was expressed by the individual anarchist and literary figure Zod'Axa whose actual surname was Gotland. He presumably came from a wealthy background. He was editor of I 'En Dehors, an anarchist literary magazine. Qrt his life and ideas, see Victor M eric, 'A~travers la iunale politique et litteraire: Coulisses et Tretaux. II (Paris: Librarie Valois, 1921), pp. 5-27; Mouvement libertaire, pp. 284-85.

4^There is fear of both the minority and the majority in Stirncr, The Ego and Hifc Own, pp. 268ff. For deep pessimism of eternal rule by a minorityno matter what tne social system, see Max Nomad, Apostles of Revolution (New York: Collier Books, 1961), pp. 9-1 9. The social setting for the pessimism of the individualists must not be forgotten: a world of colonialism, constant threats of war, and a society where the social, economic, and cultural differences between the masses and the elite groups were tremendously wide.

4®Stirner, The Ego and His Own, pp. 204-14, 251-53, 306ff.

49C f. in Mouvement libertaire. pp. 86ff. with 181ff., where Grave is usually polite with bourgeois opponents but very bitter towards the individualists. 92 anarchist Johann Kaspar Schmidt, better known under his pen name of-Max Stimer.^®

Along with hiip, the individualists also liked Frederick Nietzsche and Felix Le Dantec.

Nietzsche's life and philosophy personified the man of constant revolt, who despised

the many, forged his own morality, and lived dangerously—-which was the ideal of the individualists.

Le Dantec, a teacher in the biological sciences at the University of Paris was a contemporary of theirs and the author of many scientific-philosophic works.

The view of life as presented by him was one of unqualified Darwinism. In one o f his typical works, La Lutte uni verse! le , life in all of its forms, from lowest to

highest is seen in constant struggle where only the fit survive. Conventional morality in the struggle for survival was not stressed. Instead, a rampant, unbridled, and anti-social individualism wasde rigueur.*^

The leading figure of the French individualists was Albert Libertad, whose real name and background are wrapped in an aura of mystery; it is generally thought that he was an illegitimate child of a high official in the government. A cripple, who nonetheless possessed great physical courage, he always figured pro­

minently in street brawling. He was also an excellent orator. With His long hair and emaciated appearance, he supposedly resembled Jesus C h ris t.^ He had a devoted group of followers: soiled, unkempt people in a perpetual state of rebellion and alienation.

50 On Stirner's life and ideas, see Victor Basch, L'lndividuolisme anarchiste: Max Stirner (Paris: Librarie Felix Alcan, 1928), pp. 255-80 especially for an excellent resume of individualist anarchism. 51 Felix Le Dantec, La Lutte universelle (Paris: Ernest Flammarion, 1917), pp. 1-25, for a general view of his thought. 52 Victor Serge, Memoiresd'un revolutionnaire de 1901 a 1941 (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1951), p . 25, stated that the kernel of Libertad's philosophy was individual revolution. “Do not wait for the revolution. Those who promise revolution are practical jokers. Make your own revolution. Be free men and live in comaraderie." On Libertad, see Mouvement libertaire, pp. 184-87; HMA, pp. 394-96. ------93

Among Libertod's most prominent followers was Victor Kilbatchiche, who called himself Le Retif from 1909 to 1919, and who is well known as Victor

Serge. He became a follower of Leon Trotsky and served in the Soviet govern­ ment for a while, but then had to flee at the same time as did Trotsky .33 Another follower of some reputation was Ernest Armand, who earlier had been a Christian

anarchist before joining the Libertad crowd. When Libertad died, Armand succeeded

him as editor of L*Anarchic.^

The individualists' opinion of Grave was unfavorable. Kilbatchiche

made clear their attitude: "We are becoming disgusted by a type of academic

anarchism of which Jean Grave at Las Temps Nouveaux is the pontiff."35

Grave did not like Libettad and his group, and had suspicions that they were

agents provocateurs used by the police in order to discredit anarchism in the public

m in d .^ In 1905, Libertad founded L'Anorchie (1905-1914) the weekly organ of

the individualists. Within a short period of time, it became a focal point for the

gathering of criminals and their philosophic apologists.3?

Not only was Grave at odds with the individualists concerning robbery,

but also with regard to the problem of sexual freedom to which the individualists

^Jean Maitron, "De Kilbatchiche a Victor Serge: Le Retif (1909-1919)," Le Mouvement social XXXXVII (April-June, 1964), 45-78.

3^0n Armand, Mouvement libertaire, pp. 199-200. HMA, p. 397.

^^Serge, Mempiresd'un revolutionnaire.. . , p. 25. 36Grave unjustly accused Libertad, Kilbatchiche and Armand of being agentsprovocateurs. See Mouvement libertaire. pp. 185-200 and HMA. p. 396. Grave was threatened by Armand and Kilbatchiche, among others, because he called them police spies. He did not retract his statements and had a revolver near him in case of trouble with them: Mouvement libertaire. pp. 199-200. Nomad. Aspects of Revolt, p. 241 stated Grave unjustly accused Kilbatchiche of being an agent provocateur because of jealousy: Kilbatchiche in L'Anorchie had a better style of writing than Grave. 3^The best example of criminal activity in the L'Anorchie crowd is the Bonnot gang which flourished in the 1908-1912 period. See Victor Meric, Les Bandits tragiaues (Paris: S. Kra Editeur, 1926), and Mouvement libertaire. pp. 197ff. CQ paid much attention. Libertad himself lived simultaneously with two sisters.

The proletarian Grave was quite shocked by this display of free love. Grave's

views on sex were not prudish (he and his first wife had not procured a marriage

license) and he was never as puritanical as Proudhon who not only was for the

family but also for male superiority and sexual exclusiveness. However, Grave

could not tolerate wholesale sexual license of the individualists.^ He also

opposed their advocacy of force and deception, which he believed could not aid

in the creation of the good society. In fact, Grave saw that it was precisely

their practice which perpetuated the hegemony of bourgeois society, which under­

neath its rhetoric of freedom viewed the world in stark Darwinian terms, and which

thus could not but be a class society based on force and violence— on au th o rity.^

The problems of means and ends figured in Grave's clash with the individualists.

Grave was not opposed to propaganda by deed, nor did he eschew the possibility

of violence in a social upheaval. However, he saw such actions as exceptional

means, to be employed sparingly or in self-defense. They were never considered

as ends in themselves or as ultimate values.^

Perhaps the essential difference between the communist-anarchists and

the individualists was that the former considered individuality and the community

as distinct but at the same time complementary, while the latter conceived that the

individual and community could never be reconciled to one another but would always

be in conflict. The individualists were overwhelmed by the present and chose to

^ Mouvement libertaire, p . 184; HMA, p . 397. 59 Grave, L'Anorchie, son but, ses moyens, p. 19, advocated divorce by consent.

^ Mouvement libertaire, pp. 186-87.

^ G ra v e , La Socidtd mourante et I'anarchie. pp. 13-26. Peter Kropotkin, "L'Anorchie , 11 Les Temps Nouveaux, January 28, 1911, pp. 2-3. Marc Pierrot, "Sur 1'individual? sme, ibid. , June 11, 1910, pp. 3 -4 . 95 keep their aspirations within it, while the communist-anarchists were constantly inclined to make the leap into the future.62

The last French anarchist congress of importance was held in Paris between

August 15-17, 1913. Grave and Les Temps Nouveaux played an active role in its preparation. Grave himself attended and took a leading part in the proceedings which were mainly concerned with defining the aims of French anarchism. As usual, there was the tension between organization and individual spontaneity.

T^e faction urging more organization felt most acutely the influence of syndicalism and stressed the need for anarchism to stay as close to it as possible or else Suffer the consequences of becoming a mere esoteric sect of lonely intellectuals fighting against the injustices of the world. On the other hand there was the faction which saw organization as directly tied to authority and which was suspicious of any tendency towards i t . 63

Grave prepared for the occasion a pamphlet, Ce que nous voulons, which was not read before the congress because of its excessive length. It represented well the tension between organization and spontaneity. Grave argued that anarchism should be on guard against the centralizing tendencies inherent in syndicalist id e a s .^ Despite his concern, Grave together with his associates did agree to help form a Federation of French Anarchists, a significant departure from their past position . 66 On the other hand, the congress agreed that no official

62 Grave, La Socidtd future, pp. 147-67. Les Temps Nouveaux. August 9, 23, and 30, 1913 contains much informa­ tion on the 1913 congress.

^Jean Grave, "Ce que nous voulons," ibid., September 13, 1913, pp. 1-3. It was published in pamphlet form: Jean Grave, Ce que nous voulons (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, n. d .), pp. 2 -8 . Grave's report was passed up for S£bastien Faure's "Manifesto," Nos. 257-58 Le Mouvement Socialiste (November- December, 1913), pp. 402-404. On pp. 405-10, ibid., is Graved "Ce que nous voulons." ^^For Grave's favorable views concerning federation, see Les Temps Nouveaux, August 23, 1913, pp. 4-5. 96 port/ organs be formed. However, once the idea of federation was accepted, wobld not some centralization tendencies be forthcoming in various bureaus of

even information groups?

In addition to the syndicalist argument, the fear of war undoubtedly

promoted the tendency towards centralization. As war approached, the anarchists

along with the other socialists naturally undertook to prevent it. At the same time,

they increasingly speculated about the possibility of c revolutionary overturn of

society in conjunetion with war, which would involve concerted action, a condi­

tion favoring organization. In view of such considerations, one can assume that

there were strong pressures on Grave and French anarchism to support a political

party organization and to strengthen ties to the syndicalists. In time perhaps the

French anarchists might have captured syndicalism for their ends. This was not

to happen, however, for World War I came to destroy anarchism in France. CHAPTER V

THEORY OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

The theoretical works of Grove now to be considered revolved around three basic themes: criticism of bourgeois society, anarchist revolution to replace it , and the consequent ushering in of communist-anarchist utopia. To terminate the discussion the failure to bring about revolution in Western Europe will then be examined.

Grave's La Societe mourante et I'anarchie was his most notable and widely known contribution criticizing bourgeois society. In fact it was so successful that Grave not only earned a prison sentence, but the accolade of many an intellectual as a serious social thinker J

Grave began the work by presenting the essence of anarchism and its essential tasks:

Anarchy is the negation of authority. Authority, however, pretends to justify its existence by its necessary defense of existing social institu­ tions: trie family, religion, property, etc., and as such bascreated a complex of machinery to assure its power and sanction. If has created the law, the courts, legislative power, the executive, etc. In confront­ ing this situation anarchism should attack all social prejudice, examine in depth all human understanding, and finally demonstrate that its conceptions conform to tlie physiological ana psychological nature of man, while showing that the present social organization was established contrary to all loaic and good sense, which have made our societies unstable, rocked by revolutions, which come from the accumulated hatred of those ground under by its arbitrary institutions.*

It was then with these objectives that Grave was mainly concerned: of

systematically questioning bourgeois assumptions on such institutions as private

See Octave Mirbeau'spreface of Grave, La Societe mourante. . . . pp. v i-v ii, in which Grave's work is hailed as a “masterpiece of logic full of enlighten­ ment."

^Ibid., p p . 1- 2 . 97 98 property, class society, the state, and religion among others, and of describing the misery engendered by them.

Grave's most concerted attack was on private property, considered as the greatest bulwark of bourgeois society and the root cause of social misery. Like

Proudhon, Grave saw it as theft whose roots lay early in history when through force and cunning, some men appropriated the work of others and set themselves up as superior. These circumstances Grave rejected as contrary to the human condition. His argument was from a natural rights pattern: first, man as basically equal in essential qualities, and if differences existed in the matter of strength or intelligence they were minimal;^ second, since it took eons for the formation of the world's natural resources, they should be the equal birthright of all men.'* The equality of man was used to justify a classless society; classes were but a temporary imbalance to be corrected.

Tied inextricably to private property and the rise of classes in society was authority, which Grave saw as the whole complex of ideas and conditions which tie the many of mankind to the various elites. This abstraction was not only economic, but social, intellectual, and psychological. It involved the entire pattern of human society in which man's inhumanity to man was prevalent: class

3 Grave, La Societe mourante. . . , pp. 49ff. Grave follows in the footsteps of many eminent social thinkers who regard private property as the root cause of social misery. Two important ones before tne nineteenth century were Jean Jacques Rousseau and Gerrard Winstanley. Jean Jacques Rousseau, A Discourse on the Origin of Inequality as cited in The Social Contract and Discourses, trans, and intro, by G . D . H .C lole(N ew York: E. P . Dutton, 1950), pp. 234ff. See the exegesis on Gerrard Winstalney's The New Law of Righteousness in Lewis H. Berens, The Digger Movement in the Days of the Commonwealth; As Revealed in the Writing's of Gerrard Winstanley, the Digger, Mystic, Rationalist, Communist, and Social Reformer (London: Holland Hressand Merlin Press, 1941 ), pp. 68-78.

^Grave, La Societe m ourante..., p. 51 and p . 58.

5lbid., pp. 50-51. 99 oppression, militarism, racism, nationalism would be prime examples; in fact any idea or condition which prevented the fulfillment of mutual aid.^

The various facets of authority united to produce the government or state, which protected the various institutions under its mantle. It represented the past and indeed everything reprehensible in man. That is why a favorite tactic of Grave was not only to attack the state, but also its various props such as the courts and the police. Their weakening could only reduce the strength of the state— which objectified authority.? Grave tied the state to the bourgeoisie Q in the modem period, and saw the fall of one as necessarily leading to that of the other.

Religion, no less than other institutions, was also under the impress and indeed defender of authority. Specifically, Christianity was rejected because of its authoritarian nature, for it taught respect for the master, and the parallel features of humility and abnegation. Heaven was seen as an escape mechanism, promising future happiness for present suffering. With this philosophy, the indi­ vidual saw himself weak, and thus prone to hate others. Human relationships were weakened and social solidarity suffered. The anarchist ideal, instead, called for a strong and unafraid individual who loved himself and thus also those about him. The center of life is man where the ideal is that of humanism.^

^ Grave, La Societe'mourante..., pp. 77ff.

^Ibid., pp. 83ff.

SCf. ib id ., pp. 133-43 with Frederick Engels, Socialism; Utopian and Scientific (New Vork; International Publishers, 1935), pp. 69tf. Botn saw the state as being controlled by the bourgeoisie.

^On the problem of religion and the anarchist ideal, see Grave, Ui Societe mourante. . . , pp. 43-44, 115-16, 233. Also, Grave, L'lndividu et la socWteV pp. 50-53. Grave, La Socidte future, p . 196. Eric Fromm, Psychoanalysis and Religion, pp. 21 fF. stresses the fact that Christianity developed many authoritarian attitudes as it became a state religion. Obedience and sub­ mission are the hallmarks of this authoritarianism. Interestingly, the teachings and life of Christ are seen as being essentially humanistic, "joy" not "sorrow” or "guilt” is the aim . Fromm, Escape from Freedom, pp. lOff. seesCafviniStic pre­ destination with its emphasis on man^s wickedness as basically authoritarian. 100

Another grand theme of the work was criticism of militarism, one of the principal scorges of mankind. In a society of mutual struggle, militarism was a norm. It reinforced authority since it reduced entire populations to the level

of robot-like existence in carrying out its commands to destroy the enemy. ^ As for patriotism, Grave saw it as invariably linked with militarism and colonialism.^ 12 He opposed them all with the anarchist ideals of pacifism and internationalism.

The world of La Socie'te mourante et I'anarchie is a cruel and pitiless one.

The vast accumulation of capital and bourgeois opulence were made at the expense

of the worker, who was considered as a mere cost of production. The paradox

and irony of this human condition were of such proportion as to stagger the human

imagination: every advance in mechanical invention and progress could only

bring more wealth to the bourgeoisie at the expense of the proletariat, whose

insecurity and misery would increase by further unemployment. Labor itself

was reduced to a mere commodity; the market place became the new arbiter of

v a lu e .^

Admittedly Grave's picture of the world was simplistic, where there was

a strong contrast between the future good of anarchism and the evil of the present,

but the human condition in the 1890's, however, was of harsh variety for most

people and often the truth is more apparent when presented in such a manner.

La Societe mourante et I'anarchie has an assured place in modern socialist

theory. In its philosophic sweep of human misery it compares favorably with Karl

^®On militarism. Grave, La Societe mourante. . . , pp. 155ff.

^O n patriotism, ibid., pp. 133ff.

12 lbid., p. 167.

^ Ib id ., pp.56-59, pp. 126ff., for example. 101

Marx's Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, 14 and as pure revolt literature 15 it could well rival Thorstein Veblen's The Theory of the Leisure Class,

In the world of such intense discontent, Grave expected that revolution would not be far ofF. And in considering Grave's ideas on revolution, one should keep in mind his experience during the Commune, and the fact that political democracy was not a secure institution in France or in Europe during his lifetim e.

In France the Third Republic itself was not firmly established until 1877; in

Germany the Reichstag did not have extensive powers until the Weimar Republic was bom in 1919; and in England, the working class did not get the right to vote

until 1867: many were still not enfranchised until 1885. And even with the advent of political democracy, the economic and social configurations of society

reinforced by the habits of the authoritarian past, were of such a nature that

society indeed was seen by many to be run by generally cohesive power elite 16 groups.

Political or social upheaval in France was usually the result of revolution

(1789, 1830, 1848) or war (the Franco-Prussian Was of 1870-71 brought about

the Paris Commune and eventually the Third Republic). In fact as a product of

the nineteenth century--the century of Darwin and Marx— Grave's advocacy of

revolution was not unusual.

^ S ee Eric Fromm, Marx's Concept of Mon; With a Translation from Marx's Economic and Philosophicql Manuscripts, by T. 6. Bottomore (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1961), pp. 93ft. The first manuscript by Marx entitled Alienated Labor, pp. 93-109, showed that the worker, considered as a commodity of production under capitalism, and from whom economic gain is extracted, despises his work for this very reason.

^Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class; An Economic Study of Institutions, intro. C . Wright Mills (Hew York: A Mentor book, 1957), pp. 21 fF ., for example reveal a world where wealth and power are exalted at the expense of the poverty, virtue, and weakness.

^^For example, Gaetano Mosca, The Ruling Class, translated Hannah D . Kahn (New York: M cG raw -H ill, 1939), pp. 50-69, saw all societies as being composed essentially of two classes—the rulers and the ruled. 102

For Grave, social revolution to usher in utopia was inevitable.

The Marxists, his principal socialist opponents, would not dispute this finality.

There were, however, great philosophical differences of revolution, which had their roots in their respective ways of viewing history. Both Marxists and Grave

had the same sociology of history where the technology of a given period deter­

mined the class structure and resultant class struggle: in the agricultural Middle

Ages it was serf versus nobility while in the industrial nineteenth and twentieth centuries it was worker versus bourgeois. ^ But Grave's conception of history was not as materialistic as was that of the Marxists in the sense that mankind

would have to attain a certain technological-productive level before utopia could

be reached. For the Marxists, equality was possible only in the rather far distant

future, when the productive level was high enough to provide everyone the good

life J® For Grave, on the other hand, utopia could be reached at the present

level if only mankind would w ill i t . ^ For Grave, the important ingredient in

bringing about the emancipation of mankind was not the productive level, but

the expansion of the forces making for the strengthening of the mutual aid aspect

in human behavior and society.

The concept of mutual aid for anarchists meant morality; one which Grave

saw from a natualistic point of view. In La Socjete future and La Societe mourante

et I'anarchie, he devoted much time to the problem of mutual aid. While not

denying that struggle is a fact of life (between and within species), he saw that

mutual aid, especially within species was the more dominant characteristic, since

it was important in group survival.^ As early as the 1880's, Grave advocated

^ Grave, La Scx:iete future, pp. 21-24.

18|

^ G ra v e , La Societe future, pp. 17 ff.; Grave, La Societe mourante et I'anarchie, pp. 13fFI 103 that man consciously control his pattern of social life so as to exclude crude

Darwinism. When this would be done, irrespective of economic productive 91 level, utopia was phssible.

There was an inexorable pattern to this development of mutual aid which necessarily propelled the revolution on. And that was the utter necessity for equality and freedom for the human personality and society. Lacking this, mankind would not be at peace with itself, and in fact be engaged in destructive individual, social, and international antagonism. In the long run, however, this condition would be impossible. For Grave (he was in the Enlightenment tradition) the natural instincts of man were essentially good, and man, himself, would, in order 99 to survive, destroy the institutions which had enslaved him. One of the most important tasks before revolution, therefore, was to expand the forces of mutual aid in daily life and in intellectual endeavor. This was one reason why much of

Grave's attention was directed against the pronouncements of intellectuals defend­ ing the bourgeois view of fife. One such example concerned Malthus's attack on the poor in his Essay on Population, where it was righteously asserted that they were the cause of their own misery and even did not have the right to live. Grave saw that this was simply rank social prejudice used to justify the inequalities of the status-quo.23

21 Jean Grave [Jehan Le Vagre], La Revolution et I'autonomie selon la science (Paris: A . Bataille, 1885), pp.5-11. (32pp.) T^e greatest work on the problem of mutual aid was written by Peter Kropotkin, Mutual Aid; A Factor in Evolution (New York; Alfred A. Knopf, 1919), pp. 1-10 are especially interesting. Mutual aid is seen as a stronger characteristic than struggle. Grave was well acquainted with this work. The ideas of mutual aid themselves were not basically formulated bv Kropotkin. They were in the intellectual climate of the period. What Kropotkin did was to provide from his extensive travels and observations of animal life in Siberia a thorough-going explanation.

22crave, L'anarchie, son but ses moyens, pp. 11- 12 , 17-18. Grave, L'lndividu et la sociafW, pp. 145-71, pp l99fr.

23Grave, La Societe'future, pp. 19-20, 46-49. Jean Grave Les Scienflfiques (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1913), pp. 2 ff. 104

Grave viewed the experience of the nineteenth century largely from an

economic view point, at least concerning immediate revolutionary strategy. He

opposed short-run reform, for he saw it as not basically changing society, and was

afraid that it would make the workers less revolutionary and indeed become recon­

ciled to the present. The revolution would come about through the medium of class struggle: proletariat versus bourgeoisie, and take place in a period (con­

temporary to Grave), when capitalism, motivated by profits, would introduce

labor saving machinery in increasing tempo, from which unemployment and a

depressed wage scale would result. The capitalists would attempt to procure new

markets and new sources of raw materials through colonial expansion, but as the

colonies would develop economically they would compete with the home markets,

thus tending to increase the level of unemployment at home. In the meantime

ever increasing financial crisis within capitalism would concentrate the capital

into a few hands, and in the process wipe out much of the middle class. Finally,

the few remaining great capitalists would be opposed by the numerous rest of the

population, who were reduced to wage labor, which would finally stage a revolu-

rti tion and bring about anarchism.

Since the revolution did not come, Grave after about 1900 began to

interest himself in securing specific reform, viewing each one as part of an evolving

revolutionary pattern. In this connection Grave saw the masses, generally ignorant

of the whole social process and still under the impress of authority, as perfectly

capable however of understanding the importance of and pushing for specific

24 On Grave's revolutionary syndrome, which was similar to the Marxian one, see Grave, La Societe mourante et I'anarchie, pp. 269ff. Grave, La Societe au lendemajn de la revolution, pp. 110-13, and Grave, L'lndividu et la societe, pp. 226-27 and pp. 295-96. The comparison would be with the Marx, Capital. Contemporary leading anarchists which saw revolution inevitable also: Pierre Kropotkin, I'Action anorchiste dans la revolution (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1914), pp. 3ff. (24pp.) Eli see tieclus, L't: volution, la revolution et iMd^af anarch! ste (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1921), pp. I f f . and pp. 288-92. Malatesta, L^Anarchfe, p . 6 and p . 60. 105 changes. Their difficult lot in life which occupied them with the immediate and present in order to eke out a precarious existence made them insecure and subser­ vient. The old institutions: the state, religion, and the profit system among others were expressions of this fear and insecurity, since they kept society author!** 25 tarian, even with the approval of the masses themselves.

Even after he became reformist. Grave never believed in universal suffrage as a lever for social change. He saw it as a reactionary delaying tactic used by the status quo (and a very successful one at that) to reduce the tempo of social change, and especially to maintain a hierarchical attitude of society in 2A which any change would involve the replacement of one elite by another.

That was why he saw that the socialist deputy would not be too anxious for basic changes (especially concerning social hierarchy), but in fact attempt to entrench himself in a new e lite . ^ In this pattern of social change, and fear of new elites,

Grave was aware of the "irrational" or of the "cultural la g .11 There was no plot theory involved here where an elite would deliberately try to discourage social change or where one elite merely replaced another ad infinitum; instead there was a recognition that in a normal period of history, the social bonds were such that the habits and traditions of the past cannot be easily changed.

The revolution could be delayed or postponed, but not ultimately denied, however, because in the long run the masses would demand more and more power—* from one of rising economic and social expectations. Reform, even by the ballot, was seen as being basically forced from the bourgeoisie (who are after all afraid of revolution), and in time enough reform would lead to a point where the socvo-

25 / Jean Grave, La Panacee-Revolution (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1898), p. 14. (15pp.)

Jean Grave, Si j'avais a parler aux electeurs (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1911), pp. 1-7. tfp p .f" 27 Jean Grave, Une des formes de 1 'esprit politicien (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1911), p. 3. 106 economic and cultural strength of the masses would be so overwhelming that the revolution would occur.

The actual revolutionary change even then would involve some fighting since Grave did not think that any ruling class would relinquish its privileged position without being forcibly overthrown. Once begun, the revolution would immediately abolish the state along with all of its various arms: the army, the courts, the police force and the bureaucracy. Classes would be swept away: all private property used for productive purposes of general social nature would be expropriated, and social hierarchy would be abolished. Authority in ail of its various form, social, economic, and political would be uprooted: only then was OQ the revolution complete. The whole process itself would take only a few months.

The revolution would be made by the people, but what about the role of revolutionary e lite , in which Grave himself belonged. Grave saw its necessity, but in the equation of people and revolutionary vanguard, the important factor 30 was the former. The real heroes of revolution were the people. In this respect, the communist-anarchists as well as the Marxists underplayed the role of the great individual or saviour of society. Both essentially are Tolstoean, where history

®Grave, Reformes, revolution, p. 40, sees "irrational" forces such as religion and political democracy being manipulated by elite groups to reduce the tempo of social change. Grave's idea that social tension increases as groups approach equality in la Societe future, pp. I f f . and that reform increases the possibility for more rapid change in similar to that of Alexis de Tocqueville, Bebs&J.i-C—gf. the United States of America and Its Political Institutions, trans. Henry Reeves (2 vols. in 1; New York: A . S. Barnes and C o ., 1867), 1, 9. There is a strain of pessimism in Grave since he postponed the revolution to the future. For unbridled pessimism in a Libertarian, see Max Nomad, Aspect of Revolt (New York: Bookman Associates, 1959), pp. 9 -1 7 . He affirms that history is doomed to see perpetual warfare between the rulers and the ruled. ^ G ra v e , La Societe future# p. 207; Grave, La Societe au lendemain de la revolution, pp. 14ff. 3®On the role of a conscious revolutionary e lite , see Jean Grave, L'Entente pour I'action (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 1911), pp. I l f f . Grave, Reformes, revolution, p . 86; Grave, L'Anorchie,"son but, ses moyens. p . 37; Grave, L'Tndividu et la societe, pp. 250ff. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Forty (New York: International Publishers, 1948), p. 19. 107

is seen as mass movement: the individual, even the great one, not being able to see the heights, but wrapped.up in the drama of his time.

Still the importance of revolutionary elite must not be underestimated, especially in the short-run view, where they act as spark. In his earlier actively revolutionary phase, Grave in a Bakuninist spirit was for small clandestine groups committing propaganda by deed, while in his later evolutionary period, the revolutionary was basically a teacher helping to achieve positive piecemeal reform, and in the final hour before the revolution urging its completion by propaganda.

The revolution was not only to be national, but international in character, for the ruling groups would never allow any national success. This emphasis on internationalism was probably influenced by the events of the 1789 revolutionary era, that of the 1815-1848 Mettemich period, and the 1848 revolutionary wave which saw the forces of reaction cooperating on an international basis to crush change.33

A question on evolution or revolution: was not Grave aware of Proudhon's ideas concerning cooperatives, and could not society be peacefully changed towards anarchism through them? Yes, Grave was fully aware of them but did not think that cooperatives could do much in bringing about a social transformation. This of course was one of the basic differences between the mutualists and communist- anarchists. Grave admitted thatproducer cooperatives could bring about some amelioration economically for the working class. He saw, however, that

31 Grave# L'Anorchie# son but, ses moyens. p . 37 and pp. 193ff» Peter Kropotkin, The Great French Revblution, 1789-1793 (New York: G . P. Putnam's Sons, 1909), pp. 11-15 sees history as being made through mass social movements. Q i Tolstoy's view of history as expressed in War and Peace. see Isaiah Berlin, The Hedgehog and the Fox; An Essay on Tolstoy's View of History (New York: A Mentor Book, 1957), pp. 47-49. 32Grave, L'Anorchie, son but, ses moyens, pp. 207ff. 33Grave, La Socidte*au lendemain de la revolution, pp. 14ff; Grave L'Anorchie# son but# ses moyens# pp. 202-203. 108 capitalistic influence within them, especially the profit motive, was widespread, and that any economic success would tend to make them into formal capitalistic institutions. In this respect, Grave was not overly optimistic, then, that sections of the working class could resist the temptation of becoming reconciled to capital­ ism. There was here some affinity to the ^Leninist thesis that working class consciousness often was only capable of union-level activity and little else.

As for consumer cooperatives, Grave was more optimistic. They could educate the workers in acting together to defend their purchasing power presumably.

But even here, Grave was cautious and asked that they should always be motivated by a higher ideal, that of anarchism. In the foregoing complex of ideas, Grave was not dogmatic, and even saw the remote possibility where cooperatives could n i escape capitalist influence and become important institutions to usher in anarchism.

The greatest difference between Grave and the communist-anarchists and

the Marxists over revolution concerned the problem of the state. For the former,

the state would be destroyed immediately by the revolution, the fear being that if

it continued to exist, even under socialism, the danger of a new elite arising to

create a new authority was ever-present—an intellectual-bureaucratic elite was

fe a re d .^ The latter, while ultimately wishing to do away with the state (absolute

freedom for man was predicated on the elimination of the state by both Marxists and

anarchists), saw that it would still be necessary for a rather lengthy period: firstly,

in order to meet the threat of a possible bourgeois counterrevolution the workers

had to have control of the state apparatus and its centralized power of coercion;

34 On Grave and cooperatives, see Grave, Reformes, revolution, pp. 145-62; and A . D . Bancel, Le Cooperatisme devant les 6colessociales. preface Jean Grave (Paris: Bibliotheque Artlstique et Litteraire, 1897), pp. i - i i i . On Lenin's ideas concerning the tendency of the working class to relapse to merely economic activity see Thomas H. Hammond, Lenin on Trade Unions and Revolution, 1893-1917 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957), pp. l^ff. 3^Grave, Reformes, revolution, p. 126; Grave, L'Anorchie. son but, ses moyens. pp. 51ff.; Grave, La Socidt6 au lendemain de la revolution, pp. 14ff. 109

secondly, the state itself was an expression that not all social contradiction could be resolved immediately. For example, there would continue to exist the anta­

gonism between manual and intellectual labor, the former being less remunerative and important than the latter, which would last during the first stage ofc o m m u n i s m .36

Explicit in the distinction between manual and intellectual labor was a

view that the technology of society was of such nature that a division of labor and

order of social preference was necessary. The Marxists accepted large industry and centralization and the resulting hierarchical view of society as inevitable.^ The

anarchists, on the other hand, believed that modern science could effectively

decentralize production, that man finally had enough control over nature so as

to create for himself a technology that would fit his material and spiritual needs

at the same time—one where small industry and integrated labor (both manual and

intellectual combined) would predominate, and that therefore the problem of anta­

gonism between manual and inte lle ctu a l labor was not important or significant.38

As for the problem of counterrevolution by the bourgeoisie, Grave thought that it

could be dealt with effe ctive ly by the local communes themsefves.3?

Perhaps at bottom, mood and temperament were important in the differences

between Grave and the anarchists with the Marxists: the anarchists having a more

optimistic and generous view of present man than the Marxists.

The best work by Grave on communist-anarchist utopia was La Societe

future in which he discussed in great detail its various facets and theoretical

3^Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, pp. 8 ff., assumed that intellectual labor was more scarce than manual labor and thus could command a higher premium.

^Friedrich Engels, On Authority as cited in Lewis S. Feuer (e d ,), Marx and Enaels; Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy (New York: Anchor Books, 1959), pp. 451-55. ------" OO f / Grave, La Societe future, pp. 309ff.

^ G ra v e , La Societe au lendemain de la revolution, pp. 14ff. 110 foundations. Philosophically, it reflected the currents of the eighteenth century

Enlightenment, and the rise of the social sciences in the nineteenth. There was a sweep to and daring quality in La Societe future in that it saw man living harmoniously in a society where the technological process was in comparison to the one today, a rather primitive one, that of the last decade of the nineteenth century in Western Europe. Man, so to speak, was to leap into the future through his reason to create a society by consciously willing it where the end was human happiness and freedom. Grave was in search of these elusive goals, and knew that they were not merely personal, but also social.^0

Liberty, complete and unfettered by authority, was the cornerstone of utopia. The free individual meant a free society where liberty prevailed.

Liberty was defined as the condition wherein it would be impossible for a person or group to command another or others through political, economic, social, or religious coercion. The idea of mutual aid was the guaranter.41

Even though authority was absent from this society, institutional patterns did exist within it. They were to be sure in the form of cultural norms, but that did not make them all the less binding. Mutual aid in this society was a type of absolute standard, and if the need arose to enforce it, the anarchists would do so unhesitatingly on the premise that it conforms to basic human personality,

^®For the thoroughly pragmatic content of communist-anarchism, see Grave, La Societe future, pp. 4 3 ff. In this respect, see Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread, pp. 124ff. Martin Buber, Paths in Utopia, trans. R. F, C. Hill (boston: Beacon Press, 1960), pp. 38-45, praised the work of Kropotkin and the communi st- anarchists on utopia. Woodcock, Anarchism, pp. 23-24, stated that most utopias are repellent to anarchists. That is to be doubted in the sense that any social system not now in existence is utopian. Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia; An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge, trans. Louis Wirth and bdward Shils (New York: A Harvest Book), p . 257, saw utopia as resulting from the longings of the exploited masses in a world where they are the "outsiders."

^On liberty, see Grave, La Societe future, pp. 381 ff. Also, see Grave, L'lndividu et la societe, pp. 173ff. Grave assumes that human nature does exist, and as Rousseau would simply say that human institutions have made i t w icked. On the subject of human nature, an excellent source is Eric Fromm, Escape from Freedom,.pp. 9ff,. . Humgn nature is seen as not completely fixed, but neitfier as CBffiptlrely malleable. Certain psychological laws are operative. 111 which if changed would warp man's values. Grave, however, saw that this enforcement would probably be applied only to occasional isolated cases.42

Individual initiative in the form of "free agreement" and "free association" with respect to any group was very important in the scheme of Grave's utopia.

Industrial, agricultural, and other types of economic associations engaged in the multifarious activities of life, devoid of all authoritarian hierarchical patterns existed but did not have a separate existence above and beyond that of the individuals composing them. There are of course certain standards in the various associations which, if not met, might bring conflict between the individual and the group.

This was considered as possible in rare instances, with the group having the right to disassociate itself from the individual. This state of affairs was not considered authoritarian but simply as inherent in the human condition. The only real prohibition involved in this economic activity was that of profit*—one could not hire another's labor or sell a product. The fear here was that of return to capitalism.43

This is not a society where there was perfect man.44 It was one,

however, where the institutional arrangements reduced human conflict to a mini­

mum. Even granted that the idea of mutual aid would not take hold in all of its

intensity in the beginning, the society envisioned would still be an improvement

over that of an authoritarian one.

42Grave, la Societe'future, p. 138.

4^Ib id ., pp. 202ff. Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread, pp. 256-75. Simone W eill, Oppression and Liberty (London; Routledge and Kegal Paul, 1958), pp. 83-108, pictures the ideal society in terms very similar to Grave's.

^ G ra v e , La Societe future, p. 275.

45 |b id ., p . 45. Saw that the waste of war in present society was indeed prodigious. This would be one concrete example of the advantages of anarchism. 112

The organization of industry was a major concern to Grave and Kropotkin.

Industry was not just the complex of energy that provided man with a certain standard of life , but also the dynamic center of the struggle between man and nature. Industry would employ the latest techniques and be organized. The emphasis on size, however, was towards smallness. Wherever necessary, large industry as in the steel sector, was to be preserved, but, as much as possible, the ideal was to decentralize. The reason for this was that largeness in organization tended to develop the dangers of hierarchy and authority. Also, it encouraged the division of labor and occupational identification which were deterrents to social solidarity. In their drive towards small industry, Grave and Kropotkin were in accord, at least from a rational approach, with the spirit of the new technology of electricity, which would make it more easily possible to have relatively small productive groups work independently, while at the same time possessing vast stores of en erg y.^

Work, the most significant activity engaged in by mankind, the activity in which man changes nature and in so doing changes himself, was given proper due in utopia. Work was to be done in the companionship of small fraternal groups in which the individual would not be treated as an appendage to the machine.

Occupations were hot fixed, the goal being to provide as much job variation as

^Science is a crucial factor in the development of individual autonomy and anarchism. It is seen as a liberating factor in that man will have more room to maneuver socially as he expands his domain over nature. See La Societe future, pp. 386ff. On the real possibility for small industry to largely replace big industry as the energies of power expand, see Peter Kropotkin, Fields, Factories, and Workshops or Industry Combined with Agriculture and Brain Work with Manual Work (New York: G . P. Putnam's Sons, 1909), pp. 1 //-b ^ , contain his conclu­ sions. This is a pioneer work where pragmatism is stressed for utopia. On the problem of size and organization, see Grave, LaSociete future, pp. 238ff., and Grave, L’Anorchie, son but, ses moyens, pp. 218-26. 113 possible in which the dichotomy between manual and intellectual labor would be replaced by that of integrated labor where the two would be combined into a har­ monious whole* This in turn would produce an equality of outlook and general intelligence which narrow specialization could not engender nor promote. The division of labor, which had been heralded by the classical economists as a desir­ able factor to expand production, but which stunted generations of human beings, and which perpetuated socio-economic inequality would cease to exist.47

With the integration of labor and industry the problem of wages reached a new dimension. In communist-anarchist theory, wages were simply abolished.

Even the idea of equal wages as propounded by the French Marxists was rejected on the grounds that it was demeaning to human dignity. Work was seen from a creative, not a remunerative point of view. Public warehouses were to be provided by the community, people simply taking what they wished. Grave, however, accepted the fact that in a society (as the contemporary one) where the forces of production could not satisfy all needs, and where the needs of one may inter­ fere with those of another there was the likelihood of some economic inequality in this sense: through more individual initiative a person could provide himself with certain commodities which he had a greater need of than other people and thus bypass in this instance the common storehouse. What is provided then is a combination of common pool for the essential wants with individual peculiarities to be provided through specialized association or individual activity.4$

4^0n division of labor, see Grave, La Societe future, pp. 164ff. , and Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread, pp. 232-36 and pp. 2&lhf.

Grave, la Societe future, pp. 94ff. and 206ff., implied that human wants vary and as such people's needs differ. Grave, Reformes, Revolution, p. 126, implicitly accepted absolute equality. Kropotkin, The Concjuest ot Bread, pp. 200-21, asked for the abolition of wage labor. I he working day to provide the essentials of life was to be about four to five hours, the rest of the time being devoted to artistic and scientific pursuits: ib id ., pp. 126ff•, and Grave, La SocieTe future, p. 362. On the common storehouse see Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread, p . l~2o. 114

In proposing the elimination of division of labor, Grave and the communist** anarchists did not imply that intelligence would be downgraded. On the contrary, in a society where the cultural and edicational level of all the people would be high, and where the variety of work done could not but stimulate the intellectual and artistic impulse, there would necessarily be much more rapport between genius and society than at present.

Intelligence, however, would not have superior consideration in the sense that it could be used as a weapon to exploit others. Indeed, in a society where the general level of culture would be high, the problem of intelligence as such would not have the importance attached to it at present, where it is used in terms of invidious distinction, that is in justifying the position (usually privileged) of one in the social hierarchy: not only freedom from the capitalist, priest, and bureau­ crat, but also from a philosophical elite of the type in Plato's Republic.4?

Man already has been observed working together in associations.

They are not however the only basic social units. Just above them is the commune, composed of a generally limited number of people within a compact geographical area. The communes federate to the national level, which in turn federate internationally. The ties between these various levels would be informal, and presumably conferences would be held periodically between them. Federa­

tion would be held only because of fraternity .5®

^G rave, La Societe'future, pp. 168ff., saw intelligence from a cultural- historical aspect, each generation building on the achievements of its predecessors. The genius of a particular generation should therefore recognize this incalculable debt to the past. See, also, Grave, L'lndividu et la societe, pp. 183ff. R. H. Tawney, Equality (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1931), p. 131, stated that happiness is not only dependent on leadership but also on social solidarity. On p. 178, he affirmed that intelligence was greatly influenced by environment. Plato, Republic, intro, and trans. A. D. Lindsay (London: J. M. Dent, 1948), pp. lOOFf., on the ruling class.

Grave, La Societe'future, pp. 57ff. 115

Again as in industry, the aim was to have a situation where one could feel his personal influence and not lose spontaneity. Common community problems would be handled with local initiative, all having responsibility.

To expedite matters there would be various committees concerning themselves with particular suggestions. At times there would be general communal meetings to discuss the recommendations of committees.

An example given by Grave of decision-making was a projected railroad line in which differences occurred and were ironed out satisfactorily. Someone or a group proposed it. ideas are propagated through various committees and meetings. If controversy arose as to whether it should be built or not, or which route would be the most suitable, the problem was decided by majority.52

Decisions would not be so difficult to resolve in this society as the most important institutional antagonisms, class and property, did not exist. Under these circum­ stances, the vote of a majority was not oppressive, but rather more reasonable.

The final problem considered pertained to that of woman and marriage.

There is to be sexual equality. Marriage was considered the normal state, but it could be expeditiously dissolved when so wished by the partners. It was recognized that the previous inequality of the sexes was firstly a physiological one in which possessing less strength than the man, and often reduced to a docile position during childbearing, the woman was considered man's inferior. Secondly, with the advent of private property and slave society, the position of woman deteriorated to that of being considered man's property.

^ On community aspects of communist-anarchism, see La Societe future, p . 2 55ff., and Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread, pp. 42-43. 52 y ^ Grave, la Societe future, p . 293; Morris, News from Nowhere, pp. 123- 25 concurs. Kropotkin, the Conquest of Bread, pp. 1 $6-40, saw this common interest even existing within the framework of existing society concerning the time schedules of the various European railroads in which cooperation was widespread. 116

Becoming free, the personality of woman will change from that of devious­ ness and subservience to that of frankness. Grave thought that the rich women had already been emancipated but that the women in the working class had not yet b e e n .^ Interestingly, with equality, crimes of passion will progressively diminish in importance since they are engendered by the hypocrisy and duplicity of existing arrangements where woman is seen still as essentially man's property.54

Grave's ideas concerning the ideal society were similar to those of his communist-anarchist friends. Kropotkin, for example, saw that the ideal communist- anarchist utopia had:

. . .to establish a certain harmonious compatability. . .not be subjecting the individual to authority...not in trying to establish uniformity, but in calling for the free development, free initiative, free action, and free association of all people.55

For Malatesta, the essential task for anarchism was to bring about

” . . . a society of free and equal people found on the harmony of interests and on the voluntary will of all for the satisfaction of social needs.

Elisee Reclus agreed by calling for the creation of a society which here­ tofore was only conceivable in literature, in such works as The City of the Sun:

See Grave, La Societe future, pp. 321-39. Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex, trans. and ed. H. M . Parshiey (New York: Bantam Books, 1961), p . 9 /, agreed with Grave that the woman of the privileged classes was generally freer than her poorer sister, and pp. 7 5 ff., that it was the advent of private property engendered by the first revolution in agriculture, the invention of the various grains by woman, that ultimately enslaved woman.

S^Grave, La Societe future, pp. 139-42.

55Pierre Kropotkin, L'Anarchie; sa philosophic; son ideal (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1896), p. 17. c ------c------

^Errico Malatesta, L'Anarchie, (Geneve: Groupe d'Etudiants Revolu- tionnairesde Geneve, 1902), p. 8. On Malatesta's life, see Max Nomad, Rebels and Renegades (New York: The Macmillan C o., 1932), pp. 1-47. 117

. . . there are no more masters, no more official upholders of public morals . . . no more rich nor poor, but all to be equal in their rights, to be brothers, all having their livelihood and being in peace ana

cordial u n i o n ; 5 7

Andre Girard also agreed to this goal and added that it would not be possible as long as authority and oppression continued to exist.58

The optimism of Grave concerning man was bitterly attacked by a well** known political theorist, the leading Russian Marxist at the turn of the last century,

George Plekhanov. In his Anarchism and Socialism, Grave's La Societe7 au lendemain de la revolution and La Societe'mourante et I'anarchie were seen as being hopelessly utopian and out of touch with reality, while Grave himself was dismissed as a

"dabbler in metaphysics."*^ The main point of Plekhanov's diatribe was that the anarchists were dreamers because they did not engage in formal political action, participating in elections or in wishing to come to power through that medium.

For the argument of when the revolution would come, Grave was more like

Marx and less like the Marxists. Both Grave and Marx were revolutionaries, who had forseen revolution as both inevitable and imminent. When revolution did not come, they became reconciled to reformism. In the eighties and nineties of the last century the Marxists, however, had eschewed revolution for ail practical purposes and had begun to engage actively in the reformist politics of the present. Grave and the anarchists tried to hold out by not engaging in politics, and in a sense because of this were more revolutionary. They continued to believe and act as if the revolution were imminent, but as it did not come, disenchantment crept in .

Grave's La Societe future published in 1895 stated that it might take generations before revolution might usher in utopia.60

57Elisee Recius, "L'Anarchie," Les Temps Nouveaux, May 18-25, 1895, p p . 1 - 2 .

^®Andre Girard, Anarchie (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1901), p . 5 .

59George Plekhanov, Anarchism and Socialism, trans. Eleanor Marx Aveling (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr Co., 1916), pp. loTff.

60La Societe'future, pp. 1-5. 118

An interesting problem was why the communist-anarchists like Grave and

*' - ■? Kropotkin were individually more revolutionary and utopian than the Marxists and other socialists. Perhaps individual temperament was important. Grave, for example, as has been noted, may be regarded—-at least during his younger years— as a fanatical type. There is usually enough dissatisfaction in most societies that individuals of this type (perhaps their psychological problems also have a role)

are not unknown. At any rate this very utopianism and talk of revolution led

many anarchist critics to consider them mystical or sick or both. 61 There may

be some truth to these allegations. Maybe there was an anarchist type. After

a ll, they numbered in France during the 1890-1914 period (at their height) only

from about one to five thousand individuals concentrated in about forty groups,

and it may be possible to find more social and psychological homogeneity in a

comparative restricted group than in the general population.62 In all social

movements and transformations there seems to be the more fanatical and impatient

type .63

Grave himself saw the peasantry as culturally backward and devoted to the

past, but he did think it possible to revolutionize the poorer sections. In fact,

^Cesare Lombroso, Les Anarchistes, trans. M . Hamel and A . Marie (Paris: Flammarion, 1896), pp . 5 9 ff., saw the anarchists as being of the criminal type. Lombroso, an Italian criminologist of great standing towards the end of the last century typifies the philistine bourgeois mind: of those who by ommission or commission see the bourgeois as superior to the worker.

^ L e M atin, "Contre I'anarchie," March 9 , 1894, p . 2, estimated the number of anarchists in France at about eight thousand: two-and-a-half thousand in the Paris area, two thousand in the Lyons area, and one thousand in the Marseilles area. Mouvement libertaire, p . 287, estimated that there were about twenty thousand anarchists In trance before 1914. HMA. pp. 115-24 and 4 23ff., stated that there were about one thousand active anarchists backed up by an inactive group of five to ten thousand. The anarchists were a miniscule group.

63Qn mjnc| cf revolutionary fanatic, see Eric Hoffer, The True Believer; Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements (New York: A Mentor Book, 1958)7pp. 51ft: ------119

Grave, like most of the anarchists, was rather friendly to the peasantry. It was

Proudhon, after a ll, who idealized them in his thinking; his idea of utopia was of independent peasant holdings. The anarchists never contemplated acting the part of being social mentors to the peasantry by forcing collectivization of land. Small holdings used directly would never be expropriated. In fact, on balance the anarchists were much more aware of the revolutionary potentiol of the peasantry than the Marxists.^4

The working class in Western Europe despite bourgeois influences was fairly well organized and sufficiently class-conscious to carry out concerted action.

But it could not dislodge the bourgeoisie from their bastions of power simply because the social contradictions in society were not of a serious enough nature. Grave's life illustrated this. In his early life he was for violent revolution. He tasted jail and hardship for his idealism. But at the same time, when World War I broke out he defended France or the concept of nationalism which he had before so decried.

He had once been an ascetic type, but when he married into the bourgeoisie, he easily mixed with them and accepted many of their views towards life .

The problem of example within the leadership of the working class and its intellectual views concerning equality was also of some importance in understanding the failure of the revolution in Western Europe. What elan could the workers have, knowing that even if socialism triumphed the old inequalities, especially between governors and governed would not soon vanish? Cynicism was widespread in this atmosphere. Was it any wonder that a political career in France would often see

^ O n Grave and the peasantry, see Grave, L'Anarchie, son but, ses moyens, pp. 307-24. An excerpt from, ibid. was inserted in Les Temps Nouveaux, May 2 7 -June 2, 1899. Also, see Elisee Reel us, A mon frere le paysan I Amiens: Editions de Germinal, 1905), pp. 1-8, and Enrico Malatesta, bntre paysans (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1901), pp. 1 -3 2. Ideas expressed by these two famous anarchists are similar to Grave's. 120 one evolving from a socialist to a conservative position (Millerand and Briand come readily to mind)? Social solidarity in the highest sense would have emphasized equality, not inequality. In fact, what Grave said about the leaders of socialism had more than a grain of truth: that they wished to become the new elite and enjoy its privileges and prerogatives. What Grave failed to see at first, which he later did, was that the whole social fabric (including vast sections of the working class) implicitly or explicitly largely accepted social and economic inequality—or the bourgeois view of life . CHAPTER VI

JN THE WORLD OF ART

The ties of Grave to the world of art were profound. In the already examined La Grande fam ille, it was indicated that for Grave, art and life were in a sense inseparable. Art was not seen as something lifeless, a plaything merely for amusement, but a vital element of life in its search for truth and beauty.

That was why Grave was forever fusing art with his ideals of anarchism. He follows in this respect the grand tradition of the artist-reformer, which has been especially strong in Europe since the Enlightenment.

Grave was one of the leading figures in socialism consciously to use art for propaganda J As early as 1889 his membership in the Club de l-'Art Social— where social thinkers like Benoit Malon, and Louise Michel met weekly with artists like Camille Pissaro, Maximilien Luce, and Lucien Descaves to discuss art and politics—undoubtedly quickened his appreciation of art as a weapon to be 2 used against bourgeois society.

Towards the end of the century, art— symbolism in poetry, realism and naturalism in prose, and neo-impressionism in painting— was in close alliance with anarchism. For both, the bete noire was the bourgeoisie, which had enriched itself at the expense of the proletariat which lived in squalor and misery. Anar­ chists and artist also shared a common view of life: revulsion and revolt

^ Eugenia W . Herbert, The Artist and Social Reform; France and Belgium, 1885-1898 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), pp. 14ff., asserted tnat Grave was the leading figure in socialism to use art as propaganda in the period before World War I .

2|bid., pp. 23ff. 121 122 against' authority, stress on individuality and creativity to foster experimentation and freedom, refection of dogmatism,^ and the almost total rejection of the present as essentially hellish and unlivable.^

Many of the leading artistic magazines showed this symbiosis between anarch­ ism and art. Most if not all of their contributors were anarchists or sympathetic to anarchism. Les Entretiens Politiques et Litteraires, a leading symbolist magazine, was openly anarchist, featuring such anarchists as Paul Adam and Bernard Lazare.

La Revue Blanche, perhaps the leading artistic magazine of the period, had as leading contributors such anarchist notables as Stuart M errill, Felix Feneon, Bernard Lazare along with Maximilien Luce, Camille Pissaro, Paul Signac, Kropotkin, and Ibsen.**

On the question of "art for the sake of art," however, Grave and the communist-anarchists differed markedly with the conceptions of many artists. Grave was suspicious of artists who claimed that the masses could not understand a rt. He thought this mere pretension and snobbery, where the artist would by default identify himself with the wealthy— cultured layer of society. Involved artificiality and reconditeness in art were rejected, thusly, because of appeal to snobbery. Yes,

“art for the sake of art," but under conditions of freedom, where creativity would not be stifled under any form of alienation, such as trying to imitate the attitudes, literary or social, of the ruling-wealthy elite for the sake of acceptance.^

3 / / Grave, Lq societe mourante et I'anarchie, p . 6 saw anarchism penetrating painting and literature by its ideas. W eill, Le Mouvement s o c ia l.... pp. 419-46 noted the social sympathy for the working class in the works of Z o la, Mirbeau, and Pottier among others. — An interesting and penetrating work on the nineteenth century artistic mind which pays attention to the rejection of the present is by Mario Praz, The Romantic Agony, trans. Angus Davidson (London: Oxford University Press, 1951JI ^On the various magazines see Blum, I, xxi-xxiv. Herbert, The Artist and Social Reform, pp. 96ff.

^Grave, La Societe future, pp. 35-58.- Also see the interesting comment by Charles Albert,~L'Art et la societe (Paris; Bibliotbeque du Groupe L'Art Social, n. d .), pp. 13-14, that the desire for economic gain killed the desire for beauty. This pamphlet of fifty-nine pages was probably published in 1896 or 1897. 123

If art were not to be for the happy few, was a drab utilitarian and propa­

gandist^ type of art to become prevalent? Not so according to Grave, who never

saw art in this manner. Good art could be utilitarian or propagandist^, but simul­

taneously be significant. An example of this given by Grave was Zola's Germinal.^

The ideas of Kropotkin will help shed more light on the attitude of the

communist-anarchists towards a rt. For him vital and significant art was possible

only where the artist was in constant communion with society whose inner pulse and

rhythm might be felt and then translated into art. The art of the Renaissance period

had this quality because the city state, whatever its faults, did provide social

solidarity. This condition was destroyed largely, however, in the last few centuries

when capitalism became so pervasive that money became the main nexus between

people. This condition resulted in social disorientation which in turn was reflected O in art. The main task of the artist in these unfavorable conditions should then be

to use his talents for one sole purpose: to stimulate revolt against the bourgeoisie.

For Kropotkin, art should be primarily of a propagandist!c nature. This conception

of art was much narrower than Grave's.

The groundwork of anarchism's view of art had been laid out largely by

Proudhon whose concern for artistic endeavour was profound. In Du principe de

I'art et de sa destination sociale, Proudhon saw that art had to present the interaction

between individual and environment in a clear and precise way in order for man to

understand himself. Art had to do with man's examination of all life and thus was

important in assigning values to human existence

7 , ^ Grave, La Societe future, pp. 359-60. g Peter Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread (New York: G . P. Putnam's Sons, 1907), pp. 138-42. 9 ' Peter Kropotkin, Paroles d'un revolte, preface by Elisee Reclus (Paris: Ernest Flammarion, 1885), pp. 65ff. 10D. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Du pirincipe de I'art de sa destination sociale as cited in Oeuvres completes... (Parte Marcel Riviere, 1929), XV, 278ff. 124

For Grave and Kropotkin/ art was of supreme importance. In their conception of ideal society, art would play the decisive role of giving meaning to life. In fact, most of human activity would be devoted to art since the workday would only consist of a few hours. All would engage in art and make it an integral part of life . Anarchism itself represented art J 1 "Art that supreme manifestation of individualism" said Grave could best flourish in a society free from authority, where the artistic imagination would be unencumbered in its search for beauty and m eaning.^

The literary work of Grave consisted of three novels, one play, and a work of fairy tales. La Grande famille has been mentioned already in connection with his military experiences. Malfaiteursl and Terre Libre were his two other excellent novels. Both fall into the category of realism in literature.

In Malfaiteursl the protagonist was Pierre Armel, a worker in Paris, an idealist and anarchist in his latter twenties. An orphan, he had been raised by a friend of his parents, Anatole Mounier, who looked on Pierre as a son and as a 1 prospective husband to the younger of his two daughters, Solange.

Complications began when Pierre became an anarchist. This simply would not do for old man Mounier. Not only did he not like their ideas of the abolition of property (he had a little himself) but also was concerned that as an anarchist

Pierre more than likely would go to jail and thus not be a good provider.

In contrast to Pierre was his best friend, Albert Jouffray, who was courting

Louise, the older of the daughters. Albert, too, was a worker and a revolutionary

(a Marxist-Guesdist), but the father liked him. Why? He was clever and had a

^ ^ Grave, La Societe'future, p . 362. Kropotkin, The Conquest of Bread, pp. 142-43. 10 Grave, La Societe future, p . 368.

^Jean Grave, Malfaiteursl (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1903), pp. 13ff. gives an excellent description of Pierre Armel • 125 good chance to be elected to the Chamber of Deputies. His salary would then be more than sufficient for marriage and an added attraction would be the prestige

of being the father-in-law of a deputy.

What developed was that the daughters (Solange despite her parents' bitter protestations) married the two friends. Pierre and Solange had a happy marriage

even though he was imprisoned for writing in an anarchist newspaper. Despite

poverty their idealism and love conquered a ll. Albert and Louise, however, had

an unhappy marriage although a life of ease. Albert had the usual mistress and

was rapidly getting to know the right people.

In the meantime, Pierre and the father-in-law became reconciled, since

it turned out that Pierre might have a promising literary career. At the end of

the story, father and mother Mounier were simply domestics in the spacious country

house of Albert who was known as the champion of the working class because of his

fiery speeches in the Chamber of Deputies. He had paid the price cf outward

success, however, by losing his integrity and was indeed a failure inwardly. In

contrast, of course, were the struggles endured but inward happiness obtained by

Pierre and Solange. Albert and Pierre had broken their friendship long ago when

Albert became an opportunist being married in church and becoming a d e p u ty.^

Terre Libre (1908) was Grave's utopian novel. Its two principal themes

were revolution and utopia. The period was the latter part of the nineteenth

century; the country— France. The bourgeoisie who had just crushed a general

strike deported about three hundred cf the insurgents along with their wives and

children to a penal colony in New Caledonia. The ship which they were on, the

^M alfaiteursl followed in a great tradition of the French novel-one where all of life is politicalized. The prototype is Stendhal's The Red and The Black whose hero, Julien Sorel constantly aware of nisplebian background, attempts to rise in the world—every success a victory, every defeat a humiliation vis-a-vis the ruling class. On the novel in the nineteenth century, see Arnold Hauser, The Social History of A rt. trans. Stanley Godman (New York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1952), II , 714ff. 126

Arethusa, battered by a storm, struck a reef and thus forced the expedition to stay on a nearby unchartered island. Fortunately supplies from the ship were plentiful and the island was fertile.

Once on the island, the revolutionary prisoners staged a revolt and deposed the old order, which was composed of an army-guard group. The revolutionaries set up their own society which was called Freeland, and even allowed the old order to continue its separate existence. The hero in this revolution and in subsequent developments to maintain communist-anarchism was a worker by the name of Berthaut.

He was a quiet, unassuming individual who was against all authority. In the event of crises, he intervened in the name of reason and human solidarity in order to keep Freeland on the right track. One such crisis was the attempt to have a system of representation within the community. Berthaut rapidly took the lead in having this proposal squelched. It was seen as a syndicalist-inspired mental aberration.^

The Freelanders did not have an easy time of it at first. The old order tried a sneak attack which luckily was discovered in time by one of the lazy Free­ landers (in this utopia no one was forced to work although almost everyone did) and happily repulsed. Other dangers were also successfully overcome. AiFrench warship came to the island to impose the old order. It was sunk by the canon fire of the Freelanders, with all aboard, after it had evacuated those favoring the old order. The Freelanders had earlier taken the precaution of commandeering the cannons of the Arethusa. The Freelanders were now assured that their island utopia was safe, for no one would know about it .

Freeland was an ideal place where everyone was reasonably happy since

^ G rav e , Terre Libre, p . 221. General community decisions are made in a general assembly which all attend. 127

mutual aid reigned. It was a utopia where the ingenuity of man helped make life more pleasant by producing many mechanical contrivances; electric automobiles were one example. Grave took great relish in describing the various occupations and the production end of the society.^ The significance of this was that where man was in a productive and outward oriented society, he did not have the propensity to indulge in destructive psychological interrelationships.

Terre Libre was in the spirit of the small-happy-community tradition.

There was no centralization or regimentation of any type. It was in the spirit of

William Morris's News from Nowhere (1 8 9 0 ),^ where man was happy at work and play rather than in Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward (1 8 8 8 ),^ where there was a centralized bureaucracy running the govemment-trust in a crisp business-like manner, and where such ideas as devotion and subordination were inculcated into the youth.

• • • * 19 • The sole play written by Grave is entitled Responsabilitesl It is similar to classic Greek tragedy where two sets of values, almost of equal goodness, are in opposition to each other. Robert Renaud was a married worker of thirty-nine with two children. Because of his anarchist ideas he lost one job after another and even suffered imprisonment. In desperation his wife killed the two children and herself. A friend, Durier, who had influenced Robert to become an anarchist, asked himself if it were not he who indeed was responsible for the three deaths; for if Robert had riot met him the tragedy would not have occurred. A friend (fate)

^Grave, Terre Libre, pp. 134ff. ^W illiam Morris. News from Nowhere or An Epoch of Rest (Boston: Robert Brothers, 1898), pp. 126-29, saw work as much as possible done without the use of machinery to make it as artistic as possible. The term "artistic" here would also imply enjoyable. Problems are decided by communal assemblies, pp. 119-25. ^Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward \f 2000-1887 (Boston: Houghton M ifflin C o ., 1941), pp. 97-109, on hierarchical arrangement of work. There is, however, much flexibility in choosing occupations. ^Jean Grave, Responsabilitesl (Piece en quatre actes) (Paris: P. V . Stock. 1904), (101pp.) ------128 consoled Durier by pointing out the many more similar victims of the present unjust society. The moral: despite the fact that innocent people w ill lose their lives, the struggle of the anarchists is just and must go on. AA Les Aventures de Nono is Grave's contribution to the realm of make- believe. It shows Grave's love for children, his nephew and nieces from his first wife's side of the family with whom he lived for about twenty years.

Nono, a nine year old boy, was from the working class of Paris. One

night, after being tucked in by his mother he went on a very unusual and imagina­

tive adventure.- He entered the fairyland of Autonomy where he encountered

such good and wise mythical people as Labor and his sister Liberty. Autonomy

was a pleasant place where everybody worked and played very nicely with their

friends. Evil, however, in the guise of Monnaius (money) lurked nearby. Monnaius

was a bloated ugly man who claimed that his gold ring gave him all of his heart's

wishes. Nono was tricked by Monnaius to go to his land of Monnaia. Nono

however escaped and had many adventures there. He noticed that the beautiful

picture painted by Monnaius of having what you wished was confined only to the

wealthy few who lived at the expense of the many poor who had sheep-like faces.

The master class had the faces of such animals and birds as the tiger, jackal, vulture,

and crow. Monnaius himself rather looked like a vampire. Interestingly, facial

transformation occurred at an early age when the ruler (Monnaius) assigned the

various occupations.

Nono was rescued from this frightful world by two of his friends from

Autonomy, Hans and Mah (a girl), and awakened in his mother's arms when he thought

that Monnaius was chasing him. The story's moral is crystal clear: beware of

bourgeois society.

Jean Grave, Les Aventures de Nono. illustrations by Alexandre Charpentier, Heidbrinck, Herman-Paul, Camille Lefevre, M . Luce, Lucien Pissarro and Rysselberghe (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1901). (372 pp.) 129

The iron/ involved in writing Nono was that it involved Grave into controversy with a contemporary writer, Camille de Sainte-Croix, who accused him of plagiarism. He had earlier come out with a children's book, and he thought that Grave had copied much from him. Needless to say, this charge was baseless.

Actually Grave had been at work on Nono from his Mazas prison days in 1894. He worked on this project only intermittently as more important work had to be done, and it was not until the time he was struck down by pneumonia in January, 1901,

(the sickness almost proved fatal) and his subsequent period of convalescence in the Midi from February to April of the same year that he was able to complete the work.^

There is even a Kafkaesque piece in Grave's work, a short story entitled

"Comment on s'enrichit," in which two men become partners with a third to market a toy. The mistake of the two, one of whom was the inventor, was to become

v______entangled with this third party, a capitalist, who apparently being true to fbrm, was insatiable for money, and contrives successfully to wrest control of the enterprise from them. Slick lawyers and legality intervened on the side of the wealthy partner and the climax came when after a court trial the apparently innocent originators 22 of the company were thrown in ja il, and the capitalist had it ail to himself.

Grave's style in his works was very readable. It had the grace of not

being overly copiplex or artificial, but instead of possessing the artistic virtues

of directness and simplicity. The characters were generally well-drawn and had an

individuality of their own in addition to being types. The moralistic element in

their makeup was rather pronounced, good being equated with anarchism, evil

21 Jean Grave, "Froissements de vanite," Les Temps Nouveaux, May 4-10, 1901, pp. ,1-2.

^Jean Grave, "Comment on s'enrichit." N? Djeu* Ni Maitre; 1903 Almanach de la Revolution, (ed. Paul Delesalle Paris: Charles Blot Imprimerie, 1902), pp. 22-25. 130 with bourgeois society. Grave may have been too simplistic in this moralistic approach, but still may have come closer to the truth about reality than those novelists who choose altogether to ignore the problem.

On the problem of love between the sexes, Grave was a conventional

Victorian: love between the idealistic hero and the heroine would unalterably be pure, while those tainted by bourgeois ambition and fame would find ugliness.

Material success would only lead to poor human relationships. This nai vete' of the proletarian Grave concerning love and social position could be contrasted to that of

the worldly Mirbeau, the bourgeois and esthete turned anarchist, who saw that perversion 23 and alienation were the norms in love, rife everywhere among all social classes.

The commitment of Grave to the world of art became an integral part of his

everyday working activity at Les Temps Nouveaux through the Literary Supplement

(Supplement Litteraire), which was an integral part of it from the beginning and

appeared regularly except in financially embarrassing periods. In it Grave continued

the legacy of La Revolte by providing his readers with the best in literature and the

social sciences in order not only to entertain but also to enlighten and to foster a

critical attitude of the present. As always, there was the tension between the ideal

of the future and the sordidness of the present.

Again, as in the past, such famous authors as Tolstoy,2^ Z o la ,2^ and

23 Octave Mirbeau, Le Journal d'une femme de chambre (Paris: Le Livre de Poche, 1964). ^ Les Temps Nouveaux. Supplement LitteVairej Vol. VI, 23, 77, 87, 113, 350. Hereafter cited as TNSL. Excerpts from tolstoy's War and Peace. Ressurection, and Kreutzer Sonata were included. In his diary dated February 5 , 1898, Tolstoy wrestled with Grave's LMndividu et la societe. He rejected Grave's humanistic anarchism for his own Christian one. Tolstoy believed that man was not just "an accidental chain of atoms.'1 See Leo Tolstoy, The journal of Leo Tolstoy. 1895-1899. I, trans. Rose Sturmsky (New York: Alfred A, Knopf, 1907), 206. In Mouvement libertaire. p. 51 there is an autographed photograph from Tolstoy to Grave on which was added: "To my esteemed collaborator and colleague Jean Grave," On the anar­ chist thought of Tolstoy, see Paul Eltgbacher, Anarchism; Exponents of the Anarchist Philosophy, trans. Steven T. Byington and ed. James Martin (New York: Libertarian BookClub, 1960), pp. 149-81.

25TNSL, VI (1908-11), 53, 102. 131

Mirbeau,2^ among man/ others were featured. In the social sciences/the anarchist thinkers, K ropotkin,^ Bakunin,^® Proudhon,^ and Elie,^® and Elisee Reclus^ had their usual importance.

Another group of writers, not well-known today but widely read a t the turn of the century, who were anarchists or sympathetic to anarchism, found their works included in the Supplement time and again. They included Luoien Descaves,

Jean Richepin, Jean A{albert, and Emile Verhaeren among others. The first three knew Grave w ell. Descaves was probably the most famous of the group. He was a prolific writer whose stories emphasized the life of the working class. He had become acquainted with Grave at the time of the Society of Letters litigation, and 32 as a member of the Society exercised a moderating influence with regard to him.

Richepin was a poet of considerable ability whose poetry was well-liked by Grave

Ajalbert, who was Grave's lawyer in the Society of Letters fracas, was also a writer who emphasized the struggles of the workers in obtaining a better life . Verhaeren, an excellent Belgian poet had impressed Grave with the social themes in his work.

^ T N S L , V I, 16, 41, 52 among others.

^ I b id ., p . 773 among others.

28lbid. , I. (1895-97), 496 among others. 29 Ib id ., p . 37, 215, 219 among others. 30 Ib id ., p . 14, 20, 144 among others. 31 Ibid., VI, 21, 38, 69, 79, 83 among others. Other writers included Anatole France, Henrik Ibsen, Gustave Flaubert, Oscar W ilde, Diderot, and Henry David Thoreau.

32lb id ., |y. 104, 321, 369, 417, and 588. Mouvement libertaire, p. 152. Descaves, who was also a contributing editor of Les Temps Nouveaux, stated that the emotional and intellectual influence of the newspaper and of, Grave on him were very profound: Lucien Descaves, Souvenirs d'un ours (Paris: Les Editions de Paris, 1946), p . 1 2 2 . ------

33TNSL. I, 124, 332, 393, 403, 467, 482. Mouvement libertaire. p. 153. On Richepin's life see Howard Sutton, The Life and Works of Jean Richepin (Geneve: E. Droz, 1961), pp. 21-89. ^ TNSL, V I, 457-554, 556. On hismemoires, Jean Ajalbert, Memoires en vrac (Paris: Albin M ichel, 1938). 132

He continued to develop his talents and in time became one of the greatest of all

Belgian poets.'***

Not only did Les Temps Nouveaux excell as a literary journal but also as one in the visual arts. The power of the lithograph was wedded to that of the word very effectively. Some of the leading painters of the period, many close 36 friends to Grave, contributed their artistic talents to revolutionary propaganda.

One of the best known was Camille Pissaro, a leader of impressionism.

A very gentle and learned man with deep anarchist convictions, he aided Grave by 37 his lithographs and money. His son, Lucien, an outstanding neo-impressionist also contributed paintings.33

Maximilien Luce, Paul Signac, and Theophile Steinlen (the first two leading neo-impressionists, the last a stark realist) gave much aid also. All three were friends of Grave and sympathetic to anarchism. O f the three Grave was perhaps closest to Signac, who admired Grave as one who was instrumental in forming his social thinking.3^ Luce was an old friend who had first introduced Grave to the artistic set in which so many friends were made. He was always more than ready

35TNSL, I, 355, 386, 420, 642, 690. On his life, see Herbert,. The Artist and Social Reform . . . , pp. 136-39. This work contains much information on many of the leading artistfc.of the period. G A. three letters from Verhaeren to Grave, no date, but probably in the 1895 period. 3^See Les Temps Nouveaux. June 24, 1905 to October 5, 1907 in which there is a drawing almost every issue. 37 On Camille Pissaro, see Adolphe Tabarant, Pissaro (Paris: Reider, 1924). GA, twenty letters from Camille Pissaro to Grave, 1892-1902. The main topics of the letters were current events, lithographs for Les Temps Nouveaux. and money contributions for its maintenance. Mouvement libertaire. p . 295 stated that Camille Pissaro contributed at least two-thousand francs to the news­ paper. For Grave's tribute on Pissaro's death, see Les Temps Nouveaux, November 21*27, 1903, p . 2 . See also, the magnificent tribute to him by Frantz Jourdain, "Camille Pissaro," ib id ., December 19-25, 1903. pp. 1 -2 .

38GA, two letters from Lucien Pissaro to Grave. Les Temps Nouveaux, April 15-21, 1899, p . 4 , where a painting of Lucien Pissaro was offered for a raffle. 39 G A , twenty letters from Signac to Grave, 1893-1923 concerning lithographs and current problems. Mouvement libertaire, p . 293. 133 to help the newspaper by lithographs.^® Steinlen, one of the best lithographers in all art history and a man whose entire life was taken up with depicting working class life / generously contributed many lithographs.^ Other friends and nea-

impressionists who contributed lithographs to the newspaper included Charles

Angrand,^ Henri-Edmond Cross whose real name was D elacroix,^ The© van

Rysselberghe,^ and Felix Valloton^ among others.

It may be truly said that for Grave/ anarchist-communism included not

only the class struggle but the milieu of art. Indeed Grave is one of the fore­ runners of the artist-revolutionary type so common in the twentieth century.

Mouvement libertaire# p. 289. G A , nine letters from Luce to Grave/ 1908-16/ current events and lithographs are the major subjects under discussion.

^ GA. twenty letters from Steinlen to Grave/ 1903-1912 concerning lithographs, and current topics. On his life and drawings, see Francis Jourdain, Un Grand imagier; Alexandre Steinlen (Paris: Editions Cercle d'A rt, 1954). 42 G A. thirteen letters from Angrand to Grave, 1899-1925, concerning principally with lithographs for les Temps Nouveaux.

^ Ib id . , nine letters from Cross to Grave, 1896-1909.

^ Ibid.. about twenty letters from Rysselberghe to Grave, 1897-1912, concerning work for the newspaper. ^ Ib id .. six letters from Valloton to Grave, 1896-1909 concerning art work. On the various pa inters discussed, see John Rewald, Post Impressionism: From Van Goah to Gauain (New York: Simon Schuster, n. d .); and Herbert, The Artist and Social Reform. while on Grave and the various artists, see R. L. Herbert, "Les Artistes et I'anarchisme d'apres les lettres inedits de Pissaro, Signac etautres," Le Mouvement Social, XXXVI, (July-September, 1961), pp. 1—19. CHAPTER VII

FROM 1914 TO GRAVE'S DEATH IN 1939

The underlying situation of authoritarian government in the conditions

of the two decadds before 1914 brought about an aggressive nationalism manifesting

itself in colonialism and an ever increasing armaments race, the two principal

causes of World War I. Their great danger was recognized by Grave and the

anarchists.^

Colonialism was attacked in an uncompromising manner in contrast to

the rather equivocal manner of the French socialists.^ Its economic roots, the

desire to open up new markets and new areas of exploitation, were emphasized .3

Its brutal treatment of the native population was condemned.^ The psychological

climate which led the masses in the advanced nations to press for expansion was

For representative anarchist attacks on war, colonialism and armaments, see Charles Albert, Patrie. guerre et caserne (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 190(?). Andre' Girard, "La guerre imminente et les financiers.11 Les Temps Nouveaux. August 26, 1911, p. 1; Pierre Kropotkin, "La Guerre," ib id. . March 2, 1912, pp. 1-2, March 9, 1912, pp. 1-2, March 16, 1912, pp. 2-3, March 30, 1912, pp. 1-2. 3Jean Jaures, the leading French socialist before World War I did not wish for France to relinquish her colonies and was for the extension of French influence in Morocco through peaceful means—building schools, hospitals and other social aid: See Oeuvres de Jean Jaures. comp. Max Bonnofous (9 vols.; Paris: Rieder, 1931-1934), II, 33 and VII, 426. 3Grave, La Socie'te mourante. . . . pp. 177-78. The idea of overseas capital movements in search of higher investment returns was popularized by J. A . Hobson, Imperialism; A Study (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1902), pp. 50ff. Also see V . j. Lenin. Imperialism: The Highest Staae of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1939), pp. 62ff., on capital exportation. This work, written in 1916, is essentially Hobesian.

^Grave, La Societe mourante. . . . pp. 170-77. While in military service, Grave heard many stories recounting brutality in colonial areas: Grave, La Grande famille, pp. 125ff.

134 135

also brilliantly delineated. Brutalized and alienated by their own society, the

masses were immune to the savageries imposed on the so-called "inferior" people.**

Imperialism did not benefit the nation economically as a whole. In

fact it was a constant strain on French resources and not worth the c o s t.6 The

primary recipients of its largesse were sections of the nobility and bourgeoisie,

who comprised the colonial bureaucracy in their roles as administrators and soldiers,

and as exploiters through financial investment.^ Grave here was well aware of

the role of elites to influence national policy to their advantage.

Linked with the attack on colonialism was Grave's condemnation of an

ever-increasing armaments race which was propelling mankind toward war. He

fought against the extension of the draft law from two to three years in 1913 and

saw that the continued rise of military expenditures was creating powerful interest

groups (those directly or indirectly involved in supplying the military) who wished

their continuance. That a large part of the nation's budget (about one-quarter)

Grave, La Societe mourante. . . . p . 75. In ibid. , pp. 77-97, Grave, contrary to many learned professors of the period did not believe that there were any inferior races.

^Herbert Luethv. France Against Herself, trans. Eric Mosbacher (New York: Meridian Books, 1959), pp. 212-T6, stated that the national cost before World War I to conquer and secure the French Empire was 10,000 million francs while only a small amount of French oversea investment was in the colonies, only 5,000 million francs.

^ Grave, La Societe*mourante. . . , p. 174. The chapter entitled "La Colonisation," pp. 174-82 of ibid. was published in pamphlet form: Jean Grave, La Colonisation (Paris: Les temps Nouveaux. 1900). (16pp.) The gradual pacification of Morocco by Prance in the first decades of me twentieth century is an example of how elite groups like the Comite de I'Afrique Francaise Comite du Maroc composed of senators, deputies, prominent capitalists and the military were able to influence a policy of imperialism: see Eugene N . Anderson, The First Moroccan Crisis. 1904-1906 (Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1930), pp. 5-6: and Rom Lanclau, Moroccan Drama. 1900-1955 (London: Robert Hale, 1956), p. 64.

1 136

O was for the military expenses was seen as tragedy while social misery was so rife*

War, the harbinger of mass killing, could only bring disaster to man's moral

character.^

Although war was expected and continual reference was made in Les Temps

Nouveaux concerning its possibility, the immediate events leading to World War I

were not viewed at first by Grave or his newspaper with great alarm. Until the

last days, war was not believed imminent. The assassination of Francis Ferdinand

and his wife at Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 was covered in the July 4 issue of

Les Temps Nouveaux by Grave. He justified the assassination by pointing out

that Bosnia had been annexed earlier against its wishes by Austria-Hungary. The

article occupied only two paragraphs, nothing else was concerned with it or the

possibi lity of war J ®

In the issues of July 11, 18, and 25, again there was no inkling of impend­

ing war; the problems discussed were the usual ones concerning social affairs and

anarchist theory. The August 1 issue however sensed danger. All page one was

a drawing by Paul Iribe. The Tsar of Russia was portrayed talking to a functionary

concerning the arrest of revolutionaries, the functionary replying that what good

was an alliance with France if Poincare (its Prime Minister) did not arrest some

French Republicans. On page two there were three short paragraphs stating that

war was a possible retribution, since this world was one of authority.^ The

rest of the issue was devoted to ordinary affairs.

Q Jean Grave, Contre la folie des armaments (Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1913), pp. 4ff. (24 pp.! ^Henri Chapoutot, Livre d'or des officiers francais de 1789 a 1815; d'qpres leurs memoires et souvenirs, preface by Jean Grave (Paris: Editions des Temps Nouveaux. 1^)4). p . ix . Chaoout. an anarchist examined the memoirs of the various French generals in history (much on Napoleon Bonaparte) and enumerated the various unpleasant accusations directed toward their peers, including cowardice, theft, and ineptitude.

J e a n Grave, "Qui frappe par I'epee perira par le revolver," Les Temps Nouveaux, July 4, 1914, p. 1. 11 Jean Grave, "Ou nous sommes," ib id ., August 1, 1914, p . 2. 137

The last issue was that of August 8 and contained only two pages. The leading article which covered the first page was entitled "Aux Comarades" and written in larger than usual type. This last article was signed "Editorial Staff."

It blamed the people for their docility to authority/ to being led by the militarists and the politicians in the name of nationalism. It praised the working class manifestations on the eve of the war but saw them as being too weak to prevent it.

Then it went on to dandemn a ll governments for the war# although it attributed the immediate cause to the militarism of Germany and Austria, France being seen as trying to avoid war to the very end. The last paragraph held out one flicker of hope— that the German people would overthrow their government. Grave also wrote a brief tribute to Jean Jaures, the great socialist leader who had been assassi­ nated on July 31 on the eve of war

Les Temps Nouveaux closed down, and by the end of August 1914 the

German army approached Paris which was in a state of alarm. These circumstances, coupled with the wife's delicate health, prompted the Graves to leave their rented home in the Paris suburb of Robinson for a stay with his wife's sister at Clifton,

England, the exclusive suburb of the bustling port city of B risto l.^ While in

England, Grave broodened his social horizon by being in constant contact with the bourgeois circles of Clifton and learning about their attitudes towards various problems.^

World War I produced a split not only within the ranks of the socialist parties but also within anarchism. Although the majority in most of the socialist

12 Les Temps Nouveaux, August 8, 1914, pp. 1-2.

^ Mouvement libertaire. pp. 248-50; and Alfred Rosmer, Le Mouvement ouvrier pendant la premiere guerre mondiale de Zimmerwald a la Revolution Russe (Paris: Moutan, 1959), p . 137. ~~

^Jean Grave, "En Angleterre," La Bataille Syndicaliste, October 30, 1914, p. 1. 138 parties supported their respective governments during the war, most of the anarchists

a C were pacifists; a minority, an influential one, however, supported the war effort.

That some anarchists would come to the defense of France in the event

of war had ever been a real possibility. Kropotkin had previously identified

France as the land par excellence of social revolution and as such a French defeat could result in the increased strength of reaction. Thus from the very beginning

of the war, he was for the defense of Fran ce.^

There is strong evidence to suggest that in the early months of the conflict

Grave had serious doubts concerning his position. He had always been a staunch

antimilitarist. His novel La Grande famille had shown disgust with the military

and in his theoretical works, bourgeois particularism was always opposed by working

class internationalsim. The military as part of the ruling hierarchy were to

be resolutely fought. In short, Grave had been a militant pacifist.^

When Grave changed his opinion to support the defense of France, the

influence of Kropotkin was perhaps decisive* A letter of September 2 , 1914,

from Kropotkin to Grave may have been very significant:

In what world of illusion do you live in to speak of peace? Think firstly to destroy the German army, to reconquer bleeding Belgium which is under a state of fire , and then to defend Paris.

15 On anarchists and war, Woodcock, Anarchism, pp. 324-25; Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Anarchist Prince, p . 380, stated most anarchists were against war* Nomand, Rebels and Renegades, p . 34 stated that most of the leading anar­ chists were for their respective governments. ^See Kropotkin's remarks in Le Temps. October 31, 1905.

^See for example, Grave, La Societe mourante. . . . pp. 155-71. Grave, L1 Anarchic, son but, ses movens, pp. 15-16, 207, 216. 18 G A . letter, Kropotkin to Grave, September 2 , 1914; ib id ., letter Kropotkin to Grave, April 4, 1916, in which Kropotkin informed Grave that the allied defenders must fight "like ferocious beasts." Jean Grave, "Ce qui est a faire," La Libre Federation. October 2, 1915, called for allied victory and the end of the great enemy which was the militarism eJTrussia. 139

In early 1916, Grave and his wife visited the Kropotkin family at the

seaside resort of Brighton. While there. Grave persuaded Kropotkin of the need

for a manifesto to warn of the possible dangers of a German victory. Grave wrote

it when he returned to Clifton and sent it to Kropotkin for alterations.19 Among

those signing it in addition to Grave and Kropotkin were Malato and Paul Reclus.^®

There were sixteen names all told, fifteen of individuals and one of a geographical

location.^1

The Manifesto of the Sixteen was dated February 28, 1916, and appeared

in its entirety in the pro-war Bataille on the following March 14. It declared

that its wish was for peace, which was, however, considered impossible as the

German working class was incapable of stopping the imperialism of its government.

Then it claimed the German working class was not represented at the anti-war

Zimmerwald Conference in Switzerland in 1 9 1 5 .^ The key statement, however,

recognized the validity of nationalism, since it accused the German people of

backing their government:

The German Empire, knowing that its armies have been only ninety kilometers from Paris for eighteen months, and backed in its dreams for new conquests by the German people (italics not mine) does not see why it should not keep the conquests already m a d e . 23

19 ———— ______(AoWfiroent libertaire , pp. 261-62; Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Anarch»st Prince, p . 384 state that it is difficult to assign authorship as between Kropotkin and Grave. What can be said? Firstly, Grave has no reason in fabricat­ ing a tale. His esteem for Kropotkin was second to none. Secondly, his memoires were written in the twenties and he could not likely have forgotten about such an important event. 20 GA^letters, Malato to Grave, March 7 and 28, 1918, which gave his pro-war position.

. 21 J?an Grave and Others, "The Manifesto of the Sixteen," La Bataille, March 14, 1916; Rosmer, Le Mouvement ouvrier.. . . p. 111. 22 The Zimmerwald Conference was held in September, 1915, in Switzerland. Although both the German and French Labor movements were represented, neither the German nor French Socialist Parties were officially represented. The miniscule group of Russian, Italian, French, and German delegates, among whom was Lenin, stated that the war was not a workers' war and called for the cessation of hostilities. See Oolleans, II, 234-48. 23 Grave and Others, La Bataille, March 14, 1916. 140

The response to this manifesto from the anti-war anarchists was not long in coming. It was led by Errico Mala testa, who unleashed a stinging reply entitled Anarchistes de Gouvemements. All of Europe was seen as imitating

Prussian militarism. The war anarchists had simply joined the reactionary chorus in supporting the war effort of their respective governments. The defeat of one side in the war would not solve any long range problems. Instead it would only perpetuate the ideas of revenge which would foster further war. As such, all anarchists should strive to rise above the war and stay true to their original aim:

"Down with the capitalists and governments, all capitalists and all governments." 24 The pamphlet concluded with the cry of "Long live the people, all the people!"

Malatesta's protest was not alone. Various anarchist groups in Paris protested with a brochure entitled Declaration et Protestation. Pro-war propaganda was equated with nationalism and reaction* The working class was seen as the eternal victim—fighting a war which was begun by the respective governments.^

Grave's decision to support the war caused consternation to some friends.

The artist Paul Signac wrote Grave:

Nourished by your principles, by those of Reclus (Elisee), by those of Kropotkin— because it is you who have formed me— I can not under­ stand why you support the war, and why you do not protest against the execution of this horror; that you now make a distinction between a justifiable war— you who have taught that war is always bad and atrocious.26

24 / Errico Malatesta, Anarchistes de Gouvernement (Reponse de Malatesta ou Manifeste des Seize. A brochure of seven pages in my possession, a gift of M ile. Colette Chambe I land of Le Musee Social. The brochure was probably printed in 1916 by the Grouoe des Temps Nouveaux. Errico Malatesta, "Pro-Government Anarchists." Freedom (April. 1916). p. 28 gives the English version of the above. Also, see GA. letter, Malatesta to Grave, November 5, 1916, in which he informed Grave that the war anarchists "have committed a great fault." For a very early anarchist manifestation against the war, see Errico Malatesta, F . Domela Nieuwenhuis and Others, "Intemationl Anarchist Manifesto on tlie War," Freedom (March. 1915), p. 21. 25 / » Groupe d'etudes anarchistes-communistes and Others, Declaration et Protestation: A propos du Manifeste des Seize (Paris, 1916), pp. 1 -7. Also, a gift of M ile. Colette Chambelland. 26 GA, letter, Signac to Grave, August 1, 1916. However, his friend Luce, another artist, supported his stand. Ibid. , letter, Luce to Grave (1916?). 141

La Bataille before the war was the official newspaper of the C . G . T. whose orientation of revolutionary syndicalism allowed for much anarchist influence provided by men such as Malato and Dunois. When the anarchist press was forced to close down at the beginning of the war, the leading figures of La Bataille, principally Leon Jbuhaux and Pierre Monatte, asked for the col­

laboration of many anarchists journalists who gladly accepted.

By 1915 principal collaborators in addition to Grave included such war anarchists as Doctor Winsch, Paul Reclus, and Maximilien Luce. Just prior to the war La Bataille had called for a “War on War,'1^ for the unity of the international working class through a general strike to meet the war threat. But within a brief period after the war began, its policy became one of the national defense against 29 German aggression.

From October 30, 1914, to February 11, 1919, Grave wrote approximately

180 articles for La Bataille Syndicaliste and La Bataille, many of which were 30 featured articles appearing on page one. Interestingly enough, many were partly

blank, a few entirely so, because the French censor thought that they were

detrimental to the war effort.The basic ideas in Grave’s! articles had to do

with problems caused by or related to the war. From a philosophic view point

the dominant strain is the acceptance of the world as it is—worldly pragmatism.

Ideally he had wished for a revolution to greet the war but saw that the anarchists

were few in numbers and thus could not decisively influence events. Under

2^Lq Bataille Syndicaliste, July 29, 1914. (Headline)

28lbid., July 26, 30, 31, 1914.

2^lbid. , August 5, 6 , 1914. 30 La Bataille Syndicaliste changed its name to La Bataille on October 3 , 1915. From January 4 , 1921 to 1939 it was known as Le Peuple and remained the official daily of the C . G . T. The circulation in the War I period was at least 15,000. ^ La Bataille, for example, see April 16 and 23, and July 2, 1916. 32 Jean Grave, “Les Anarchistes et la guerre," La Bataille Syndicaliste, February 27, 1915; also Jean Grave, ibid. , December 21. l9 l5 . 142 existing conditions, in an imperfect world he urged that France protect herself 33 against German aggression and fight until victorious.

He was obviously bothered by the problem of nationalism as it affected

the German working class. At times he drew a line between the German masses

on the one hand and the General staff and ruling Hohehenzollem family on the

other.3^ At other times, recognizing perhaps that the working classes of all nations

were largely nationalistic, he blamed as such the entire German nation, although 35 castigating the rulers more.

Notable articles, especially toward the end of the war, were concerned

with the peace. They called for restraint and moderation. He wished some German

reparation for damages in Northern France and Belgium but supported the concept

of a peace that would not humiliOte lest there be the urge for revenge.3^ Practical

suggestions to insure peace included the abolition of tariffs, the freeing of subject

nationalities, the ending of Secret treaties, and the nationalization of the armaments

industry.37

An abrupt change occurred in Grave's attitude concerning the causes of

the war while he resided in C lifton. Earlier, he had believed that the capitalists

were partly responsible for the war. Now, after mixing With the bourgeois elite

in Clifton, he saw that they were individually against the holocaust, since it had

33La Bataille Syndicaliste. October 30, 1914; December 5 , 1915. La Bataille, July 22 and 24, 1918. 34 La Bataille Syndicaliste* December 17 and 25, 1914; January 13, March 7, April 11, 1915. Ibid., May 7, 1916, April 19, 1917.

^ Ib id ., December 13 and 24, 1915; April 9 , September 10, 1916.

^ Ib id ., November 29 and December 11, 1914. La Bataille, June 11, 1917; December 11, 1918.

37lb id ., January 16, 1915. Ib id ., July 23, December 2 , 1916; January 25, and 27, May 8 and June 23, 1917. 143 disrupted their commerce.®® The/ were exonerated. The real culprits, instead, were the various governments, which had been unduly influenced by their respective army cliques to attempt to dominate weaker nations.®^ Apparently Grave forgot the earlier criticism of bourgeois society where the triple authority of capital, state, and religion led to aggression and war.

Grave played an important role in la Libre Federation, a pro-war anarchist paper published in Lausanne Switzerland, whose editor Jean Wintsch was a close f r ie n d .4 0 Grave aided the venture by sending it the addresses of former Temps

Neuveaux subscribers in the hope of increasing circulation.^ Grave contributed many articles, in which he justified national defense against Germany and urged the arming of the entire nation in the tradition of the Jacobins.

A few of Grave's articles also appeared in Freedom during 1914 and 1915.

Although this anarchist British monthly was anti-w ar, it permitted pre-war anarchists room to state their side of the story.*® Grave's main task here was to argue that the issue was not merely war, but that of foreign domination, which was held to be infinite)/ worse than domestic oppression. 44

3® Jean Grave, "Les Causes profcndesde la guerre actuelle (Pasde raisonsdconomiques)" La Bataille Syndicaliste, April 30, 1916, p . 4 .

®^lbid. , March 2, 1915, where Grave argues all governments responsible, but the German mere so. ^ l o Libre Federation was published irregularly (thirty-four issues) from October 21, 1915, to October 31, 1918. 41 Mouvement libertaire, p . 258. 42 ' / , See for example, Jean Grave, "Ce qui est a faire," La Libre Federation. October 2, 1915, p. 1. Jean Grave, "La Faillite du pouvoir civil,” ibid., October 27, 1915, pp. 2-3. Other articles by Grave appear on October 14; November 25; December 9 and 23, 1915; January 21; February 19; and March 18, 1916. ^Freedom: A Journal of Anarchist Communism. It was begun in 1886 and lasted to 1927. in 1929 a new series began lasting to 1939. 44Jean Grave, "Out Anarchists to Take Fart in the War," ib id ., (November, 1914), ppl 84-85. Jean Grave, "What Can We Do," ibid.. (December 1914), pp. 94-95. A letter from Grave appeared in ib id ., (February 1915), p . 15. It con­ cerned the anarchists and the war. 144

A group of former collaborators at Les Temps Nouveaux principally led by

Andre Girard and Charles Benoit conducted intensive anti-war propaganda under the name of Groupe des Temps Nouveaux. When the Manifesto of the Sixteen had appeared, they came out with a rejoinder entitled La Paix par Les Peuples.

The war was seen as the outcome of imperialistic rivalry which already had enslaved the peoples of-Asia and Africa. Against this backdrop all governments were equaly responsible for the war. The Zimmerwald Conference was defended and the aim of anarchism was portrayed as firstly peace and secondly as total disarmament. Among the signers were Benoit and Girard for the Groupe and such others as Sebastien Faure and Paul S ignac.^

Grave, against this propaganda, informed them to stop using the Les

Temps Nouveaux name and its offices at 4 Broca Street since he had no wish that the name be associated with either himself or the anti-war group. Grave was the legal editor of Les Temps Nouveaux, and the offices at 4 Broca Street were rented to him. When the Groupe did not heed his warning, they were peremptorily locked o u t.^

The Groupe decided to publish another brochure in February, 1917, entitled Projets d'Avenir. The argument with Grave was recalled, and their anti­ war aims were reaffirmed. Of more importance, they announced their intention to publish in the future their own monthly L'Avenir International. ^ It took them

^G roupe des Temps Nouveaux. "La Paix par les peuples," Deuxieme lettre; un disaccord; nos explications (Paris: Imprimerie Speciale du Groupe des Temps Nouveaux, 1916), pp. 54-62.

^Mouvement libertaire, pp. 258-61. Groupe des Temps Nouveaux, Deuxieme lettre. . . . pp. 3-42, contains a series of letters between Grave and the Groupe*s spokesmen, Girard and Benoit from February to March 1916; see especially letters, Girard to Grave, March 7, 1916, and Grave to Girard, March 13, 1916. Grave's open letter to the Groupe in La Bataille, March 8, 1916, signalizing the break is reprinted in pp. 14-16. 47 Groupe des Temps Nouveaux. Troisieme lettre; Projets d'ayenir (Paris: Imprimerie Speciale des Temps Nouveaux, Fevrier 1917), pp. 3—18. (18 pp.) 145 about a year to launch it , but by January, 1918, it appeared. The chief contributors were Benoit and Girard.^® Among the other featured writers was

Remain Rolland, the author of Jean Christophe and a famous anti-war figure who later joined the French Communists.^ Its anti-war and internationalist position was consistent.

Sebastian Faure and his newspaper Ce Q u 'il Fout D ire, an anarchist weekly in Paris which lasted from 1916 to 1917, joined the anti-Grove chorus.

Grave's pro-war remarks and attacks an anti-war anarchists were answered by articles berating Grave for losing his internationalism.^

After the argument with the Temps Nouveaux G roup, Grave with the aid of other war anarchists brought out a monthly bulletin entitled Publication des

Temps Nouveaux.^ Its offices were at 4 Broca Street. The legal editor and one of the main contributors was Grave. The work of handling the day to day operations was in the hands of Jacques Guerin, who along with Kropotkin and Malato contri­ buted articles. Its main policy was the support of the w a r .^ Grave's work on the bulletin was most important. Entire issues were composed of little else than articles by him on important problems. For instance, toward the end of the war, in 1918, much attention was devoted to The league of Nations, which he opposed as a form of super-govemment under bourgeois control which could only lead to more centralization and thus more autho rity.^

^ L1 Avenir International, January, 1918, p. 23. ^Remain Rolland, "Biologie de la guerre (Dr. Nicolai)," ibid., March, April, May, and July, 1917. BO Ce qu'il Faut Dire. October 28, and December 30, 1916. The newspaper published eighty-three issues from April 1916 to end of 1917. ^ Publication des Temps Nouveaux. Bulletins were irregularly issued from May 1916, to June 1919. Only sixteen were printed. Hereafter referred to as Bulletin. ^See ibid., No. 1 (May 1916).

^ J e a n Grave, "La Societe des Nations," ibid.. No. 9 (January, 1918), 4-23. Grave, ibid., No. 11 (June 1918), 4-22. * 146

After the "Manifesto of the Sixteen," the next important event in the relationship between Grave and Kropotkin occurred when Kropotkin sent to Grave the well-known "Open Letter to the Western Working Class" with instructions to publicly print it . This letter, which Grave sent to La Bataille, thanked the working class for its personal warmness to him during forty years of work and struggle. It also urged the continued fight against G erm any.^

Kropotkin had wished to see Grave once again before leaving for Russia.

They could not meet, however, as the ship left a few days earlier than originally planned. So it was by letter that Kropotkin bade farewell to his close friend:

I do not know how to tell you how difficult and sad it is to leave without embracing you and dear Mabel. Sophie is also very sad. After so many years of working togethei— almost forty~not to be able to embrace and to talk of a thousand things together. It is more than sad .'"

The impact of the Russian Bolshevik Revolution in November, 1917, on a war torn Europe was considerable. The climate in France as elsewhere became

revolutionary. The French army had been shaken by mutinies in the spring of 1917, and in 1918 a strike wave engulfed France, the munitions workers strike in the Paris area being of particular im portance. 55 In March, 1919, The Third International

(Communist) was formed. One of its early basic resolutions stated that the final

struggle between the bourgeoisie and the working class had begun. In June, 1919,

over 200,000 militant French workers began a series of strikes which continued into

1920.5? Indeed, during the 1918-1920 period there was much uncertainty

throughput Europe: leftist revolutionary pressure was strong not only in France,

54 The letter was published by La Bataille, July 2, 1917, p. 1. Mouvement libertaire, p . 20.

55q A, letter, Kropotkin to Grave, June 3 , 1917.

5^Val R. Lorwin, The French Labor Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954), p. 517

Dolleans, Histoire du mouvement ouvrier, pp. 11, 301. 147 but in Germany, Italy, and Hungary.**® In France, socialism was veering leftward in response to the pressures of the bolsheviks, in the 1920 Tours Congress, a split occurred within French socialism, the overwhelming majority going with the

Communists.^

The Bolshevik Revolution had also increased tension in anarchist ranks.

There was a marked tendency for the anti-war anarchists to be friendly to the bolsheviks while Jean Grave and the pro-war group were inimical to them from the beginning. For example, L'Avenir International in the 1918-20 period showed much sympathy to the bolsheviks. The impetuous and young anarchist Jean de Saint-

Prix, from the nobility and highly cultivated, had written infavor of both anarchism and the bolsheviks.^® Andre Girard wrote for the defense of Communist Russia against foreign intervention.^ On the other hand, from the beginning Grave had been critical of the bolsheviks. The bolshevik desire for immediate peace and revolution was seen as foolhardy, and strengthening the position of G erm any,^ and when they were about to seize power, he predicted much trouble, for he XO saw that only a minority of the people were with them.

Grave's criticism of bolshevism, however, generally fell on deaf ears.

The anarcho-syndicalists, who formed the solid base of anarchism, were swinging

**®G. D . H. Cole, A History of Socialist Thought. V o l. IV , Part 1; Communism and Social Democracy. 1914—1931 (London: Macmillan C o .. 1950), P P - 1 0 2 f f . ^P au l Louis, Histoire du socialisme en France de la Revolution a nos jours, 1789-1936 (Paris: MarcelRiviere, 1936),p p. 374ff. ^®Jean de Saint-Prix, Sur le mouvement anarchiste russe, L'Avenir International (August, 1919), pp. 9-14. De Saint-Prix died on February 18, 1919. The entire issue of L'Avenir International (May, 1919) was devoted to him. See especially the eulogy for him by Romain Rolland, "A noire jeune frere," ibid. , pp. 5 -6 .

^ Andre Girard, "Oserons-nous sauver la Russie," ibid. (November 1919), pp. 3 -4 . ^ Jean Grave, "Au coeur des evenements de Russie: a cote d'lcieux," La Bataille, August 13, 1917, p. 1. 63 Jean Grave, "La Faillite de la Revolution Russe," ib id ., November 1, 1918, p. 2. ----- 148 toward Bolshevism. Their leaders, Monatte and Monmousseau among others who led the revolutionary element in the C . G . T ., called for support and extension of the Communist revolution in Russia through revolutionary action by the workers of

France. The expected world working class revolution seemed at h a n d . 64

The erosion of anarchist strength in France may be dated, then, from the

Bolshevik revolution and its appeal to action. Also, even from a theoretical viewpoint, Bolshevism at this time emphasized strong anarchist tendencies. Lenin, in State and Revolution, envisaged a new society where "all will take a turn in management, and will soon become accustomed to the idea of no managers at a ll."65

With the ending of the fighting on November 1.1, 1918, Grave had high hopes to resume anarchist activity in France. To that end, he wrote to Marc Pierrot and Jacques Guerin, war anarchists with whom he had previously collaborated, for their assent to his plans to bring back Les Temps Nouveaux. Grave envisioned it as a nucleus for the dissemination of anarchist ideas; not only from the printed work but by the dispatch of its staff and friends to the provinces to organize new anarchist

group. Theory and action were to be c o m b i n e d . 66 Inasmuch as sufficient money was soon collected, on July 15, 1919, Les Temps Nouveaux reappeared, not as a newspaper, however, as desired by Grave, but as a monthly re view. 6^ Grave

and his wife returned about this time from England after a five year s t a y .68

^Dolleans, Histoire du mouvement ouvrier. II, 287ff. Lorwin, The French Labor Movement, pp. 51 ff.

65Lenin, State and Revolution, p . 98.

66Mouvement libertaire, pp. 269-71.

6\e s Temps Nouveaux was issued twenty-two times, from July 15, 1919, to A pril-M ay, 1921. Its subtitle of Revue Internationale des idees communistes was changed on July 15, 1920, to Revue Internationale des idees communistes et libertaires. Hereafter to be referred as TN2.

68Mouvement libertaire, pp. 271-72. 149

From the beginning Grave was dissatisfied with the idea of a review; he thought that it was top-heavy with theoretical discussion and not enough interested in the day to day struggle of the working class as had been La Revolte and les

Temps Nouveaux. ^ However, he was faced with a dilemma. Anarchist influence had been vastly diminished by the Bolshevik Revolution. Whereas before, an anarchist newspaper could have from two to three thousand subscribers, now it could muster only a few hundreds. What significance could the new Les Temps

Nouveaux have (it had from two to three hundred subscribers)^® if it reported mainly the current event aspects of working class activity which were just as well or not better reported in the syndicalist press or in L'Humanite (the Socialist, then in 1921, the Communist daily)? Inexorably the very weakness and lack of numbers in anarchism from this time on could only lead but toward an increase of philoso­ phizing and general commentary on events.

The administration of the review was in the hands of Jacques Guerin, a well known anarchist of the period, while Grave did the editing. Actually

Grave's editing authority was very limited. The insertion of an article depended on the volition of the many editors, who included in addition to those previously mentioned, such luminaries as Paul Reclus and Charles M alato.^l

Grave's five articles written for the review were not particularly dis­ tinguished. Three were concerned with free trade to which he became addicted as a result of his stay in England. Their main theme was that free trade would bring lower prices for the consumer and also increase the possibility of preventing war through 7 0 the mutual trade dependence of nations which would result from it . O f the

° Mouvement libertaire, p . 274.

70lbid„ p. 276.

7^For a list of the many editors, see TN2, number 2 (July 15, 1919).

7^Jean Grave, "Le Mensonge du protectlonisme," Ib id ., N o . 5 (November 15. 1919), pp. 6-9. ibid., No. 6 (December 15, 1919), 11. 8-10. Jean Grave, Comment le protectionisme favorise le travail nationale!" ib id .. N o . 8 (February 15, 1920), pp. 5 -8 . 150

73 remaining two articles, one was the reprint of an earlier brochure on syndicalism/'9 while the other was concerned with the Treaty of Versailles, in which the blame for the war was placed on the German people, with the corollary that they pay the huge war reparations demanded of th e m .^

In the spring of 1920, Grave left the review after a series of arguments

with the other staff members. To begin with, Grave was not in the same position

as he had been previously before the war with the old Les Temps Nouveaux. He

was now in his middle sixties and not as vigorous as before. He had an important

place in the movement to be sure, and his pride was undoubtedly hurt since many

of his suggestions were not followed. He had earlier wished a delay for beginning

the new review but had been overruled. 75 Arguments over the insertion of par­

ticular articles often developed into long, drawn-out debates.^ Perhaps the

weakness of the movement only made things worse, as the tension deriving from

failure had a tendency to lead to petty squabbling.

The final break was precipitated by the death of Jacques Guerin. He

was praised by a review obituary as the leading qpirit behind its existence. Grave,

greatly angered, quit, not only because the name of Les Temps Nouveaux was

chiefly associated with him, but because he himself had suggested its renewal and 77 had also contributed considerable time and money to the venture. It seems that

Grave had indeed become difficult to work with. Age had made him more suspicious

than ever.78 Propaganda by writing, however, was to continue, as now he was able to work

^Jean Grave, "Association, organization," TN2, No. 11 (May 15, 1920), pp. 8-12. 7^Jean Grave, "Sur le traite de paix," ibid. , N o . 3 (September 15, 1919), pp. 5 -10. 7^Mouvement libertaire, p. 272. 76lbid., p. 273. 77lbid., pp. 278-80. 78 Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, July 26 and August 9, 1964. 151

in earnest on his last journalistic enterprise with a small group of contributors with whom he clearly could work.

Les Publications de "La Revolte” et "Temps Nouveaux11 which Grave edited from 1921 to 1936/ rounded out his long and illustrious career as thinker, 79 writer, and propagandist. As always, his prose was lucid and cogent as he tried to vivify the dying spirit of Anarchism in France which was dealt a tremendously heavy defeat by the advent of World War I and the rise of Communism among the working class in France. The intransigence of the anarchist towards reform and his penchant for revolutionary language was lost on the Communists who better filled

the need of working class millenarianism and its need of authority. The anarchists,

however, were at their best as critics, not as organizers of society and as such

Grave continued to function.

Grave's intellectual horizon continued to expand during t^ii* period.

His regular column "A trovers nos lectures" indicated reading which was both wide

and deep. He gave short reviews of hundreds of books and commented at length

on such difficult works as Marx's Capital .®®

The major strains in Grave's thought and concern during this period appear

quite clearly. The traditional anarchist concern for working class internationalism,

experiments having to do with the working class, peace, and the outlines of a future

society were concretely translated by keeping a close watch on the international

79 / Publications de "La Revolte" et "Temps Nouveaux" were published in Robinson (Seine) from 1921 to 1936, and was a continuation of Publications du "Groupe de Propagande par 1'Ecrit which began in early 1921 and comprised numbers one to nine. Numbers 10 to 99 are under the first title. About twenty of the combined ninety-nine numbers are missing. Hereafter to be referred to as Publications. 80 At times this column was entitled Bibliographie. Infrequently others contributed to the book reviews. Grave reviewed novels, dramas, historical and economic works and, of course, the works pertaining to the working class move­ ment. See, for example, Publications. No. 60 (July 15, 1929), pp. 30-32; on Capital, ibid.. No. 24 (December 24, 1923), pp. 8-15; ibid., No. 26 (March 31, W p p .T )3 ; and ibid., No. 28 (August 10, 1924), 11T15-16. 152 struggles in which the working class was engaged, by critically regarding the

Soviet experiment and Communism, by examing closely the League of Nations, and engaging in debate on the outlines of the future society.

The internationalism of anarchism was evident in almost every issue.

Anarchist activity and various developments within the working class were regularly

Q1 QJ reported. A letter from China asking for funds to continue a labor university,® 83 84 a hunger strike by Malatesta, the events of the Sacco-Vanzetti Case, a lengthy letter by Alexander Berkman commenting on the famous labor trials in the United States®'*— these were typical topics.

From the beginning Grave was opposed to the Soviet experiment and its distorted form of socialism. Grave could not conceive how a supposedly socialist government could exist without even the rudiments of a relatively free press or of the unencumbered exchange of ideas.A delay in Soviet economic progress would doom the revolution to failure, as the people would normally expect a rise 87 in the standard of living after a change. The rise of the army, the secret

See, for example. Publications. No. 50 (October 15, 1927), pp. 9-12, where current events in such nations as the U.S., Cuba, Argentina, China and Russia are discussed.

82lb id ., N o . 51 (December 25, 1927), p . 11.

83lbid., No. 7(1921), pp. 12-13.

8^lbid., No. 46 (March 15, 1927), p. 4; and ibid.. No. 57 November 20, 1928), p. 16. Bartolomo Vanzetti (1888-1927), and NicoTa Sacco (1891-1927), were two anarchists that were accused of two murders while committing a robbery. They endured a long trial and numerous lengthy legal proceedings to save them from first degree murder charges. They were executed by Massachusetts in 1927, The general concensus of opinion among intellectuals is that they were innocent and were tried because of their ideas. See Robert P. Weeks (e a .), Common veal th Sacco and Vanzetti (Englewood Clivvs, N . J.: Prentice-Hal I Inc., 1958).

^Publications, No. 50 (October 15, 1927), pp. 9-12. 86 Jean Grave, "La Decomposition de I'anarchisme," ibid., N o . 28. (August 10, 1924), pp. 14-15. 87 Jean Grave, "La FaiHite Bolchevik," Publications, No. 29 (September 1924), pp. 3 -7 . Grave omitted to point out that economic progress could not but be slow aue to the breakdown of the World War I and subsequent civil war period. 153 police and the bureaucracy which were parasitic elements that lived from the working class, and the emergence of a new exploitative class whose interests ran 88 counter to those of the masses disturbed Grave.

The bitter civil war in which leftist elements fought each other and in which the bolsheviks destroyed the anarchists, and the struggle of long duration between Left and Right confirmed Grave in the belief that the Bolshevik Revolution was not a popular one.®^ That revolutions are made by a conscious minority was admitted. The masses, however, themselves must be advanced enough to accept and participate in the change. It is a mistake for a minority like the bolsheviks to impose their will on a majority which was against them. This feature was the significant mistake of their revolution.^®

Two long articles which appeared in 1925 were devoted to the League of Nations. Their main theme was that the League could not accomplish much.

In fact, it was seen as possibly evolving towards a world government which would only increase centralization and strengthen authoritarian attitudes. Using the 91 League was the prevailing ruling circle, the bourgeois e lite .

Having criticized the League of Nations,Grave presented an anarchist schema for the preservation of peace. It included, among other points, the

^ Jean Grave, "Ne nous illusions pas," Publications N o . 1 2 / April 1, 1922), pp. 6-15. ------89 Jean Grave, "Association, organization," ib id ., N o . 7 , 1921. ^®Jean Grave, "La Revolution peut-elle se faire par sese'tapes?”, ibid.. No. 30 (November 15, 1924), pp. 3-9. An interesting article by one of Grave's collaborators, J . Erboville in which the Communists are seen as simply instituting a systdm of state capitalism where the workers' union are simply adjuncts of the government, "Les Muscovites," ib id ., N o . 16, (October 15, 1922), pp. 11-15. An attack on the Stalin purges of 1936-1939 is in ibid.. No. 99, (September 1936), pp. 2 -4 .

91 * 4 Jean Grave, "La Soeiete des Nations," ib id ., N o . 31 (January 19, 1925), pp. 3-16; and Jean Grave, "Ce que doit etre fa vraie Soeie'te'des Nations." ibid. . N o . 32 (February 28, 1925), pp. 3-18. 154 suppression of all permanent armies, to be replaced by militia groups; the removal of all tariff barriers; the elimination of all commerce in war material^ and the settling of disputes by mutual agreem ent.^ In the final analysis peace was possible only if the masses were willing actively to support it. An enlightened public opinion could stop government war ventures. The underlying assumption 93 was that governments, as opposed to the people, were more prone to war.

An interesting feature of the Publications which still gives them an aura of artistic importance were the drawings on the front cover from N o . 28 (August

10, 1924) to N o . 70 (April 25, 1931). They were significant not only as art but also as propaganda. Most, if not all of the drawings had been done for Les Temps

Nouveaux. The leading artists included Luce, Signac, Steinlen, and Roubille.

Since the Publications were constantly running a deficit, it was only due to the fact that Grave was wealthy through his wife and through gifts of others 9A that they continued. The interest in anarchism was now almost non-existent and he himself was becoming weaker with advanced age. In September 1936,

Grave gave up his valiant fight when he announced with some understandable bitterness:

As one can see on the last page, in two monthfc time, . . . I have received one subscription! Before such indifference, what is the use of trying to talk to those who are not interested. This is the last bulletin. Publication has ceased.^

A lifetime devoted to the propagation of his ideas and ideals was not

^Jean Grave, "Projet de federation," Publications, N o . 32 (February 28, 1925), pp. 18-23.

^Jean Grave, "Pour la paix," ibid., No. 58 (January 30, 1929), pp. 3-4.

^ Ibid. , N o . 50 (October 15, 1927), p . 19. About 60% of money received was gifts from friends. By issue N o . 17 (December 1, 1922, p . 16), the deficit was close to 2,400 francs, by issue N o . 45 (February 23, 1927, p . 20), it was over 6,3100 francs, by issue N o. 50 (October 15, 1927, p. 19), it was almost 8,250 francs. After this date, only single issue deficits were shown. Thedeficits were steep. For example, N o . 83 (December 1933, p . 15), saw a deficit of 209 francs. ^ Ibid. , N o . 99 (September, 1936), p . 2. 155 crowned with the success he wished for, the expansion of the anarchist idea*

Grave's basic assumptions about the human condition remained almost

the same throughout his mature years. One change, however, did occur: the

supposed virtue of the working class as opposed to that of the wicked bourgeoisie

was rejected. Instead, most individuals irrespective of class were seen as being

engrossed by self-interest. This condition was due to the accumulated author!- 96 tarian patterns and prejudices of the past.

Some changes had also occurred concerning tactics. From a position

of inevitable violence in the ushering in of revolution, he evolved to one of

peaceful evolutionary change which was marked by a strong pragmatic attitude.

Change, now, was to come about in piecemeal fashion, and to be accomplished

by individuals who agreed only on the specific reform in vo lv e d ,^ This procedure

would be possible since conditions for the masses had improved progressively:

from slavery to serfdom to political freedom. The role of the anarchists (a

conscious minority) was to help disseminate ideas to undermine authority. A

necessary precondition presumably was freedom of speech and of the press.^® The

ideas of Grave here resemble those of Godwin who held that change was possible

through the persuasion of reason.

His ideas about the relationship between organization and centralization

did not change. In order to carry out anarchist activity, association was urged,

but any tendency toward centralization of; groups was decried. Grave, for

example, was opposed to the ideas of some Russian anarchists to organize an

executive committee for purposes of supposedly advising various anarchist groups

^ Grave, Publications. No, 30 (November 15, 1924), pp. 8-9. AM. letter, Grave to Nettlau, July 7 , 1934. ^Grave, Publications, No. 7 (1921), pp. 4-11. 98 / Jean Grave, "II n'y a pas plus de raisons de se decourager que de s'illusionner," ibid., No. 28 (August 10, 1924), pp. 4-14. 156 on the grounds that it would lead to bureaucratization.^ For the tome reason

Grave opposed the syndicalist position that a future society be composed and

organized through various syndicats. The fear here was that production organized

by syndicats would lead to centralizdtion, which in turn would lead to new social

stratification, and consequently new authority patterns. Against this idea, Grave

wished a society which would see everyone coming together voluntarily to fulfill 100 their needs without formal organization.

Another basic postulate concerning anarchism to which Grave held constant

and which was of the utmost importance throughout his life was its basic lack of

dogmatism. Anarchism was not seen as something already worked out. On the

contrary, it was seen as a relatively new movement which would improve on the

vague notions of Proudhon and the mistakes of Bakunin. There was no hero-

worship here. Anarchism was conceived to be in a state of flu x, as ever becom-

i n , . 1®'

Finally, Grave remained optimistic deqrite the repeated failures of

anarchism. His vision that mutual aid would undoubtedly overcome the destruc­

tiveness of individual, social, and national strife still held. Anarchist ideas

could remain dormant for a long period and still come back to play their role in

human destiny

In addition to his work on the Publications, Grave was involved in the

writing his memoires. He had some difficulty in publishing them since the heroic

99 Jean Grave, "Coordonnons nos efforts," Publications, N o . 45 (February 23, 1927), pp. 3-14. 10®Jean Grave, "Un monde qui ne differerait guere de I'a u tre /'iM d ., No. 90 (December 1934), pp. 2-0. AM, letter Grave toNettlau, July 24, 1934. 101 Jean Grave, "'Apropos d'une anerie," Publications, N o . 54 (June 20, 1928), pp. 3-6. lO^Mouvereent libertaire, pp. 298-99. 157

103 period of anarchism (1880-1914) dnd not interest many people in the late twenties.

They were finally published, however, in 1930,

Correspondence occupied much of his time. Among the most notable

figures with whom he corresponded were Max Nettlau, the well-known anarchist

h isto rian ,H en ri Barbusse, the writer of Fire and a Communist intellectual,^^

Felix Feneon,^®1^ and Paul Eftzbacher, author of Anarchism.

Grave's last years were spent in comfort. His wife in the early twenties

bought a villa in Robinson, where they had lived before the war. They lived a quiet life there, visited often by the Delesalles and by Grave's niece through his

first wife, Madame Laligant.^®®

The death of his beloved comrade Peter Kropotkin on February 8 , 1921,

was a particularly heavy loss. Grave received a last letter from Kropotkin in early

1922, a year after his death. Kropotkin had wished the letter, which was dated

July 20, 1920, to be hand-carried by his daughter, but since her plans for a trip

to Western Europe were delayed a few times, it finally was given to a friend to

deliver. It was then about a year-and-a-half before Grave received itj® ^

Kropotkin wrote about his life at the small village of Dimitrov (about thirty

miles from Moscow) where he spent his last years. Although he complained of

^ ^ G A , letter from Eugene Fasquelle (editor of the publishing house of Charpentier) to Grave, February 17, 1925. No interest was shown to publish Grave's memoires. ^ A M , letter Grave to Nettlau, July 7 , 1934.

^ * *G A , letter, Barbusse to Grave, May 26 and December 3 , 1931.

^ ^ Ib id ., letter, Felix Feneon's wife to Grave, July 15, 1925,

^ ^ Ibid., letter Eltzbacher to Grave, June 26, 1925. 108 interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, July 26 and August 9, 1964. ^ ^Publications, N o . 12 (April 1, 1922). The last letter from Kropotkin to Grave was presented in this issue. 158 old age, his intellectual vigor was apparently as strong as ever as he continued various intellectual activities, including his involvement in a work entitled

Ethics. 110

A magnificent memorial issue in the Publications was devoted to him in which numerous tributes were presented by his friends. A drawing by Luce entitled

"Kropotkin on His Death Bed" showed the venerable octogenarian with his long white beard peacefully dying in the manner of an Old Testament prophet.111

After Kropotkin's death, his wife with the aid of numerous friends assembled much material concerning his work to found the Kropotkin's Museum at Dimitrov 112 which was opened to the public in December 1923.

Grave, from the early 1920's had to watch himself rather carefully as he had developed heart trouble and had to avoid strenuous exercise.110 More misfortune soon came when his wife, Mabel, died on January 17, 1929.11^

Grave inherited money from her estate but the will stipulated that he was to live off the interest only because she was afraid that he would give the money aw ay.1 ^

In the early 1930's, Grave was operated on because of prostate gland trouble but recovered rapidly.11^ During the last years of his life he lived with a house­ keeper, Madame Barotte. 11 ^

Grave died on December 8, 1939, after being in pain for about two weeks at Vienne-en-Val in the Loiret department. He had earlier left Paris because of

110G A , letter Kropotkin to Grave, July 20, 1920.

^ Publications, N o . 6(1921). 112 On the Kropotkin Museum, see ibid.., N o. 32 (February 28, 1925), pp. 33- 34; ib id .. N o. 44 (December 10, 1926), p. 7; and ib id ., N o. 54 (June 20, 1928), pp. 7^9. 113 A M , letter Grave to Professor Paul Eltzbacher, January 16, 1922. 1 ^Mqitron, Revue d'Histoire Economique et Sociqle, XXVIII No. 1, 110, 115 Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, July 26, 1964. 116lb id ., August 9, 1964. 117 Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, August 9, 1964. 159 fear that it would be conquered by the Germans* Grave who died as he had lived, an agnostic, was buried in the cemetery of the city of Robinson

Jean Grave was a rare individual; one who had the courage of his convictions. While years of jail and privation may have momentarily dampened, they never broke his unconquerable spirit. A creative individual to the end of his life , he is a part of a great tradition of humanism and socialism. He worked to achieve a goal which he thought at first was realizable during his lifetime.

Later, when he projected the goal to the not-too-distant future after his death, he continued his activity, expecting no reward from life other than the opportunity to try to better humanity and to be true to himself. He was a critic, but also a builder for the future of a better society. Its achievement would be his proper epitaph and triumph.

118 Interview with Madame Paul Delesalle, August 9, 1964, Maitron, Revue d'Histoire Economique et Sociale, XXVIII, No. 1, 110, .Bibliographical Essay

The alpha and omega for the 1880-1914 period on French anarchism is

Jean Maitron's Histoire du mouvement anarchiste en France/ 1880-1914 (1st ed.;

Paris: Socie'te' Universitaire, 1951)* This edition is particularly valuable for its extensive bibliography, pp. 547-720. The second edition, released in 1955 by the same publishers omits the bibliography. A standard bibliography (which, of course, is now dated but still useful) is by Max N ettlau, Bibliographie de

I'anorchie, preface Elisee Reclus (Bruxelles et Paris: P. V . Stock, 1897).

Robert Brecy's Le Mouvement syndical en France, 1871-1921; essai bibliographique

(Paris: Mouton and C o ., 1963) is a must on syndicalism, anarchism, and socialism— booJts, congresses, newspapers, e tc ., are indicated. It was especially valuable in the unravelling of Grave's arguments with his “friends" in the World War I period.

On anarchism in general the paperbacks by George Woodcock, Anarchism;

A History of Liberterian Ideas and Movements (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1962);

Daniel Guerin, L*Anarchisme; de la doctrine a Paction (Paris: Gallimard, 1965); and James Joll, The Anarchists (New York: Universal Library, 1966), are scholarly and interesting. The most definitive of the three and best by far is Woodcock's work.

Anarchism in the nineteenth century is well covered by Alain Sergent and Claude

Harmel, Histoire de I'anarchie (Paris: Le Portulan, 1949), and G. D. H. Cole's second volume of A History of Socialist Thought: Marxism and Anarchism, 1850-1890

(London: Macmillan C o ., 1954). Paul Eltzbacher's Anarchism; Exponents of the

Anarchist Philosophy (New York: Libertarian Book Club, 1960), is a well-regarded work which concerns itself with the ideas of the chief anarchist thinkers, and Ernest

160 161

Victor Zenker's Anarchism; A Criticism and History of the Anarchist Theory

(London: Methuen C o ., 1898) has much information.

Concerning biographies on various anarchists much remains to be done*

Some excellent biographies include: E. H. Carr's, Mtc hael Bakunin (New York:

Vintage Books, 1961); George Woodcock, an indefatigable writer, has brought out Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (New York: Macmillan C o., 1956) and William Godwin;

A Biographical Study (London: The Porcupine Press, 1946), and with Ivan Avakumovic,

The Anarchist Prince; A Biographical Study of Peter Kropotkin (London: V . Board man,

1950).

On noted French anarchists, two biographies, one on Louise M ichel, the other on Sebastien Faure are very sketchy: F. Planche, Lg Vie ardente et intrepide de Louise Michel (Paris: Chez I'auteur, 1946), and J. Humbert, S. Faure;

I'homme, I'opotre, une epoque (Paris: Editions du Libertaire, 1949). On the

Reclus group, Elisee, Elie, and Paul, see Paul Reclus, Les Freres Elie et Elisee

Reclus ou de protestantisme a I'anarchisme (Paris: Les Amis d'Elisee Reclus, 1964).

On an important anarcho-syndicalist, see Jean Maitron, Le Syndicolisme revolu- tionnaire; Paul Delesalle (Paris: Les Editions Ouvriers, 1952).

Concerning key areas of discussion in the work on utopia, see especially

Marie Louise Bemeri*s Journey Through Utopia (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,

1950). Its viewpoint is anarchist. Relative to the feasibility of utopia and its practical aspect side, see Jean Grave, Lg Societe'future (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1895) and Peter Kropotkin, Fields, Factories, Workshops (New York: G . P. Punam's

Sons, 1909). On the specific problem of why cooperation between people is possible, and thus why anarchism is possible, the key work is Peter Kropotkin's

Mutual Aid; A Factor in Evolution (New York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1919). On the ideas of the individualist anarchists, see Victor Basch, L'lndividualisme anarchists;

Max Stirner (Librarie Felix Alcan, 1928). For anarchist insight (generally gloomy) 162 on contemporary social movements, Max Nomad's Aspects of Revolt (New York:

Bookman Associates, 1959) is incomparable.

Concerning Grave:

Grave's memoirs, Le Mouvement Libertaire sous le 3e Republique

(Paris: Les Oeuvres Representative, 1930) are not only invaluable for his life, but also for general events concerning anarchism from 1880-1919. His important theoretical works, among the best on anarchism, include: La Societd au lendemain de la revolution (Paris: La Re volte, 1893), which with La Socidte' future delves into the practicability and theory of communist-anarchist utopia; Lg Societe mourante et I'anarchie (Paris: Tresse and Stock, 1893), which sees bourgeois society declining through colonialism and war, and to be replaced by anarchism;

L'lndividu et la societe (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1897), which examines the position of the individual with respect to society; Reformes, revolution (Paris: P .V . Stock,

1910), which discusses "reform" and "revolution" and accuses the Socialists as being essentially exponents of the former, while the anarchists are of the latter; and L*Anarchic; son but, ses moyens (Paris: P. V . Stock, 1899), which analyzes the multitudinous facets of society (strikes, unions, etc.) with respect to anarchism.

O f course, there is considerable overlapping in Grave's works, and one can probably get the whole philosophy by reading any of the works mentioned.

Grave was the journalist of anarchism par excellence. He contributed to the anarchist newspaper, Le Droit Social (1882) at Lyons. In 1883, he became the working editor of Le Revolte (1879-1887) in Geneva, and in Paris from 1885.

Lg Revolte (1887-1894), and Les Temps Nouveaux (1895-1914) were his chief

journalistic endeavours. During the First World War, many of his articles appeared in La Bataille (before November, 1915 La Bataille Syndicaliste), the official daily of the C . G . T. Also during this period with the aid of others 163 he brought out the Publications de Temp^J^wveaux Bulletins (1916-1919), which ran for sixteen numbers. A few articles appeared in La Libre Federation an anarchist newspaper from Lausanne, Switzerland, and in Freedom, a British anarchist monthly.

After the war Les Temps Nouveaux (new series) appeared from 1919 to

1921. Grave was one of its editors, and some of his work appeared in it.

After some squabbling, he left and began Publications de La Revolte et Temps

Nouveaux (numbers one to ten were entitled Publications du Groupe de Propagande par l'Ecrit), which lasted from 1921 to 1936 and which ran ninety-nine numbers.

The basic material for this study was found in the following places: in

Paris in the Institut Francois d*Histoire Sociale, Le Musee Social, La Bibliotheque

Nationale, Les Archives Nationales, La Bibliotheque de Documentation Inter­ nationale Contemporaine, and La Prefecture de Police archives. In Amsterdam, the

International Institute for Social History was gleaned, and let me add that the material that it has on anarchism cannot be surpassed anywhere. The Institute Francoisi.,...... d'Histoire Sociale. ... . has about 1600 cards and letters of Grave's and is the main depository concerning this aspect. The Bibliotheque

Nationale has sixty-three letters and cards. At the International Institute for

Social History, there are sixty-two letters and cards. One problem concerning most of the letters was that most were concerned with nothing more than the exchange of a newspaper for a favor like a drawing, or with the trivia of daily life. Some

letters, of course, have much to tell and are valuable. The importance of Grave's correspondence basically has to do with revealing his wide contacts.

Concerning other archival material pertinent to the subject, Box BA/1505 y in the Prefecture of Police Archives and Box, F7 12506 in the Archives Nationale contain much information. 164

Grove's relative importance in Anarchism and History in General;

Max Nomad in Rebels and Renegades (New York: The Macmillan C o .,

1932), p . 24, called Grave the chief theoretician of the French Anarchists and

“favorite disciple of Kropotkin." In his Aspects of Revolt, Nomad stated that

Grave was the chief propagandist of the communist-anarchists. Maitron's

Histoire du mouvement anarchiste.. . , has more citations on Grave in the index than any other individual. George W eill, Histoire du mouvement social en

France, 1852-1902 (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1904), devotes pp. 266-72 to anarchism, much of the material consisting of quotes from Grave's works. Basch, LMndividualisme anarchiste..., p . 165 mentions Grave and Kropotkin as those who “tried to show how a society uniquely founded on free association could live and prosper."

Cole's Marxism and Anarchism, pp. 353-56 has some comments on Grave. His assertion that Grave had more influence than Gautier seriously underestimates

Grave's importance. George Plekhanov in Anarchism and Socialism (Chicago:

Charles H . Kerr C o ., 1918), pp. 107ff. launches numerous attacks on Grave's unscientific character and on his bad taste to disagree with him. A recent work by Eugenia W . Herbert, The Artist and Social Reform; France and Belgium, 1885-

1898 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), assigns Grave a key role.

Indeed, the author sees him as the pioneer in using art to further the general ideas of socialism and notes his extensive connections in the artist m ilieu. Alfred Rosmer,

Le Mouvement ouvrier pendant la guerre; de I'Union Sacree a Zimmerwald (Paris:

Librarie du Travail, 1936), mentions Grave often and notes his importance. This work incidentally is valuable for information in the 1914-1919 period. Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Anarchist Prince . . . , Woodcock, Anarchism, and Joll,

The Anarchists mention Grave extensively. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Works by Jean Grave

Books

Grave, Jean. L*Anarchic, son but, ses moyens. Paris: P. V. Stock, 1899. The aims ana principles of anarchism are examined with a perceptive eye •

______. Les Aventures de Nono. Illustrations by Hermann-Paul, Lucien Pissaro and Others, ^aris: P. V . Stock, 1901. Grave's adventure into the land of children.

______. Malfaiteursl Paris: P. V. Stock, 1903. This excellent novel pits the dynamic of anarchist ideals against that of a bourgeois civilization.

______. Le Mouvement libertaire sous la 3e Republioue. Preface A . R. (Alfred Rosmer?).Paris: Les Oeuvres Representatives, 1930. Grave's reminiscences. Invaluable for his life and French anarchism between 1880-1919.

______. Reformes, revolution. Paris: P. V . Stock, 1910. Anarchism is seen as essentially revolutionary while socialism is seen as reformist, and thus subject to corruption.

______. Responsabilitesl Earis: P. V . Stock, 1904. A superior play of Greek tragedy proportions in which the protagonist succumbs to the antagonism of bourgeois power.

______. La Societe future. Paris: P. V . Stock, 1895. Perhaps the best exposition concerning communist-anarchist utopia.

______. La Societe'au lendemain de la revolution. Paris: La Revolte. 1893. (Earlier edition: Paris: Publications de 5e et 13® arrondisements, 1882. Author — not listed but presumably Grave.) The practicability and feasamlity of communist-anarchism are delved into.

______. Lg Grande famille; roman militaire. Paris: P. V. Stock, 1907. A highly recommended novel of Grave's early life - - youth and military experiences. Largely autobiographical.

______. Lg Societe mourante et I'anarchie. Preface by Octave Mirbeau. Paris: tresse and Stock, 1893. Bourgeois society is dying, and w ill be replaced by anarchism.

165 166

Grave, Jean. Terre Libre (Les Pionniers). Illustrations by Mabel Holland Thomas^ Paris; Les Temps Nouveaux, 1908. A utopian novel in which a group of anarchists live out their beliefs on an isolated island.

______. L'lndividu et la societe. Paris: P. V. Stock, 1897. the various aspects concerning the intertwined problems of indivi- duality, society, at.d morality are discussed from a communist-anarchist syndrome.

Pamphlets:

______. Ce aue nous voulons. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, n . d. Appeared also in Le Mouvement Socioliste, Nos. 257-58 (November-December, 1913), pp. 405-10; and in Les Temps Nouveaux, September 13, 1913, pp. 1 -3 . To have been presented before the 1913 French Anarchist Congress. Grave reaffirmed the need for fraternity in human endeavour, and the principles of anarchism.

______• lg Cplgnisfltign- Paris: kfis. Tqpb?s NflviYMMXr 1900. A bitter attack on colonialism.

______. La Conguete des pouvoirs publics. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 1911. The socialists who have ceased to be revolutionary are reformists.

. Contre la folie des armaments. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 1913. Increased armaments lead to intensifying pressures towards war.

______. 5n»i.qnment bwrgggis.gt snssignment.Iitertaire• Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 1900. Bourgeois and anarchist education is contrasted.

______. L'Entente pour I'action. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1911. Grave is clearly against revolutionary elitism and secret armies.

______. Le Machinisme. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1898. the mac nine dominates the ethos of the modern period. It makes the worker more humble and dependent than formerly.

______. Organisation, initiative, cohesion. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1902. Grave is against any centralizing tendency in anarchism, this report was to have been read to the International Anti-Parliamentary Anarchist Congress of 1900, which the Government of Waldeck-Rousseau forbade •

______. (Le Vagre, Jehan). Organisation de la propaaande revolutionnaire. Paris: Publications du Groupe des 5e et 13e arronaissements, 1883. A plethora of secret groupings without any organizational ties to each other is seen and urged to bring about revolution. 167

Grave, Jean. La Panacee-Revolution. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1898. Grave stated that normally, most of the masses are tied to the power structure through habit, ignorance and subservience.

. (Le Vagre, Jehan). La Revolution et I'Autonomie de la science. Paris: A Bataille, 1885. Anarchism is possible because mankind was not doomed to engage in mutual struggle.

_ . Les Scientifiques. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1913. The pretended scientific laws of tne classical economists and Marxists are refuted.

. Si i'avais a parler aux electeurs. Paris: Les Tensas Nouveaux. 1902. Grave is against voting as he sees it as a willingness to accept inequality and authority.

_ . Le Syndicalisme dans devolution sociale. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 19^ Unions are needed now in combatting bourgeois society, but are not needed in the future anarchist society.

. Une des formes de I'esprit politicien. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux. 191n In accepting office, the Socialists are taking part in the hierarchical power structure and thus undermining the revolution.

Prefaces:

______. Bancel, A .-D . Le Coooeratisme devant les ecoles sociale s. Paris: Bibliotheque Artistique et Litteraire, 1897. Grave is basically against cooperatives in present society because of their capitalistic spirit. Bancel himself thinks that they might become important even within the present society. * ______. Chapoutot, JHenri. Livre d'or des officiers francais de 1789 a 1815: d^xres leurs memoires et souvenirs. Paris: Editions des temps Nouveaux

Grave praises this work of an anarchist who examined the honorable officers of tne French Army and found them accusing each other of cowardice, incompetence, theft, and other human frailties.

______. Morris, William, Tolstoy, Leo, and Others. Le Coin des enfants: recueil de contes. 3 vols. Illustrated by Hermann-Paul, Mabel Holland Thomas and Others. Paris: Librarie des Temps Nouveaux. 1905-07. Grave advocates that children's stories inculcate freedom and independence, instead of fear and dependence. The stories by these various authors are along these lines. 168

Articles in Magazines and Newspapers

La Bataille:

Grave, Jean. "Au coeur des evenements de Russie, a cote d'lcieux," August 13, 1917, p. 1.

_ . "Les Causes profondes de la guerre actuelle (Pas des raisons economiques)," April 30, 1916, p. 4.

_ . "LaFaillite de la Revolution Russe," November 1, 1918, p . 2.

. "Nos fautes; la foule et les minorites revolutionnaires," October 4, 1918, p. 2.

La Bataille Syndicaliste:

______. "Les Anarchistes et la guerre," February 27, 1915, p . 1.

______. "En Angleterre," October 30, 1914, p. 1.

Freedom:

______. "Ought Anarchists to Take Part in the War?" November, 1914, pp. 84-85.

______. "What Can We Do?" December, 1914, pp. 94-95.

La Libre Federation:

• "Ce Que est a faire." No. 1 (October 2, 1915), p. 1.

. "La Faillite du pouvoir c iv il," N o. 3 (October 27, 1915), pp. 2 -3 .

N i Dieu ni Maitire; 1903 Almanach de la Revolution. Ed. Paul Delesalle. Paris: Charles Blot Imprimene, n . d.

. "Comment on s'enrichit," pp. 22-25.

Publications de La Revolte et Temps Nouveaux:

______. "X propos d'une anerie," N o . 54 (June 20, 1928), pp. 3-6 .

______. "Association, Organisation," N o. 7 , 1921.

"Ce que doit etre la vraie Societe des Nations," N o . 32 (February 28, 1925), pp. 3-18.

• "Coordonnons nos efforts," N o. 45 (February 23, 1927), pp. 3-14. 169

Grave, Jean. "La Decomposition de I'anarchisme," N o . 28 (August 10, 1924), pp. 14-15.

______. "La Faillite bolchevik," N o. 29 (September 30, 1924), pp. 3 -7 .

______. "II n'y a pas plus de raisons de se decourager que de s'illusionner," No. 28 (August 10, 1924), pp. 4-14.

. "Ne nous illusions pas," No. 12 (April 1, 1922), pp. 6-15.

______. "Pour la paix," N o . 58 (January 30, 1929), pp. 3 -4 .

. "La Revolution peut-elle se faire par ses etapes," N o . 30 (November 15, 1924), pp. 3-9.

______. "La Soci^ des Nation*," No. 31 (January 10, 1925), pp. 3-6.

______. "Un monde que ne differerait guere de I'autre," N o . 90 (December, 1934), pp. 2 -8 .

La Revolte:

______. "Encore la morale," December 5-11, 1891, pp. 1-2; December 12-18, 1891, pp. 1-2; December 19-25, 1891, pp. 1-2. v

______. "Lutte et theorie," Firuary 17, 1888, pp. 1-2,

Les Temps Nouveaux:

______. "L'Agitation et les anarchistes," January 27-February 4, 1898, p. 2.

______. "Du Revolte aux Temps Nouveaux," March 5-11, 1904, pp. 2 -3 .

______. "L'Ecole libertaire," October 22-28, 1898, p. 2.

"Froissements de vanite," May 4-10, 1901, pp. 1-2.

. "La Gangrene du pouvoir," May 5, 1906, pp. 1-2.

. "Kif-Kif bourriquet," June 17-23, 1899, p. 1.

N. ______. "Ou en est la presse," December 27-January 2, 1903, pp. 1 -2 .

. "Pour ceux que sont au bagne," March 12-18, 1898, p. 1.

. "Pour ceux que blessent les injustices," December 6 -1 2 , 1902, p. 2. 170

Grave, Jean. "Pourquoi les anarchistes sont alles au congres de Londres," August 22-28, 1896, p. 2.

______. "Purulences," January 22-28, 1898, pp. 1-2.

______. "Qui frappe par I'epee perira par le revolver," July 4, 1914, p . 1.

______. "Questions de tactiques," August 22-28, 1896, pp. 1-2.

Les Temps Nouveaux (New Series).

_ . "Association, organisation," No. 11 (May 15, 1920), pp. 8-12.

. "Comment le protect!onisme favorise le travail national," N o . 5 (November 15, 1919), pp. 6-9; No. 6 (December 15, 1919), pp. 8-10.

_ . "Sur le traite de paix," No. 3 (September 15, 1919), pp. 5-10. 171

Other Works

Books

Ajalbert, Jean. Memo!resen vroc. Paris: Albin Michel, 1938. Ajalbert was a great lawyer and a competent litterateur who belonged to the left.

Anderson, Eugene N . The First Moroccan Crisis. 1904-1906. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1930. Useful concerning French imperialism.

Andreae, Johann Valentin. Christionapolis: An Ideal State of the Seventeenth Century. Translated from Latin and introduced by Felix Emil Held. New York: Oxford University Press, 1916. One of the key utopias in history. _

Andrieux, Louis. Souvenirsd'un Prefet de Police. 2 vols. Paris: Jules RoufF, 1885. Anti "anarchists activity by the government is indicated.

Audiganne, Armand. Les Populations ouvrieres et les industries de la France. 2 vols. Paris: Capelle, I860. Full of information, detailed and sympathetic, even though colored by the Catholicism of a bourgeois in the middle of the nineteenth century.

. Memo?res d'un ouvrier de Pori s. 1871-72. Paris: Charpentier, 1873. Capitalists should do their Christian duty towards the workers.

Basch, Victor. L'lndividualisme anarchiste: Max Stimer. Paris: Librairie Felix Alcan, 1928. The life and ideas bf Max Stirner, the principal philosopher of the Individualist Anarchism are presented within the backdrop of nineteenth century thought.

Bataille, A . Causes criminelles et mondaines de 1894; Les Proces anarchistes. Paris: E. Denter, 1895. Material on Grave's trials.

Beauvoir, Simone de. The Second Sex. Translated and Edited by H . M . Parshley. New York: Bantam Bootes, 1961. The definitive work on woman.

Bellamy, Edward. Looking Backward. 2000-1887. Boston: Houghton Mifflin C o ., 1941. Perhaps the most widely known of utopia novels. 172

Berens, Lewis H. The Digger Movement in the Days of the Commonwealth; As Revealed in the Writings of Gerrard Winstanlev. the Piaaer, Mystic, and Rationalist. Communist, and Social Reformer* London; Holland Press and Merlin Press, 1961 • An excellent work on Winstanley's life and ideas.

Berlin, Isaiah. The Hedaehoa and the Fox; An Essay on Tolstoy's View of History. New York; ------Social forces determine history, the role of the individual is negligible •

. Karl Marx; His:Life and Environment. New York: Oxford University Press, 1963. A first-rate work.

9 Bernanos, Georges. La Grande oeur des bien-pensants; Edouard Drummont. Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1931 • A defense of Drummont's ideas of nationalism, antisemitism, and conservative Catholicism.

Bemeri, Louise. Journey Through Utopia. Boston: Beacon Press, 1950. A perceptive work on utopia by an anarchist.

Berth, Edouard. La fin d'une culture. Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1927. A series of essays on various subjects as socialism and nationalism by a disciple of Sorel.

Blum, Leon. L'Oeuvre de Leon Blum. 3 vols. Paris: Albin Michel, 1954. V o l. J: 1891 - 1905 is excellent for background concerning artisitc and political events.

Individual works cited: Les Conares ouvriers et socialistes froncais. 1876-1901, 1, 1954. Synopsis of the major congresses are given.

. Souvenirs sur I'A ffaire. Paris: Gallimard, 1935. Contains much information on the Dreyfusards.

Brabant, Frank H . The Beginning of the Third Republic in France: A History of the National Assembly (February- S e p te m b e r 1871^. London: Macmillan and C o ., 1940. A detailed study of this trying period.

Buber, Martin. Paths in Utopia. Translated by R. F. C . H ill. Boston: Beacon Press, I960. Very favorable to Kropotkin and the communist-anarchists.

Canby, Henry Seidel (e d .). The Works of Thoreau. Boston: Houghton M ifflin C o ., 1946. A judicious selection of the writings of Thoreau.

Carr, E. H. Michael Bakunin. New York: Vintage Books, 1961. The classic work in English. Extensive research and erudition is apparent. 173

Chastenet, Jacques. Histoire de la Troisieme Republique. 4 vols. Paris: Librarie Hachette, 1952-57.

Clapham, John H. The Economic Development of France and Germany. 1815-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1921. A standard work on the subject.

Clough, Shepard B. France; A History of National Economics, 1789"!939. New York: Scribner's II93$. One of the reliable standard works.

Cohn, Norman. The Pursuit of the Millenium: Revolutionary Messianism in Medieval and Reformation Europe ana its Bearinqs on Modern totalitarian Movements! New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1961. Useful as background for the millenarian or utopian element of anarchism.

Cole, George Douglas Howard. A History of Socialist Thought. 4 vols. London: Macmillan C o., 1 £53-58. A monumental stud/ of socialist thought which has a very balanced view of anarchism.

Individual volumes cited: V ol. I: The Forerunners. 1789-1850. Early Socialism is covered. V ol. II: Marxism and Anarchism. 1850-1890. This volume is particularly valuable concerning anarchism. Vol. Ill, Part 1: The Second International. 1889-1914. Important for understanding the tensions within Socialism during the period.

______. The Life of Robert Owen. London: Macmillan Co., 1930. A well-balanced interpretive study of the founder oif English Socialism.

Cornell, William Kenneth. Adolphe Rette! 1863-1930. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942! A good account of the life and works of this anarchist-turned- Catholic writer.

Darnaud, Emile (e d .). 140 Rue Mouffetard Paris. Paris: Foix, 1889. Excerpts from La Revolte are presented.

Delesalle, Paul. L1 Action syndicale et les anarchistes. Paris: Temps Nouveaux. 1901. The anarchists should work through labor unions.

/ Descaves, Lucien. Souvenirs d'un ours. Paris: Les Editions de Paris, 1946. The memoires of a leading French writer who moved in anarchist circles for many years. 174

Dolleans, Edouard. Histoire du mouvement ouvrier. 3 vols. Paris: Armand Colin, 1953. — A general work on the labor world movement sympathetic to the working class.

Durkheim, Emile. Socialism. Translated by Charlotte Spattler, edited by Alvin W . Bouldner, New York: Collier Books, 1962. The ideas of Saint-Simon are examined.

Duveau, Georges. La Vie ouvriere en France sous le Second Empire. Paris; Gallimard, 1946. Real wages fall during the Second Empire. All aspects of working- class life are delved into.

Eltzbacher, Paul. Anarchism: Exponents of the Anarchist Philosophy. (With an appended Essay on Anarcho-Syndicalism by Rudolph Rocker.) Edited by James J. Martin, translated by Steven T. Byington. N . Y . C .: Libertarian Bode Club, 1960. An excellent presentation on the life and ideas of the world's leading anarchists including Bakunin, Stimer, Tolstoy, Godwin, Kropotkin, Proudhon and Tucker.

Engels, Frederick. On Authority as cited in Lewis S. Feuer (ed). Marx and Engels' basic writings on politics and philosophy. New York: Anchor Books, 1959.

______. Socialism. Utopian and Scientific. New York: International Publishers, 1935. An excellent popular study of Marxist thought concerning the role of the proletariat and the state along with a study of the beginning of Socialism.

Faure, Sebastien. Les Anarchistes et I'Affaire Dreyfus. Paris: Imprimerie Lafent, 1898. Ideas of Faure who was a Dreyfusard on the case.

Feneon, Felix. Oeuvres. Paris: Gallimard, 1948. The writings (never completed) dF an intimate in the writer-anarchist milieu.

Fromm, Eric. Escape from Freedom. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1941. Protestant predestination is seen as authoritarian and thus destructive to human happiness.

______. Marx's Concept of Man (with a translation from Marx's Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts by T, B. Bettomore. New York: Frederick Ungar/196). Alienated man is the topic. Simply put, one alienated is one not free; politically, economically, socially and psychologically. The gradations of freedom are many of course.

______. Psychoanalysis and Religion. N ew Haven: Yale University Press, 1963. Religion is seen as having authoritarian and humanistic patterns. 175

G ay, Peter. The Dilemma of Democratic Socialism: Edouard Bernstein's Challenge to Marx. New York: Collier B o o k s . 1962. The revisionism of Bernstein took into account that socioeconomic distance between the wealthy and the masses was growing with the advance oF modem industry.

Gide, Charles (ed). Selections from the Work of Fourier. Trans. Julia Franklin. London: Swan Sonnenschein C o ., 1901. An excellent representation of Fourier's ideas.

Girard, Andre. Anarchie. Paris: Temps Nouveaux. 1901. A short account of the essentials of anarchism by a close collaborator of Grave.

. Education; autorite oatemelle. Paris: Temos Nouveaux. 1898. (16 pp.) A pamphlet concerning the ideals of anarchist education.

Guerin, Daniel. L'Anarchisme: de la doctrine a 1'action. Paris: Gallimard, 1965. An excellent work whose author is a libertarian.

Godwin, William. An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice: and Its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness. Edited and abridged bv Raymond A. Peterson. 2 vols. New York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1926. A key anarchist work of the late eighteenth century.

Goldberg, Harvey. The Life of Jean Jaures. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962. The definitive work on Jaures with much material presented on 1871-1914 France.

Guerard, Albert. Napoleon I I I . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1943. Napoleon III is seen as Saint-Simonian. / / ^ ✓ Guilleminault, Gilbert and Mahe Andre. L'Eoooee de la revolte. Paris: ___ Denpel, 1963. The strdss of this work is on the gangster elements of French anarchism.

Halasz, Nicholas. Captain Dreyfus; The Story of Mass Hysteria. New York: The Grove Press. 195/. Captures the excitement of the period.

Hammond, Thomas H . Lenin on Trade Unions and Revolution. 1893-1917. New York: Columbian University Press, 1957. The working class has a tendency to relapse often into merely trade- union activity.

Hamon, Augustin. LesHommes et les theories de I'anarchie. Paris: La Revolte, 1893. A spirited defense of the anarchism of the period.

______. Psychologic de I'anarchiste—socialiste. Paris: P. V. Stock, 1895. Tnis anarchist writer indicated the good qualities of anarchists. An antidote for those who equated anarchists with sinners. 176

Hamon, Augustin. Le Socialisme et le conares de Londres. Paris: P. V . Stock, 1897. On the 1896 London Congress of the Second International which expelled the Anarchists.

Hauser, Arnold. The Social History of A rt. Translated by Stanley Godman. 2 vols. New York: Alfred A, Knopf, 1952. A great intellectual achievement strongly influenced by Marxism.

Heilbroner, Robert L. The Worldly Philosophers: The Lives. Times and Ideas of the Great Thinkers. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953. A solid popular account of the economic thinkers of the last two centuries.

Herbert, Eugenia W . The Artist and Social Reform: France and Belgium, 1885" 1898. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961. The pioneer work of Grave in using literature and painting to further the ideas and ideals of anarchism is explored.

Hertzler, Joyce Oramel. The History of Utopian Thought. New York: The Macmillan C o., 1923. Various traditions of utopia delved into.

Hobson, J. A . Imperialism; A Study. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1902. The classic work on Imperialism.

Hoffer, Eric. The True Believer; Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements. New York: A Mentor Book, 1958. A highly original work on the psychology of mass movements and their leaders.

Hofstadter, Richard. Social Darwinism in American Thought. Boston: The Beacon Press, 1955. The classic work on the subject in which Spencerianism saw govern­ ment intervention in social betterment as interference of individual freedom.

Hughes, H . Stuart. Consciousness and Society; The Reorientation of European Social Thought. 1890-1930. Excellent for social thought.

Humbert, Jeanne. Sebastien Faure; I'homme. l'apotre. une epoque. Preface A, Zevaes~ Paris: Edition?du Libertaire7 1949. By an anarchist admirer of Faure.

Humbert, Sylvain. Le Mouvement syndical. V ol. IX of Historre des partis sociolistes en France. Ed, A . Zevaes. Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1912. Contains much information on Revolutionary Syndicalism.

Humphrey, Richard, Georges Sorel: Prophet without Honor; A Study in Anti- Intellectual ism. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951> One of the standard works on Sorel. 177

Jackson, J. Hampden. Clemenceau and the Third Republic. London: The English Universities Press L id., 19$9. A popular and solid account of Clemencsau's life and importance.

. Marx. Proudhon and European Socialism. New York: Macmillan C o ., 195g- The ideas of these two seminal thinkers are contrasted.

Jaures, Jean. Oeuvres de Jean Jaures. Compiler, Max Bonnafous. 9 vols. Paris: ftidef,' TO T-33: ------

Joll, James. The Anarchists. New York: Universal Library, 1966. An interesting study of modem anarchist thought and action.

Josephson, Matthew. Zola and His Time. Garden City, New York: Garden C ity Publishers, 1928. A well balanced account of his life, political impact and literary activity.

Jourdain, Francis. Un grand imagier; Alexandre Steinlen. Paris: EditionsCercle d'Art, 19517"^ ------Reminiscences on his life, most of the work shows his drawings.

Kazantzakis, Nikos. The Greek Passion. Translated by Jonathan G riffin. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1954. An example of revolutionary millenarianism in contemporary literature.

Kindleberaer, Charles P. Economic Growth in France and Britain. 1851-1950. Cambridge, MassT Harvard University Press, 1964. Useful for economic statistics.

Kolney, Fernand (e d .). Laurent Tail hade (1854-1919); Aupaysdu mufle; de nombreux poemes inedits et precedes de la vie de I'auteur. Paris: Francois bernauard, 1929. The memoires of this unrepentant writer-anarchi St.

Kropotkin, Pierre. L*Action anarchiste dans la Revolution. Paris: Les Temps Nouveaux, 1 £14. (24 pp.). Anarchists are to act with the masses to destroy the state.

______. TheConquest of Bread. New York: G . P. Putnam's Sons, 1907. A key work of communist-anarchism.

. The Great French Revolution, 1789-1793. New York: G . P. Putnam's Sons, 1909. An anarchist account of events.

. Fields, Factories, and Workshops or Industry Combined With Agriculture and Brain Work with Manual Work. New York: G . P. Putnam's dons, t m ; A pioneer work in the practicability of communist-anarchism.

i 178

Kropotkin, Memoirs of a Revolutionist. Edited by James Allen Rogers. New York: Anchor 6ooks, 1962. His early life is admirably recalled. ,9l7:. Mutual Aid; ------A Factor in Revolution. New York: Alfred A . Knopf, Mutual Aid is seen as much more important and significant in human evolution and development than survival of the fittest.

______. Paroles d'un revolte. Preface by Elisee Reclus. Paris: Ernest Flammarion, 1685. A series of essays which are concerned with anarchist views on various subjects.

Lambroso, Cesare. Les Anarchistes. Translated by M . Hamel and A . Marie. Paris: Flammarion, 1696. "Scientific" for its period. Anarchists were criminal types as evidenced by criminal facial characteristics.

Landau, D. Moroccan Drama, 1900-1955. London: Robert Hale, 1956. Useful for imperialism.

Lazare, Bernard. Une erreur judiciaire; la verite' sur I'affaire. Bruxelles, 1896. The beginning work of Lazare to free Dreyfus.

Le Dantec, Felix. La lutte uni verse He. Paris: Ernest Flammarion, 1917. A representative work by a favorite of the individualist anarchists.

Lenin. V . I . Imperialism; The Hiahest Staae of Capitalism. New York: International Publishers, T M S ...... Essentially Hobesian.

. State and Revolution. New York: International Publishers, 1932. Popular control of a Socialist state is envisaged.

Leuthy, Herbert. France Against Herself. Translated by Eric Mosbacher. New York: Meridian books, 1959. A perceptive study on contemporary France.

Levine, Louis. Syndicalism in France. New York: Columbia University Press, 1914« French labor is covered from 1789 to just before World War I. Particular emphasis is given to the doctrines and activities of syndicalism.

Lichtenberger, Andre. Le Socialisme au XVHe siecle. Paris: Felix Alcan, 1895. That socialist ideas are in the air of the Enlightenment is amply shown.

Lipset, Seymour Martin. Political Man; The Social Bases of Politics. New York: Anchor Books, 1963. The connection between politics and social class is deftly observed.

Louis, Paul. Histoire du socialisme en France de la Revolution a nos jours. 1789~1936. Paris: Marcel fciviere, 1936. A general account. 179

Lorwin, Val R. The French tabor Movement. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954. A standard work.

Maitron, Jean* Histoire du mouvement anarchiste en France (1880-1914). 2d. ed. Paris: Socidte Universitaire d'^ditions et de Librairie, 1955. The definitive work on French anarchism before World War I .

______. Rqyachol et les anarchistes. Paris: Rene' Julliard, 1964. On Ra vac hoi and others in the early 1890 period.

Malatesta, Errico. L'Anarchie. Geneve: Groupe dWtudiants revolutionnaires de Geneve, 1^)2. A standard theoretical work.

______. Entre Pavsans. Paris: Temps Nouveaux, 1901, the'peasantry is urged to join the working class to create anarchism.

Malato, Charles. Philosophic de l*anarchie. Paris: P. V . Stock, 1897. Malato's principal contribution to anarchist thought.

Malthus, Thomas Robert. An Essav on Population. 2 vols. London: J . M . Dent and Sons, 1914. Mankind is doomed to overpopulation because of its strong.sexual propensity which cannot but beget children.

Mannheim, K arl. Ideology and Utopia: An introduction to the Sociology of Knowledae. Translated bv Louis Wirth and Edward Shi Is. New York: XHarrortBook, 1»«. Excellent for utopia.

Marx, Karl. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. New York: The Modern Library, n. d. Tim basic work of Marxism.

______. Critique of the Gotha Programme: With Appendices bv Marx. Engels, and Lenin. Edited by C . P. D utt. New York: International Publishers, i m : — Marx distinguished between two different stages of Communism: in the first the state continues as the dictatorship of the proletariat but sharp distinction exists between labor, physical and intellectual, for example; in the second or higher stage laoor will be integrated and the state will cease to exist.

Marx, Karl and Engels Friedrich. Manifesto of the Communist Party. New York: International Publishers, 1948. The essential philosophy of Communism admirably and succintly rendered.

Mason, Edward S. The Paris Commune: An Episode in the History of the Socialist Movement. New York: Macmillan Co., 1930, the Commune was not primarily socialist. 180

Mauclair, Camille* Paul Adam/1862-1920. Paris: Flammarion,1921. The standard work on a writer deeply involved in the anarchist artistic milieu.

Maximoff. G . P. The Political Philosophy of Bakunin: Scientific Anarchism. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1953. The ideas of Bakunin are presented in orderly form.

M eric, Victor. Les Bandits tragiques. Paris: S. Kra, 1926. Anarchism and gangsterism frolic.

. A travers la iunale politique et litteraire; coulisses et treteaux. 2 vols. Paris: libTalrfe Vqfels, l930-3V. ------The reminiscences of a competent journalist friendly to anarchism.

Michels, Robert. Political Parties A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies drModern democracy.—New York: Collier Books, 1962. A pessimistic thesis is elaborated. Mankind is doomed to be governed by elite groups.

Mills, C. Wright. The Power Elite* New York: Galaxy Book, 1959. Essential decision making power, even in a democracy as in past societies, is welded by a rather small rather cohesive group.

Mirbeau, Octave. Le Journal d'une femme de chambre. Paris: Le Livre de Poche, 1964. An excellent novel whose theme is that abnormality is the normality in human life .

More, Sir Thomas. Utopia. Edited with Introduction by John Churton Collins. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1904. A well-known utopia by a Catholic and Humanist of the Renaissance.

Morris, W illiam . News from Nowhere or An Epoch of Rest. Boston: Robert Brothers, 1898. A delightful utopia where everyone enjoys life .

Mosca, Gaetano. The Ruling Class. Translated by Hannah D . Kahn. New York: McGraw-Hfir; 1939! ------Society is eternally doomed to be ruled by elites.

Mumford, Lewis. The Story of Utopias. Introduction by Henrich Willem Van Loon. Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1959. The famous utopias summarized and analyzed.

Negley, Glenn and Patrick, J. Max, The Quest for Utopia. Garden City, New York: Anchor Book, 1962. Very useful as a source book. The texts of many lesser known utopias presented.

Nettlau, M ax. Bibliographie de I'onarchie. Paris: P. V , Stock, 1897. A useful ana extensive bibliography of anarchism. 181

Noland, Aaron. The Founding of Hie French Socialist Party (1893-1905). Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956. Highly recommended as it gives an excellent account of Socialism in France for the period.

Nomad, Max (Pedolsky, M ax). Apostles of Revolution. New York: C ollier Books, 1961. Sketches of various revolutionaries such as Bakunin, Blanqui, and Marx among others are ably presented in an ironic and sardonic way by an anarchist.

______. Aspects of Revolt. New York: Bookman Associates, 1959. An excellent exposition of libertarian analysis of twentieth century society. Pessimistic—‘power corrupts.

_____. Rebels and Renegades. New York: The Macmillan C o ., 1932. Sketches of various figures including Malatesta.

Pelloutier, Fernand. Histoire des Bourses du Travail: originer institutions, avenir. Preface George Sorel. Paris: Schleicher Freres, 1902. A history by its great secretary and founder of Revolutionary- Syndicalism.

. L'Organisation Corporative et I'anarchie. Paris: Bibliotheque de I'Art bocial, n. d. (19pp.). For a social revolution wherein capital would be replaced by a society of producers.

Pelloutier, Maurice. Fernand Pelloutier. sa vie, son oeuvre. 1867-1901. Paris: Schleicher Freres, 1911. A work by the brother of the founder of revolutionary syndicalism.

Pfamenatz, John. The Revolutionary Movement in France# 1815-1871. London: Longman,s Green, and C o ., 1950. A standard work.

Planche, Fernand. Le vie ardente et intrepide de Louise M ichel. Paris: Chez I'Auteur, 1946. A general work on her life by an anarchist.

Plato. Republic. Introduction and Translation by A . D . Lindsay. London: jT M, Dent, 1948. The archtype of utopian writing.

Plekhanov, George. Anarchism and Socialism. Translated by Eleanor Marx Aveling. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr Co., 1918. A concerted attack on anarchism in which Grave's work receives a general drumfire of invective. Grave luckily escapes only as a "dabbler in metaphysics."

Postgate, R. W . Revolution from 1789 to 1906. New York: Harper Torehbooks, 1962. Primary sources of the various revolutions is presented.

Pottier, Eugene. Chants revolutionnaires. Preface by Lucien Descaves. Paris: Editions Sociales Internationales, 1937. Information on the life and poetry of the author of "LMnternational" fame. 182

Praz, Mario. The Romantic Agony. Translated by Angus Davidson* London: Oxford University Press, 1951 • The world of the artist in the nineteenth century refected the present by going to the exotic themes of the past.

Prolo, Jacques (Jean Pausader}. Les Anarch?stes. V ol. X of Histoire des partis socialistes en France. Ed. A. Zevaes. Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1912. A shprt account of anarchism with particular emphasis on French anarchism by an anarchist. The importance of Grave is clearly indicated.

Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. Oeuvres completes de P. J . Proudhon. Eds. C . Bougie' and H, Moysset. 19 vols. Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1923-1959,

Individual works cited in particular volumes:

Idee generate de la revolution au XIXe siecle. III. 1923. A protean ^work aiming the renewal of society through anarchism. De la capacite politique des classes ouvrieres. IV, 1924. The working masses to bring about mutualism and federalism. La Pornocratie ou les femmes dans les temps modernes. X V , 1929. Mian is superior to the woman who should stay at home. Du principe de I'art et sa destination sociale. XV, 1929. Ideas concerning art.

Reclus, Elisee. A Mon frere le pqyson. Amiens: Editions de Germinal, 1905. (8 pp.) The peasant is urged to join the workers to bring about anarchism.

_ • Correspondence. 3 vols.: vols. 1 and 2 , Paris: Schleicher, 1911; vol. 3 , Paris: Alfred Costes, 1925. The letters of Elisee Reclus.

_ • L'Evolution, la revolution et I'ideal anarchique. Paris: P. V. Stock, 1921. Revolution proceeds from the development of evolution.

Reclus, Paul. lfiS_Fcer9?ilj^et Elisee Reclus: Ou du protestantisme a I'anacdhisme. Paris: Les Amis de Elisee Refelos, 1964. A series of biographies on the Reclus family, the principal one being on Elisee Reclus by Paul Reclus.

Revon, Maxime. Octave Mirbeau; son oeuvre. Paris: Editions de la Nouyelle Revue Critiaue, 1924. On Mi roe au's life and works.

Rewald, John. Post Impressionism; From Van Gogh to Gaugin. New York: Simon and Schuster, n. d . An excellent work on the many painters of whom Grave knew and who were anarchist oriented— Paul Signac, Maxi mi lien Luce, etd.

Rockery Rudolf. Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. Indore, India: Modern Publishers, 1947. 202 pp. The best account probably in which the various historical forces— economic and social are taken into account and fitted in . 183

Rogin, Leo. The Meaning and Validity ofEconomic Theory; A Historical Approach. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956. This work is not well-known but for an understanding of the chief economists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries it is almost indispensable.

Rosmer, Alfred. Le Mouvement ouvrier pendant la premiere guerre mondiale de Zimmerwald a la Revolution Russe. Paris: Mouton, 1959. An excellent account wherein the various groups of the left are seen from a pre-war anti-war position.

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. Emile or Treatise on Education. Abridged, translated and annotated by William H . Payne. New York: D . Appleton and C o ., 1911. A great work which has deeply influenced the philosophy of modern education.

Sabatier, Paul. Life of St. Francis of Assl i si. Translated by Louise Seymour HoughtonT New York: Charles Scribner Sons, 1897. A standard account.

Saint-Auban de, Emile. L'Histoire sociale au Palais de Justice: Plaidoyers philosophiques. Paris: A . Pedone, 1895. Extensive information on Grave's two trials in 1895 by his lawyer.

Serge, Victor. Memoires d'un revolutionnaire de 1901 a 1941. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1951. An anarchist who became a follower6f Trotsky, Serge is an important revolutionary figure. Some material on Grave presented.

Sergent, A lain, les Anarchistes: scenes et portraits recueillis et presentes. Paris: Frederick Chambriand, 1951 • Sketches and excerpts of anarchism.

Sergent, Alain and Harmel, Claude. Hi stoire de I'anarchie. Paris: Le Portulan, 1949. The history of anarchism is covered from its beginnings to 1880. The authors, both anarchists, have done a commenaably efficient fob.

Sorel, Georges. Reflections on Violence. Translated by T. E. Hulme. Introduction by Edward A . Shits. N ew York: Collier Books, 1961 • A popular account of the ideas animating revolutionary-syndicalism.

Spitzer, Alan B. The Revolutionary Theories of Louis-Auauste Blanqui. New York: Columbia University Press, 1957. Revolution by a conscious revolutionary elite to lead the masses to Socialism.

Sraffa, Piero and Debb, M , H. (eds.). The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo. V o l. II: Notes on Malthus. Cambridge: At the University Press, 1951 • Useful on the mind of liberal economics. 184

Stimer, Max £lohann Kaspar Schmid tj. The Ego and His Own. Translated by Steven T. Byington. New York: Boni and Liveright, n. d. The classic work of the individualist anarchists.

Sutton, Howard. The Life and Works of Jean Richepin. Geneve: E. Droz, 1961. A good account oF a well-known poet-anarchist.

Tabarant, Adolphe. Pissaro. Paris: Reider, 1924. A good account on the life of Camille Pissaro, who was an anarchist.

Tawney, R. H. Equality. New York: Harcourt and Brace C o ., 1931. Equality would bring more advantages than disadvantages.

Tolstoy, Alexandra. Tolstoy; A Life of Mv Father. Translated Elizabeth Reynolds Hapgood. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953. All facets of life and activity covered.

Tolstoy, Leo. The Journal of Leo Tolstoy. 1895-1899. Translated by Rose Strumskyl New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1907. Excellent for understanding Tolstoy's mind.

Tocqueville de, Alexis. Republic of the United States of America and Its Political Institutions. Translated by Henry Reeves. 2 vols. New York: A . S. Barnes and C o ., 1867. Useful for general sociological insight.

Varennes, Henri. De Ravachol aCaserio (notes d'audience). Paris: Gamier, n. d. Useful for the court trials of Grave.

V izetelly, Alfred. The Anarchists: Their Faith and Their Record Including Side­ lights on the Royal and Other Personages Who have been Assassinated New York: John Lane C o ., 1911. Propaganda by deed is stressed.

Weeks, Robert P. (e d .). Commonwealth vs Sacco and Vanzetti. Englewood Cliffs, N . J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1958. All aspects of this famous case covered along with press opinion and lives of Sacco and Vanzetti. Letters of Sacco-Vanzetti are included.

W eil, Simone. Oppression and Liberty. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1958. A challenging work in defense of human freedom which is conceived largely through anarchist vision. She herself was a Catholic convert from Judaism in France.

W eill, Georges. Histoire du mouvement social en France, 1852-1902. Paris: Felix Alcan, 1904. A perceptive work on the social movement which quotes Jean Grave extensively concerning anarchist ideas.

Williams, Roger L. The World of Ngjoleon III, 1851-1870. New York: Collier Books, 1962. A series of essays on important personages of the period. 185

Wolf, John Bl France 1815 to the Present. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Cushing- Malley, Inc., 1940. v A well-balanced general history.

Woodcock, George and Avakumovic, Ivan. The Anarchist Prince: A Biographical Study of Peter Kropotkin. London: V . Boardman, 1950. A perceptive and moving work on the life of Kropotkin.

Woodcock, George. Anarchism; A History_of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1962. An excellent general history of the movement. Woodcock knows the subject thoroughly. An intellectual masterpiece.

______. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. New York: Macmillan C o ., 1956. The best work in English.

. William Godwin; A Biographical Study. London: The Porcupine Press, 1946. An excellent work, a good deal being devoted to an analysis of An Enquiry on Political Justice.

Wright, Gordon. France in Modern Times. 1760 to the Present. Chicago: Rand MacN al lyC o., 1962. Wfell-balanced and informative.

Yarmolinsky, Avrahm. Revolution; A Century of Russian Radicalism. New York: Collier Books, 1962. A detailed and excellent account of nineteenth century revolutionary activity.

Zenker, Ernest Victor. Anarchism; A Criticism and History of the Anarchist Theory. Translated from the German. London: Methuen and C o ., 1898. A good general account on theory and history. 186

Articles

% * Albert, Charles. “A . M . Emile Z o la," Les Temps Nouveaux^ January 27- February 4 , 1898, p . 1.

______. "Le Pre'juge politique," Les Temps Nouveaux, November 17-23, 1901 - January 26-February 1,19071

. "Proces d'un homme ou proces d'un monde," Les Temps Nouveaux, February 19-25, 1898, p. 1. ------

Delesalle, Paul. "LesConferences anarchiste de Londres," Les Temps Nouveaux, August 22-28, 1896, p. 2.

______. "Le Complot?," Les Temps Nouveaux, May 5, 1906, p. 3.

Chambelland, Maurice. "Charles Benoit," La Revolution Proletarienne, March, 1950, pp. 29-30.

Charpentier, John. "Glanes; le premier mai," Les Temps Nouveaux, May 12, 1906, p. 1.

Chaugi, Rene. "Domestiques," Les Temps Nouveaux, December 15-21, 1901, p . 1.

______. "Suria religion," Les Temps Nouveaux, April 1-7, 1899, pp. 1-2.

Dubois, Felix. "Le Peril anarchiste," Le Figaro; Supplement Litteraire, January 13, 1894, p. 6.

Dunois, Amedee. "L'Action directe contre la guerre," Les Temps Nouveaux, July 22, 1905, pp. 1-2.

______. "Le Proces," Les Temps Nouveaux, December 19, 1905, pp. 1 -2.

Erboville, J. "Les Muscovites," Publications de La Revolte et Temps Nouveaux, No. 16 (October 15, 192277pp.TT-15. ~ : ----- = ± = = =

Faure, Sebastien. "Manifesto," Le Mouvement Socioliste, Nos. 257-58 (November-December, 1913), pp. 402-404.

Flax, (Meric, Victor). "Sebastien Faure," Les Hommesdu Jour, No. 18, 1908, pp. 2 -4 .

______. "Jean Grave," Les Hommes du Jour, No. 24, 1908, pp. 2-4.

______. "Emile Pouget," Les Hommes du Jour, N o . 27, 1908, pp. 2 -4 . 187

Girard, Andre. "Biribi et autres lieux," Les Temps Nouveaux, May 16-22, 1896, pp. 1-2.

______. "La Greve Nouvelle." Les Temps Nouveaux, October 15-21, 1898, p. 1.

"Oserons-nous sauver la Russie," L1 Avenir International, November, 1919, pp. 3-4.

Herbert, R. L. "Les Artistes et I'Anarchisme d'apres les lettres inedites de Pissaro, Signac et autres.11 Le Mouvement Social. XXXVI, (July-September, 1961), pp. 1-19. Many letters from artists to Grave are shown.

Kropotkin, Peter. "L'Anarchie," Les Temps Nouveaux, January 28, 1911, pp. 2-3.

______. "Comment fut fonde' Le Revolted " Les Temps Nouveaux, February 20-26, pp. 1-2, and March 19-25, 1904, p. 3.

. "L'Etat: son role historiaue." Les Temps Nouveaux, December, 1896- July, 1897.

"Le ler Mai, 1891," La Revolte. October 18-24, 1890, pp. 1-2.

Maitron, Jean. "Jean Grave, 1854-1939," Revue d*Histoire Economique et Sociale. XXVIII, No. 1 (1950), 105-117. An excellent and sympathetic article which indicated historical importance.

"De Kilbatchiche a Victor Serge: Le Retif (1909-1919)," Le Mouvement ------Social XXXXVII (April-June, 1964), 45-78.

Malatesta, Errico. "Le Conares d1 Amsterdam.11 Les Temps Nouveaux, 21 and 28 September, 1907.

11 Pro-Government Anarchists.11 Freedom. April, 1916, p. 28.

Mirbeau, Octave. L'Echo de Paris. August 4 , 1891.

Monatte, Pierre. "Le Complot," Les Temps Nouveaux. June 16, 1906, pp. 2-3.

Pelloutier, Fernand. "L'Anarchisme et les syndicats ouvriers," Les Temps Nouveaux, November 2-8, 1895, pp. 2-4.

Pierrot, Marc. "La Greve desCheminots," Les Temps Nouveaux. October 15, 1910, pp. 1-2.

______. "Sur L'individualisme." Les Temps Nouveaux. June 11.1910. pp. 3-4.

Pouget, Emile. "L1 Application des lois d'exception de 1893 et 1894," La Revue Blanche. XVI (July 15, 1898), 426-43. 188

Reclus, Elfsee. "L'Anarchie,“ Les Temps Nouveaux, May-June, 1895.

Reclus, Paul. "Vol et Travail," La Revolte, November 21-27, 1891. Theft is justified as all work is considered to be theft in an unjust society.

Rolland, Romain. "Biologie de la guerre (Dr. N ico lai)," L* Avenir International March-May, July, 1917.

______. "A notre jeuene frere," L'Avenir International, May, 1919, pp. 5 -6 . de Saint-Prix, Jean. "Sur le mouvement anarchiste russe," L'Avenir International, August, 1919, pp. 9 -1 4.

Serge, Victor, Croix Alexander, Bernier. Jean. "L'Anarchie," Crapouillot (January, 1938). Entire issue.

Thomas, Mabel Holland. "Le Message," Les Temps Nouveaux, September 4 -1 0, 1897, p. 1.

______. "L'Excentrique," Les Temps Nouveaux, November 20-26, 1897, p. 1.

"Le Congres des trades unions pour 1910," Les Temps Nouveaux, ------October 1, 1910, pp. 1-2.

Tscerkesoff, W illiam . "Pages d'histoire socialiste." Les Temps Nouveaux. January 11-17, 1896 - April 29-May 5 , 1899.

Z o le, Emile. "J*Accuse,11 L'Aurora, January 13, 1898. The famous accusation of the French Army and others in denying justice to Dreyfus.

Articles — No Author

"Les Anarchistes et La Re volte, 11 L'lllustration, March 2, 1889, p . 176. A drawing of 140 Mouffetard Street (Grave's place of residence), and of Jean Grave in his attic office.

"L'Education revolutionnaire," Le Revolte, September 29, 1883.

"Pendant la revolution," Le Re volte*, December 8, 1883.

"La Propaganda par le fait," Le Droit Social, April 9, 1882. 189

Unpublished Material

Patsouras, Louis. Leon Blum and French Socialismi The Early Years Through the Dissolution of the Popular Front in 1938. Unpublished Master's thesis. Department of History, Kent State University, 1959. Useful concerning Blum's litterateur phase in which anarchist influence was strong, and for information on the Dreyfus Case.

Other Sources

Madame Paul Delesalle. Interviews, July 26 and August 9 , 1964.

Depositories and Newspapers

Lg Bibliotheque Nationale— BN £e Musee Social—-MS 1'lnstitut Franqais d1 Hi stoire Sociale— IF HS International Institute for Social History— 11SH La Bibliotheque de Documentation Internationale Contempojgme—BDIC Le Prefecture de Police-PP

LJAucSEflL, 1898. BN L'Avenir International. 1918-20. BDIC La Bataille. 1915—1 ^19. BN La Bataille Syndicaliste. 1914-1915. BN Ce&u'ltFautbire. 1916017. Le Citoven de Paris. 1880. BN Le Droit Social . 1882. BN Le Figaro! 1889. BN Freedom. 1914-18. IISH La Libre Federation. 1915-18. BDIC Les Gazette des fribunaux. August, 1894. PP Publications de Lo Revolte et Temos Nouveaux. 1921-36. IFHS Publications des Temps N ouveaux. 1916-19. IISH La Revolte. 1887- 94." BN , MS, IISH Le Revolted 1879-87. IFHS LesTemPsNouveaux. 1894-1914. BN, IISH Les Temos NouveawTlN ew series). 1919-21. IISH