Coptsinmodernity

Copts in Modernity

Proceedings of the 5th International Symposium of Coptic Studies, Melbourne, 13–16 July 2018

Edited by Lisa Agaiby Mark N. Swanson Nelly van Doorn-Harder

leiden | boston

Preface xi List of Figures and Tables xiii Notes on Contributors xvii Notes on Transliteration and Common Abbreviations xxii

Introduction 1 Lisa Agaiby, Mark Swanson and Nelly van Doorn-Harder

part 1 History

1 The Ottoman Tanzimat Edict of 1856 and Its Consequences for the Christians of Egypt: The Rashomon Effect in Coptic History 21 Heather J. Sharkey

2 A Correspondence between Rome and Alexandria in the Middle Ages: An Example from the Eighteenth Century 39 Magdi Awad

3 A New Contribution to Understanding the Pastoral Care of Pope Peter vii (1809–1852) 56 Bigoul El-Suriany

4 Pope Mark viii (1796–1809), the Author of Psalis for St. Mark 81 Youhanna N. Youssef

5 Printing the Medieval Copto-Arabic Heritage: From the ‘Golden Age’ to the Printed Page 106 Mark N. Swanson

6 The Coptic Papacy in the Twentieth Century and beyond: A Study of the Papal Selection Process in the Modern Era 134 Peter H. Cosman

part 2 Education, Leadership, and Service

7 Habib Girgis: Reformer of Religious and Theological Education in the Coptic Orthodox Church 155 Bishop Suriel

8 An Example of Coptic Leadership and Patronage: Lay-Archon Louis Zikri Wissa and Sixty Years Commitment in the Sunday School Movement 179 Myriam Wissa

9 Bishop Samuel’s Ministry of Teaching and Serving: The Formative Years 199 Cherubim Saed and Nelly van Doorn-Harder

10 The Idea of Personal Ascetic Reform in Kyrillos vi (1902–1971) 216 Daniel Fanous

11 “Draughts of Love and Divine Revelations”: Experiential Theology in Matta Al-Miskīn and Fayek M. Ishak 238 Samuel Kaldas

12 A Multidimensional Understanding of Sunday School in the Coptic Orthodox Tradition 257 Michael Salib

13 Mother Irini’s Visions of Leadership: Pachomian Rule and Teaching of the Fathers 270 Nelly van Doorn-Harder

part 3 Identity and Material Culture

14 “Sign of Martyrdom, Heresy and Pride”: The Christian Coptic Tattoo and the Construction of Coptic Identity 295 Nebojsa Tumara

15 The Cenotaph in the Cave Church of St. Paul the Hermit at the Red Sea: A Case Study of a Dream in the Twentieth Century 321 Lisa Agaiby and Shady Nessim

16 Coptic Religious Heritage: Is There a Future for the Past? 357 Karel Innemée

17 The Ideological Dimensions of Coptic Music Theory: Evolution of Musical Theorization as a Cultural Strategy 390 Nicholas Ragheb

Index of Ancient/Medieval Sources 417 Index of Manuscripts 418 Index of Modern Authors 419 Index of Subjects 424

Lisa Agaiby and Shady Nessim

For God does speak—now one way, now another—though no one perceives it. In a dream, in a vision of the night, when deep sleep falls on people as they slumber in their beds, he may speak in their ears and terrify them with warnings, to turn them from wrongdoing and keep them from pride, to preserve them from the pit, their lives from perishing by the sword. Job 33: 14–18 ∵

1 Introduction

One of the most privileged aspects of spending time working in a Coptic monastery is the opportunity to enter into the hidden world of the monastic community and interact with the members about their lives, their struggles, and their joys.1 Monastic life is not easy, but monastics often relate stories of how near the saints are to them, supporting them and comforting them through visions and apparitions, which although may sound strange to western ears, are accepted, expected, and simply part of their everyday existence. In fact, it is quite uncommon to come across a Coptic monastic who has not had a supernatural encounter.2

1 Lisa Agaiby is currently directing a project to digitize and catalogue the entire collection of manuscripts at the Monastery of St. Paul the Hermit at the Red Sea. 2 See the contribution by Nelly van Doorn-Harder to the present volume on the supernatural visions and dreams experienced by Mother Irini, the abbess of the convent of St. Abu Saifein in Old Cairo.

For Coptic Christians, the mystical presence of saints is “real” and supernatural dreams can be considered as authentic experiences; the figures who appear in them belong to the collective imagination of the Copts and are perceived to be as real as those of waking reality. Dreaming of them is thus deeply established in Coptic history, culture, and religiosity, and the interpretation of dream accounts can be seen as a normal process of interaction and decision-making. Questioning one of the Coptic monks why he took up his monastic vocation at the Monastery of St. Paul the Hermit at the Red Sea, rather than at any other monastery, his response was very clear:

“When I decided I wanted to be a monk, I prayed fervently that God show me which monastery to go to. Then St. Paul appeared in a dream and told me to come here.” When asked “How did you know the one in the dream was St. Paul?” he responded quite logically, “Because he looked like his image in the icons.”3

There is no denying that people have emotional responses to dreams, and the way this monk acted on his dream is indicative of how Coptic faithful may take decisions that are shaped and influenced by motivational dream experiences.4 Furthermore “divine” dreams are assumed to offer a path to meta- physical instruction that can potentially provide a source of inspiration and

3 Conversation with Fr. Mattias al-Anbā Būlā on 26 January 2018. Otto Meinardus mentions a “religious experience” in the form of a vision or dream as the major reason for the decision of individuals to pursue the monastic life in contemporary Egypt. See Otto F.A. Meinardus, Christian Egypt: Faith and Life (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1970), 264–266. Examples include: the patriarch Cyril vi (1902–1971), the patriarch Shenouda iii (1923–2012), Fr. Matta al-Miskin (1919–2006) the abbot of St. Macarius Monastery in Wādī al-Naṭrūn, and Mother Irini (1936–2006) the abbess of St. Mercurius Convent in Old Cairo. See Mark N. Swanson,The CopticPapacyin Islamic Egypt (641–1517) (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2010), 43; Otto F.A. Meinardus, Monks and Monasteries of the Egyptian Deserts (Cairo: American University at Cairo Press, 1961), 190; St. Macarius Monastery, (Arabic) Fr. Matta al-Miskin: A Detailed Biography (Wādī al-Naṭrūn: St. Macarius Monastery, 2008), 56–59; and Nelly van Doorn-Harder, Contemporary Coptic Nuns (South Carolina: University of South Car- olina Press, 1995), 133. 4 The importance of dreams is frequently evident in both the Old and New Testaments. For an excellent overview of Biblical dream narratives, see Bart J. Koet, “Divine Dream Dilem- mas: Biblical Visions and Dreams” in Kelly Bulkeley, Kate Adams, Patricia M. Davis (eds.), Dreaming in Christianity and Islam: Culture, Conflict, and Creativity (London: Rutgers Uni- versity Press, 2009), 17–31. See also Jean Marie Husser, Dreams and Dream Narratives in the Biblical World, trans. Jill M. Munro (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999). In the Patristic Age, Church fathers such asTertullian, Evagrius and Augustine understood dreams to be vehi-

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV the cenotaph in the cave church of st. paul the hermit 323 guidance concerning action in this world. In Coptic culture, the boundaries between the supernatural and the natural are “fluid and undefined,”5 and so dreams or apparitions of sacred figures are not imaginary projections of an “unconscious mind,”6 but rather real figures that inhabit the supernaturally real world of Coptic Christians, and validate their presence.7 Accordingly, in Coptic monasteries today one of the most popular conversational topics amongst both monks and pilgrims is the sharing of miraculous accounts performed by saints who manifest themselves through dreams and apparitions.8 One only needs to enter a bookshop within a monastery to see the number of publications presented on the latest miracle accounts that involve

cles of either divine revelation or demonic deception. See Bart J. Koet (ed.), Dreams as Divine Communication in Christianity: From Hermas to Aquinas. Studies in the History and Anthro- pology of Religion, vol. 3 (Leuven: Peeters, 2012). In early Egyptian monastic literature, divine as well as demonic dreams and visions were a regular occurrence. See, for example, Apoph- thegmata Patrum: Arsenius 38; Ammonas 7; Bessarion 4; Daniel 7; Ephrem 1, 2; Zacharias 4; Theodore of Pherme 25; Nicetas 1; Paul the Simple 1. In Benedicta Ward (trans.), Sayings of the Desert Fathers: The Alphabetical Collection (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1975), 18, 27, 41, 53, 59, 68, 77, 157, 205. See also the vitae of the Egyptian pioneers of monasticism: Life of Antony, in Tim Vivian and Apostolos Athanassakis (trans.), Athanasius, The Life of Antony: The Coptic Life and the Greek Life, trans. (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 2003); Life of Pachomius, in Armand Veilleux (trans.), Pachomian Koinonia: The Life of Saint Pachomius (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, 1980); and the Lifeof Macarius inTimVivian (trans.), St. Macarius The Spirit Bearer: Coptic Texts Relating to Saint Macarius the Great (New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2004). For an interesting discussion on Athanasian Dream Theory, see Doru Costache, “Sleep, Dreams and Soul-Travel Athanasius within the Tradition,” in Bron- wen Neil, Doru Costache, Kevin Wagner (eds.), Dreams, Virtue and Divine Knowledge in Early Christian Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019), 66–115. 5 Valerie J. Hoffman, “The Role of Visions in Contemporary Egyptian Religious Life,”Religion 27 (1997): 45. 6 Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams: The Complete and Definitive Text, trans. James Strachey (New York: Perseus Books Group, 2010), Chapter vii. 7 For example, the most famous and widely seen vision in the Egyptian modern era was the apparition of the Virgin Mary over the church bearing her name in the Cairo suburb of Zeitoun throughout the months of April and May in 1968. See Jerome Palmer, Our Lady Returns to Egypt (Bernardino, CA: Culligan Publications, 1969), 1; Otto F.A. Meinardus, Chris- tianEgypt:FaithandLife (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1970), 264–269; Iris Habib el Masri, The Story of the Copts (Cairo: Middle East Council of Churches, 1978), 557; Cynthia Nelson, “Stress, Religious Experience and Mental Health,” Catalyst 6 (1972): 48–57; http://www .zeitun‑eg.org/ (accessed 12 May 2020). 8 For example, Mother Irini, the abbess of the Convent of St. Mercurius in Old Cairo, tells of how the Virgin Mary appeared in a vision instructing her to build a church in the Con- vent’s garden to commemorate the Holy Family who had rested on that spot during their flight into Egypt. Fr. Matta al-Miskin, the abbot of St. Macarius’ Monastery, often mentioned how actions he had taken were divinely inspired in dreams. And Fr. Faltāʾūs al-Suryānī (1922–

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV 324 agaiby and nessim healings, conversions, or special messages; most of which have been mani- fested through encountering visions or dreams of saints. Supernatural dreams have long held significance in Coptic culture, for some dreams are believed to carry vital messages necessary for performance of duties toward those in the supernatural realm, and so through dreams those in the next world are able to offer instruction in the affairs of the living. But not only are dreams and visions of saints important expressions of Coptic culture, turn- ing private dreams into shared narratives through a process of documentation serves to perpetuate a saint’s cultural memory as well as provide a powerful means to both authenticate actions and deeds resulting from a “divine” dream message, and establishes the authority of the narrator of the dream as being an agent of the divine. This chapter presents a first transcription9 and translation of a supernatural dream experienced and narrated by the abbot of St. Paul’s Monastery, Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā, in 1946; a dream that propelled him to act upon the “divine” message of decorating the saint’s cenotaph. The dream is both fascinating and instructive because it exemplifies a living tradition of how contemporary Cop- tic Christians—in this case in a monastic setting—can be affected by the supernatural content of dream experiences, and how life circumstances and social location inform the interpretive engagement with dreams that result in them playing a significant role in decision making.

2 Commentary on the Dream

The dream account is interesting for several reasons, not the least that it provides otherwise undocumented information that helps piece together the history of the Monastery of St. Paul around the mid-twentieth century. Within the limitations of this chapter it is not possible to describe each historical aspect in detail, so we will highlight only the most significant.

2010), an elderly monk known for his piety, would often share his divine dreams as a means of attesting the active presence of saints in his life. See Nelly van Doorn-Harder and Kari Vogt (eds.), “Introduction,” in Between Desert and City: The Coptic Orthodox Church Today: The Coptic Orthodox Church Today (Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 1997), 12; St. Macarius Monastery, (Arabic) Fr. Matta al-Miskin: A Detailed Biography (Wādī al-Naṭrūn: St. Macarius Monastery, 2008), 55; Zakkāriyā al-Suryānī, (Arabic) The Star of Scetis: The beloved priest Fr. Faltāʾūs al- Suryānī (Wādī al-Naṭrūn: Monastery of the Syrians, 2010). 9 See the Appendix.

figure 15.1 Apparition of the Virgin Mary in Zeitoun, April 1968 photo in the public domain

figure 15.2 Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā, 1933 photo courtesy of st. paul’s monastery

The account begins by Mīsāk narrating events that were taking place at the Monastery in the year 1944—thirteen months before his dream experience. He narrates that it was a time of war10 and sets the scene by telling us that patriarch Macarius iii had been in retreat in the desert monastery for four and a half months,11 after which it appears Mīsāk may have been escorting him back to his

10 World War ii (1 September 1939–2 September 1945). 11 Macarius iii was patriarch from 19 February 1944 to 31 August 1945. Due to problems he was having with al-Majlis al-Millī (Community Council), he spent time in retreat at St. Paul’s Monastery. See Maged S.R. Hanna, “The Pre-Modern Period (1798–1952): The Age of Citi- zenship and Reform” in Lois M. Farag (ed.),TheCopticChristianHeritage:History,Faithand Culture (London: Routledge, 2014), 82–85; Magdi Guirguis and Nelly van Doorn-Harder, The Emergence of the Modern Coptic Papacy: The Egyptian Church and its leadership from

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV the cenotaph in the cave church of st. paul the hermit 327 patriarchal residence in Cairo. But before leaving for Cairo, Mīsāk provides the interesting detail that the Monastery had become something of a tourist attraction, and that even King Farouk i12 had visited the Monastery. This information is significant for it is the only documented account (so far) of the King having visited the Monastery. When we asked one of the senior monks at St. Paul’s about the royal visit he said:

Yes, King Farouk came here, but we are not sure what year, but the monks at the time built the platform in front of the church of the Archangel Michael especially for the King to address the people. Prior to his coming here the only way people could come inside the Monastery was by the fatuli,13 and entry through the front gate was only for the patriarch and for when King Farouk visited.14

On the western wall of the ancient church at St. Antony’s Monastery is an Ara- bic signature in black ink that was left by Farouk i and his wife Farida.15 Unfor- tunately there is no date as to when the royal couple visited the Monastery of St. Antony, but one may assume that they could have continued on to the neighboring Monastery of St. Paul. If this is the case—which seems likely— then one may suppose the visit took place sometime between when the royal couple married in January 1938 and when World War ii broke out in September 1939. In any case, Mīsāk indicates the visit took place prior to 1944.

the Ottoman period to the present (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2011), 120– 122; Barbara Lynn Carter, The Copts in Egyptian Politics (London: Routledge, 2013), 35–38; and cf. Mounir Shoucri, “Macarius iii,” Aziz S. Atiya (ed.), The Coptic Encyclopedia (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1991), 5: 1488b–1489a who states Macarius iii was in retreat at St. Antony’s Monastery. He is commemorated in the Coptic Synaxarium on 25 Misrá 1736 (31 August). The account mentions he was in retreat at both Red Sea monasteries. See Coptic Synaxarium (Chicago: St. George Coptic Orthodox Church, 1995), 482–485. 12 King of Egypt and the Sudan from 28 April 1936 to 26 July 1952. 13 Word of unknown origin referring to the rope and windlass. 14 Conversation with Fr. Yūʾannis al-Anbā Būlā (26 January 2019). Up until the early twentieth century, the only access into the Monastery was by rope and windlass. Visiting in 1904, the Scottish sisters Agnes Smith Lewis and Margaret Dunlop Gibson record that they made their way into the Monastery of St. Paul by rope and windlass, being heaved up by a rope-netting which was roughly sewn around their waists. See Agnes Smith Lewis, “Hidden Egypt: The First Visit by Women to the Coptic Monasteries of Egypt and Nitria,” Century Illustrated Magazine (1904): 753. 15 Sidney H. Griffith, “The Handwriting on the Wall: Graffiti in the Church of St. Antony” in Elizabeth S. Bolman (ed.), Monastic Visions: Wall Paintings in the Monastery of St. Antony at the Red Sea (New Haven: Yale, 2002), 192.

figure 15.3 Patriarch Macarius iii and King Fārūq i photo from a private collection

figure 15.4 Platform in front of Archangel Michael’s church, constructed for King Fārūq i to address the people during his royal visit photo by the authors

figure 15.5 The eastern enclosure wall of the Monastery of St. Paul, the ‘fatuli’ rope lift, and modern gate, 1931 photo coutesy of dumbarton oaks, washington, d.c.

The fact that Mīsāk also tells that the Monastery was becoming something of a tourist attraction for both local pilgrims as well as foreigners is significant.16 But in order to appreciate this comment it is important to understand the dif- ficulties one had in reaching the Monastery at that time due to its geographic isolation and remoteness. In fact, it was described by a German traveller, only a couple of decades before Mīsāk’s dream, as follows:

A terrible wilderness of mountainous country constitutes the immediate environment of St. Paul’s. It is a precipitous cliff into the abyss, a gate of hell, more horrible than the phantasy of Dante could express it.17

16 Otto Meinardus notes that between the years 1947–1950, the Monastery’s visitors book recorded the names of 168 British travellers, 27 French and 14 other nationalities. These numbers exclude Egyptian nationals. The large number of British visitors was due to the British military installations in and around the Red Sea area. He also notes that a guest- house was constructed at the Monastery,but unlike at St. Antony’s, St. Paul’s did not permit women to stay overnight because “Bishop Arsāniyūs of the Monastery at St. Paul appears to be quite strict on the matter.” See Meinardus, Monks and Monasteries, 109, 110. 17 Georg August Schweinfurth, Auf unbetretenen Wegen in Aegypten (Hamburg: Hoffman &

The only way to get to the Monastery was to hire a camel caravan from the Nile valley and make the dangerous four to ten-day journey across the barren desert.18 But the introduction of the motor car in the first half of the twentieth century finally made the Monastery more accessible, and so a journey that would take days by camel now took around ten hours from Cairo. Indeed, it seems that the last European travellers who made the trek across the desert by camel was in 1935.19 But transportation via automobile was a luxury and western travellers were encouraged to make the visit for the sake of investi- gating “treasures, in the way of manuscripts and antiquities.”20 But what about the locals for whom transportation via automobile was not affordable and who were not driven by “treasures”? One only needs to go to the Monastery today to see what the locals’ moti- vation is. For Copts, cultivating spiritual relationships with saints is common and familiar. So too is the concept of visiting a saint at their burial site, for it is believed that saints are present at their tombs through the sheer presence of their relics which are considered physical “receptacles of divine energy.”21 Accordingly, a tomb does not simply contain relics of a dead saint, but the continued physical presence of the saint in the temporal world, and indeed many pilgrims claim to have witnessed seeing them at their burial site. But the case of St. Paul and his cenotaph are unique. In the Vita Pauli, Jerome does not mention the precise spot where Antony buried Paul, but according to monastic tradition, he is buried within the ancient cave church which is believed to be the original site where the saint lived and died. The significance of founding fathers such as Antony, Pachomius, and Shenoute choosing to be buried in secret places should not be underestimated, for they left pilgrims with no physical presence to visit and approach and seek their intercession at.22 The

Campe, 1922), n. 185. See also Jerome, who in the late fourth century referred to the region as “the waste and terrible desert” (Vita Hilarion 30). 18 Michael Jullien, Voyage dans le désert de la Basse-Thebaide aux convents de St. Antoine et de St. Paul (Lyons: Les Missions Catholiques, 1884). 19 H.R. Fedden, “A Study of the Monastery of St. Anthony in the Eastern Desert,” University of Egypt, Faculty of Arts Bulletin 5 (1937): 50. The construction of the road between Suez and Ras Gharib in 1946 reduced the travelling time even further to around four hours from Cairo. See William Lyster, “Introduction” in William Lyster (ed.), The Cave Church of Paul the Hermit at the Monastery of St. Paul, Egypt (New Haven: Yale, 2008), 12. 20 M. Fowler, Christian Egypt, Past, Present and Future (London: Church Newspaper Co., Ltd, 1901), 106. 21 As quoted in Daniel Caner, “Sinai Pilgrimage and Ascetic Romance: Pseudo-Nilus’ Nar- rationes in Context,” in Linda Ellis and Frank Kidner (eds.), Travel, Communication and Geography in Late Antiquity, Ashgate, 2004, 141. 22 Some of the early fathers, including Athanasius, vigorously condemned practices that

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV the cenotaph in the cave church of st. paul the hermit 331 fact that Paul was also buried in a “secret” place meant that he too had no place for pilgrims to venerate him, and hence no place for him to perform miracles at. The burial of a founding father in his monastery creates a perception of sacred space, that together with the propagation of the saint’s memory or “cult” by the resident monks, creates a map of sacred geography that brings pilgrimage along with it. Monastic communities living in or near the place where their founder had lived and died, are identified, and unified primarily by their attach- ment to the saint himself. Just as in a family where the head is expected to provide protection and assistance to the family members,23 the founding father, being the head of his community, is expected to provide his monastic members with protection—both of the supernatural type, such as through visions and miracles, as well as the assurance of the ongoing prosperity of the community, in particular, by attracting pilgrims who were an important source of income to the monastery.Therefore, essential to the prosperity of the monastic community who look to their founding father for identity and protection, it is

grew up around the relics of martyrs, especially those which had been removed from graves “for the sake of financial gain.” See Athanasius, Festal Letter, 41, as referenced in David Brakke, Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 246. Accordingly, in his Vita Antonii Athanasius also has Antony condemn such practices. See Vita Antonii 90–92. Pachomius twice asked his disciple Theodore not to leave his body in its burial place after his death but to transfer it elsewhere. Theodore supposed that Pachomius was saying this “out of fear some people would steal his body and build a martyrium for it as they do for the holy martyrs; for many times he had heard him crit- icise those who did such things,” since they were thus commercialising the bodies of the saints. See Pachomian Koinonia 122, 1:177. However, such criticism seems to have had little effect on practice by the Egyptian Christians because less than a century later, Shenoute of Atripe was once again strongly criticising the various misconducts in connection with the veneration of relics. According to Shenoute, Christians were obsessed with the bones of martyrs, and wanted to put them in the churches or build a chapel or shrine to house the bones. In Shenoute’s view, this is the work of demons, since the monastic fathers who were recently deceased ordered people not to search for their burial sites. In addition, Shenoute condemns the misconduct that occurred at pilgrimage sites such as “singing, eating, drink- ing to excess that leads to fornication and even murder … Oh, if the martyr lived now with us, we would know how angry he is at us!” See Shenoute, “Since it Behooves Christians,” in E. Amelineau (ed. & trans.), Oeuvres de Schenoudi (Paris 1907–1914), 1.196–220. Augustine also condemns such practices in his Confessions 6.22, Letters 29.9. Nevertheless, the harsh reproaches by Church and monastic fathers did little to dissuade the fervor of people from going on pilgrimage to sacred places containing the relics of saints, even up to the present day. 23 Patrick J. Geary, “The Saint and the Shrine. The Pilgrims’ Goal in the Middle Ages,” in Lenz Kriss-Rettenbeck and Gerda Möhler (eds.), Wallfarht kennt keine Grenzen.Themen zu einer Ausstellung des Bayerischen Nationalmuseums und des Adalbert Stifter Vereins (München: Schnell & Steiner, 1984), 270.

figure 15.6 The physical presence of a tomb is crucial for pilgrims to visit and touch and come into close contact with. The cenotaph of Paul the Hermit photo by the authors crucial that the saint has an active cult, and the basis of the cult is the physical presence of a tomb that pilgrims can visit and touch and come into close contact with. The first account we have of pilgrims visiting the site associated with Paul the Hermit is in c. 400 by the Latin ascetic Postumianus, who relates how he “visited … that place in which the most blessed Paul, the first of the eremites, had his abode.”24 But it was the pilgrim from Piacenza who in c. 570 reported visiting an actual cave. He writes that he had “travelled through the desert to

24 Sulpicius Severus, Dialogues 1.17.

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV the cenotaph in the cave church of st. paul the hermit 333 the cave of Paul.”25 The cave is today the focus of pilgrimage and for the monastic community is the spiritual heart of the Monastery. What is now believed to be Paul’s original cave most probably served as a chapel in Late Antiquity and was transformed over time into a church through devotional and liturgical use. The cave is the earliest site of devotion in the Monastery and bears material witness to sustained devotion to the saint.26 At this point it is interesting to chart the construction and development of Paul’s cenotaph. The first mention we have of the church being built over the relics of the saint was by the Islamic historian Ahmad al-Maqrizi writing in the first half of the fifteenth century.27 Then, between the sixteenth and early eighteenth centuries, there are a number of western travelers who also report the same,28 giving the impression that there was no specific memorial place for venerating the saint.29 But it was in 1850—about a century and a half after the Monastery had been repopulated, restored and enlarged, following over a hundred years in which the Monastery was devastated—that we come across the first mention of an actual tomb structure within the cave church. The Russian Archimandrite Porphyrius Uspensky documented how he entered the natural cave of St. Paul and against the eastern wall30 of the sanctuary was the tomb structure of the saint, and above it was a full-length representation of St.

25 Piacenza Pilgrim, Itinerary. 26 See Stephen J. Davis, “Jerome’s Life of Paul and the Promotion of Egyptian Monasticism in the West,” in William Lyster (ed.), The Cave Church of Paul the Hermit at the Monastery of St. Paul, Egypt (New Haven: Yale, 2008), 25–42. For an overview on the history of the Monastery of St. Paul, see Mark N. Swanson, “The Monastery of St. Paul in Historical Context,” in Lyster (ed.), The Cave Church of Paul the Hermit, 43–59; Gawdat Gabra, “Per- spectives on the Monastery of St Antony: Medieval and Later Inhabitants and Visitors,” in Elizabeth S. Bolman (ed.), MonasticVisions:Wall Paintings in the Monastery of St. Antony at the RedSea (New Haven:Yale, 2002), 174;and Kamil Salih Nakhla. SilsilatTārīkhal-Bābāwāt Baṭārikat al-Kursī al-Sakandarī, vol. 4 (Wādī al-Naṭrūn, 1954), 146–147. 27 F. Wüstenfeld (trans.), Macrizi’s Geschichte der Copten, mit Übersetzung und Anmerkungen (Göttingen, 1845), 88–89. There is a tradition that claims that the bodily remains of Paul the Hermit were transferred to Constantinople in 1240 and from there to Venice in 1381, and later transferred to Budapest. It was under the patronage of Paul the Hermit that the monastic order of the “Paulines” was founded in Hungary sometime in the fifteenth century. See Johann Georg, Neueste Streifzüge durch die Kirchen und Klöster Ägyptens (Leipzig: Teubner, 1931), 16. 28 See Otto F.A. Meinardus, “Dayr Anba Bula,” Aziz S. Atiya (ed.), The Coptic Encyclopedia (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1991), 741a–744a. 29 For example, R.P.J. Coppin, Relation des voyages faits dans laTurquie, laThebaïde, et la Bar- barie (Lyon: chez le frères Bruyset, 1720), 313. 30 Eastern wall is incorrect. The shrine rests against the south wall of the sanctuary of St. Paul.

figure 15.7 Chapel of Paul the Hermit in his Cave Church photo by the authors

Paul the Hermit.31 And then in 1931, Johann Georg, the duke of Saxony, visited the Monastery and reported that on top of the tomb structure was a “wooden box.”32 This is the same structure about which sixteen years later Mīsāk would be divinely ordered in a dream: “I want you to decorate that resting place, that looks like a cenotaph and is shapeless.”33 Adhering the divine request, Mīsāk decorated the cenotaph with marble and inscribed in Coptic and Arabic:34

31 Meinardus, Monks and Monasteries, 103; and Alastair Hamilton, “Pilgrims, Missionaries and Scholars,” in Lyster (ed.), The Cave Church of Paul the Hermit, 85. 32 Johann Georg, Neueste Streifzüge durch die Kirchen und Klöster Ägyptens (Leipzig: Teub- ner, 1931), 22. .(the dead are dignified in burial) هنفدتيملاةمارك :There is a saying in Arabic 33 34 Otto Meinardus records that the Monastery installed a small electric generator in 1951 and the “modern marble feretory” is illuminated by a florescent light tube hanging above it, but the monks told him they light it only once a year at Christmas. See Meinardus, Monks and Monasteries, 93.

figure 15.8 The original wooden cenotaph of St. Paul the Hermit, 1931 photo courtesy of dumbarton oaks, washington, d.c. The tomb of the righteous Anbā Būlā the first hermit. Born in Alexan- dria35 in 228a.d. and died in the year 343a.d.

And beneath this inscription is engraved:

[This marble cenotaph was] Completed during the leadership of hegumen Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā al-Manshāwī in the year 1662a.m. or 1946a.d.

3 Manuscript and Organizational Schemata of the Text

It could not be accidental that the manuscript Bishop Arsāniyūs (the promoted hegumen Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā) chose to add his quire containing his dream account to was ms History 130 (undated) that contains the Life of St. Paul the Hermit (in Arabic) followed by doxologies for the saint (in Arabic and Coptic

35 Unlike Jerome’s Paul who was born in Thebes (Jerome, Vita Pauli 1) according to the redacted Arabic Life of Paul the Hermit, attributed to Athanasius, Paul was born in Alexan- dria. An edition and translation of the Arabic Life is forthcoming by Lisa Agaiby.

figure 15.9 Marble, engraved cenotaph of Paul the Hermit photo courtesy of st. paul’s monastery

columns).36 It is an established fact that saint’s Lives were “seen as a reliquary of [their] literary body”37 when read out on their feast day as it is believed that the presence of the saint is invoked at the narration of their life-story.38 The excessive amount of candle wax and finger marks found within the manuscript indicates it was used liturgically and there is no doubt that Arsāniyūs was aware that including this account in such a well used book would ensure his story would be read and remembered from one generation to the next.

36 The quire containing Mīsāk’s dream account was placed at the front of the manuscript, prior to the text of the Life of St. Paul the Hermit. 37 Febe Armanios, Coptic Christianity in Ottoman Egypt (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 65. 38 E. Rose, “Celebrating Saint Martin in Early Medieval Gaul” in P.G.J. Post, G.A.M. Rouwhorst, L. van Tongeren and A. Scheer (eds.), Christian Feast and Festival: The Dynamics of Western Liturgy and Culture (Louvain: Peeters, 2001), 267–286.

figure 15.10 Marble cenotaph and chapel of Paul the Hermit in his Cave Church photo by the authors

The text that follows is reproduced as found in the original.39 In a few places a literal translation was not possible, and so the sentence structure was reordered to render a comprehensible translation, and where it has been necessary to add words to complete the sense intended in Arabic, they have been placed between square brackets [ ]. The text is presented according to the following organizational schemata: page numbers with recto (r) or verso (v) located in the margin and page breaks indicated in the text by double vertical lines ‖. The vertical sign | marks the commencement of a new line in the text, and all words in red are italicized in the translation.

39 The exception being that the translation is organized into paragraphs to facilitate reading, whereas the Arabic contains no paragraphs.

4 The Scribe’s Familiarity with Standard Scribal Conventions

The seven flyleaves on which the scribe Fīlūbus al-Anbā Būlā wrote down the account as narrated by the abbot hegumen Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā, clearly indicates his knowledge of standard scribal conventions.40 After the traditional textual formula41 the scribe commences his text with a rhetorical proemium that bears colophonic42 overtones. He displays familiarity with the conventions of panegyric rhetoric by using elaborate and pious expressions to describe his abbot, before introducing a programmatic statement that directs the audience toward what they are about to hear or read, namely, the vision that was seen by the Monastery’s abbot. His knowledge of rhetoric is also seen at the conclusion of the narrated dream account when he states the severe consequences of dishonoring the conditions of preserving the documented account, as well as the rewards for those who adhere.43 The usual convention follows of mentioning the blessing from Deuteronomy 28:2 upon those who respect the conditions stipulated, and concludes with the customary formula: “And thanks be to God.” The narrative that is framed between these two border devices is presented in the first person and once again reflects the scribe’s knowledge of standard scribal conventions, such as:

40 Due to lack of a complete catalogue of the Monastery’s manuscript library, it is not possible at this stage to know if Fīlūbus al-Anbā Būlā had transcribed any other texts, or indeed if he was one of the Monastery’s scribes. One of the aims of the Manuscript Project that is currently directed by Lisa Agaiby is to produce a complete database of scribes and patrons. 41 “In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.” 42 Colophons are generally short passages written by the scribe at the end of a text that provides information on when transcribing the text was completed, the name of the scribe—who quite often describes himself in self-deprecating expressions to indicate his humility and unworthiness—and elaborate descriptions about the patron who sponsored the making of the book.The small details contained in colophons are invaluable for recon- structing social history. On colophons in Arabic manuscripts, see Adam Gacek, Arabic Manuscripts. A Vademecum for Readers (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 71–76; Rosemarie Quiring- Zoche, “The Colophon in Arabic Manuscripts: A Phenomenon without a Name,” Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 4 (2013), 49–81; Elizabeth (Lisa) Agaiby, “‘Whoever writes your life story, I will write his name in the book of life’: the Arabic Life of Antony attributed to Serapion of Thmuis in manuscripts of the Red Sea monasteries” (Ph.D Diss. Macquarie University, 2016), 135–141. 43 The attributes documented in the conclusion to the account resemble aspects typical of waqf (endowment) statements—but in our case without the waqf itself—namely, warnings of removing the book from the monastery and banishment and punishment

figure 15.11 Arsāniyūs ii, bishop of St. Paul’s Monastery, 1948 photo courtesy of st. paul’s monastery – The use of red ink to emphasize significant features or words in order to shape the reader’s perception of the important elements within the text;44 – The use of decorative elements—being a cluster of four red dots with black center giving the overall appearance of a small cross—as a means of indi- cating divisions within the text;

for those who ignore the warnings. On endowment statements, see Adam Gacek, Arabic Manuscripts, 16–18; and Agaiby, “Whoever Writes Your Lifestory,” 144–145. 44 The use of red ink for headings and emphasis in manuscripts goes back at least to Late Antiquity. See Gacek, Arabic Manuscripts, 227.

– Randomly used red punctuation dots that serve a decorative function more than denoting boundaries between meaningful elements such as sentences or clauses;45 – The use of catchwords that were used to ensure the leaves were gathered in the correct order;46 – After Mīsāk’s elevation as bishop of the Monastery he provided an introductory testimony to the account, signed with his own hand. This is significant, for the authority of his office gives authenticity to the story, which was stamped both at the beginning and at the end of the account with the episco- pal seal of Bishop Arsāniyūs ii. A seal is “an emblem of power,”47 and within monasteries only the superiors possess the seal.48

45 The red punctuation dots are prominent in medieval Arabic manuscripts and share sim- ilarities with features in late Coptic manuscripts, perhaps attesting to the continued scribal practice. See N.S.H. Jansma, Ornements Des Manuscrits Coptes Du Monastère Blanc (Groningen: Wolters-Noordhoff, 1973); Leo Depuydt, Catalogue of Coptic Manuscripts in the Pierpont Morgan Library (Leiden: Peeters, 1993), cii; J.B. Segal, The Diacritical Point and the Accents in Syriac (London: Oxford University Press, 1953), 1. 46 Catchwords were introduced in the Orient in the thirteenth century but became the usual practice only later. See Malachi Beit-Arié, Hebrew Codicology: Tentative Typology of Tech- nical Practices Employed in Hebrew Dated Mediaeval Manuscripts (Paris: Centre National de la recherche scientifique, 1976), 54. 47 François Déroche and Ayman Fuad Sayyid, IslamicCodicology:AnIntroductiontotheStudy of Manuscripts in Arabic Script (London: Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2006), 335. 48 Chrysi Kotsifou, “Sealing Practices in the Monasteries of Late Antique and Early Medieval Egypt,” in Ilona Regulski, Kim Duistermaat and Peter Verkinderen (eds.), Seals and Seal- ing Practices in the Near East: Developments in Administration and Magic from Prehistory to the Islamic Period. Proceedings of an International Workshop at the Netherlands-Flemish Institute in Cairo on December 2–3, 2009 (Leuven: Peeters, 2012), 153.

5 Translation of the Hegumen Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā’s Dream-Account ms St. Paul Monastery (History) 130: 6v–9v

The secret vision49 written down that the hegumen Mīsāk, abbot of the Monas- 6r tery of Anbā Būlā,50 had seen.

By the ordinance and grace of God he was granted the rank of bishop on 14 Amshīr 1664 [a.m.,51 that corresponds to] 22 February 1948.

And to our God is glory always and forever.

19 Baramhāt 1664 [a.m.]. 27th March 1948a.d. Arsāniyūs

49 The terms “visions” and “dreams” often overlap because both can be identified as reve- latory and inspired by divine or demonic forces. On the impossibility of distinguishing between dreams and visions in early Christian discourses, see G.G. Stroumsa, “Dreams and Visions in Early Christian Discourse,” in D. Shulman and G.G. Stroumsa (eds.), Dream Cultures: Explorations in the Comparative History of Dreaming (New York: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1999), 189–190. Both Eastern and Western Christian traditions drew on the same body of Hebrew and later scriptures for exempla of dreams and visions. For example, see S. Oberhelman, Dreambooks in Byzantium: Six Oneirocritica in Translation, with Commen- tary and Introduction (Abingdon: Ashgate, 2008), 46–49. See also Islamic commentaries on dream theory that distinguish between an ordinary dream (ḥulm) and a true dream or vision (ruʾya), in J.C. Lamoreaux, The Early Muslim Tradition of Dream Interpretation (Albany, NY: State University of New York, 2002), 84–85. 50 The hegumen Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā al-Manshāwī was the abbot of the Monastery of St. Paul at the Red Sea as well as the trustee of the Monastery’s assets in Cairo. He was appointed in 1933 but for personal reasons, resigned from the role on 15 February 1936. He returned, however, to his role as abbot on 17 September 1938 by the order of Patriarch Yūḥannā xix and by petition of the Monastery’s monks.The monks were disenchanted by their previous two abbots and were looking to Mīsāk to restore the Monastery’s spiritual direction. Mīsāk was ordained bishop of the Monastery of St. Paul by PatriarchYūsāb ii on 22 February 1948. During his leadership he exercised authority in undertaking several restorative projects within the Monastery.See ṢamūʾīlTawāḍrūs al-Suryānī, Al-Adyiraal-Miṣriyya (Cairo: Mod- ern Commercial Press, 1968), 68–49. 51 “am” is the abbreviation for anno martyrum, which refers to the Coptic calendar (dates without “am” are all ce). Dating from the fourth century, Coptic years are counted from the reign of the Emperor Diocletian whose accession in the year 284 marks the beginning of the “Era of Martyrs” or the Coptic calendar, because of the widespread martyrdom of Christians. See Gawdat Gabra, Historical Dictionary of the Coptic Church (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2008), 70–71.

6v In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, one God. Amen. We begin with the help of the Almighty God and His good guidance, to write down the vision [that was seen] by our holy, spiritual father and bodily angel, the pure and chaste [one], our reverend father the hegumen Mīsāk, the abbot of the Monastery of our righteous father Anbā Būlā the first hermit.52 I am the hegumen Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā, the servant of the Monastery of Anbā Būlā. I was with the patriarch Macarius iii in the Monastery of Anbā Būlā. We were there [in the Monastery together] for four and a half months. At the end of this period, on 14 Kiyahk in the year 1661 of the pure martyrs [a.m., which corresponds to] 23 December 1944a.d., His Holiness the patriarch returned to his patriarchal residence53 in Cairo [located] in al-Darb Al-Wāsiʿ Street or [also known as] St. Mark’s Church Street. Before leaving54 the Monastery, I noticed that the Monastery had become a destination for all people, both local and foreigners. It was honoured by the visit of the King of Egypt, His Majesty King Fārūq i, together with ministers, directors and employees of foreign companies and many other people. I had noticed that the resting place of our father Anbā Būlā was built with 7r dust and brick [and took the appearance of] a cenotaph. So, I had planned, by the will of God, to cover it with marble on all sides, but I did not make any changes [at that time]. Upon leaving the Monastery, I assigned the hegumen Ibrāhīm al-Anbā Būlā, who was with me, to inquire about the price of marble and how much the cenotaph would cost [to overlay with marble] based on the measurements. Because it was a time of war, we were quoted a [high] price of 300 pounds, and so I thought to leave the task until after the war. Thirteen months later, on the eve of the 1st of Amshīr in the year 1662 of the martyrs [which corresponds to] 8 February 1946, being one day before the feast

52 “Anbā Būlā” is Arabic for St. Paul. According to Jerome’s (d. 420) Vita Pauli, Paul the Her- mit (c. 227–340) took refuge in the Egyptian desert in 250 during the Decian persecution. Once the danger had passed Paul moved further into the desert eventually reaching the site of the Monastery that now bears his name. Surviving on a natural spring of water and the fruit of a palm tree, Paul lived in isolation for more than ninety years. At the end of his life, Paul was discovered by Antony who was at the time ninety years old and had established a similar hermitage on the other side of the same mountain. Antony buried Paul and took for himself Paul’s contact relic of a woven palm fibre tunic. Although Jerome does not mention the precise spot where Paul was buried, oral tradition places it within the saint’s cave that today constitutes the spiritual core of the Monastery. 53 Literally: throne. 54 Literally: coming down from.

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV the cenotaph in the cave church of st. paul the hermit 343 of Anbā Būlā,55 I the hegumen Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā had a vision in my sleep. I dreamt that I was entering the Monastery from the large gate and I continued walking the pathway between the two churches of Abū Sayfayn56 and [the cave church] of Anbā Būlā. I opened the church door that faces the dome of the 7v martyrs, and descending the stairs, behind the [church] door that lead into the church I found the place crowded with many priests and I could not find a place to go down into the church. So, I began to push my way through the priests to go down. Then one of the priests dressed in his priestly vestments said to me, “I want you to decorate57 that resting place, that looks like a cenotaph and is shapeless.”58 But I dismissed his words as if I did not hear them, because my only concern was to go into the church.

55 The Coptic Orthodox Church celebrates the feast of Paul the Hermit on 2 Amshīr in the Coptic calendar, which corresponds to 9 February in the Gregorian Calendar.The feast day is commemorated on the day of the saint’s death to celebrate their entry into the eternal life. In the Coptic Church, feast days are celebrated in monasteries or churches bearing the name of the saint. Commemoration services begin on the eve of the saint’s repose when their life-stories, expositions, and several homilies are read, and hymns are chanted in honor of the saint. The eve includes scripture readings, moral instruction, a procession of the relics—or if no relics, then an icon of the saint—and then after a nightlong vigil, the attendees participate in the celebration of the Eucharist. At times celebration for saints’ feast days are extended over several days. The celebration of a feast for a saint creates a sacred time in much the same way that tombs containing relics serve to create a sacred space. 56 Arabic for “Father of Two Swords” which is the title referring to the third century martyr St. Mercurius. See Anonymous premetaphrastic Greek passion of the Holy Martyr Mercurius in H. Delehaye, Les légendes grecques des saints militaires (Paris, 1909), 234–242 (bhg 1274). 57 Literally: paint. 58 Cf. Freud’s theory of how dreams contain the “day residue” of thoughts or desires that have intentionally been suppressed during waking hours, with Daniel Wegner’s findings into the effects of thought suppression on dream content that indicate the more one tries to suppress their thoughts, the stronger they return. Terming this phenomenon as “dream rebound,” he concludes that contextual or environmental aspects result in being powerful reminders of the unwanted thought and that factors such as anxiety or fatigue can cause “increased mind wandering.” See Eric Marcus, Psychosis and Near Psychosis: Ego Func- tion, Symbol Structure, Treatment (New York: Routledge, 2017), 17–18, 52–54; R.M. Wen- zlaff and D.M. Wegner, “Thought Suppression,” Annual Review of Psychology 51/1 (2000): 60; F. Taylor and R. Bryant, “The Tendency to Suppress, Inhibiting Thoughts, and Dream Rebound,” Behaviour Research and Therapy 45/1 (2007), 163–168; R. Bryant, M. Wyzen- beek and J. Weinstein, “Dream Rebound of Suppressed Emotional Thoughts: The Influ- ence of Cognitive Load,” Consciousness and Cognition 20/3 (2011): 515–522; D.M. Wegner, R.M. Wenzlaff and M. Kozak, “Dream Rebound: The Return of Suppressed Thoughts in Dreams,” Psychological Science 15 (2004): 232–236; D.M. Wegner, D.J. Schneider, B. Knut- son and S. McMahon, “Polluting the Stream of Consciousness: The Effect of thought

Suddenly, while still in the crowd and the words of that priest still in my ear, I was faced with two people before me dressed in white from head to toe having black beards. One of them pointed a knife against my chest while the other one was pushing me from behind onto the knife. I yelled at him, “You are hurting me! Are you crazy?” There was only about a one-centimeter space between the knife and my chest, and I felt very afraid. All of a sudden the priest [whom I had ignored] spoke to me saying, “That resting place, which is shapeless and looks like a cenotaph, is beside the sanctuary in the church of Abū Nofr59 the 8r hermit.” At once I woke up trembling and troubled and I said, “What have I done to [upset] you, Anbā Būlā? After I left the Monastery and I found that it would cost 300 pounds [to decorate the cenotaph], I considered it too expensive [at this time] and therefore planned to do [this task] after the war. So, I have not ignored you.60 And as for you our father Anṭūniyūs, could you not find anyone other than Mīsāk to bully?” [I said these words] because I imagined them to be Anbā Būlā and Anbā Anṭūniyūs.61 After having said these words, I fell asleep again, when suddenly a voice came to me saying, “Is it too much for you to pay seventy or eighty pounds to decorate the cenotaph?” And so, I immediately woke up again feeling very alert. I did my prayers and then sat on the chair in my cell recalling the vision with

Suppression on the Mind’s Environment,” Cognitive Therapy and Research 15/2 (1991): 150; D.M. Wegner, D.J. Schneider, S.R. Carter and T.L. White, “Paradoxical Effects of Thought Suppression,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 53/1 (1987): 5–13; D.M. Weg- ner, “Why the Mind Wanders” in J. Cohen and J. Schooler (eds.), Scientific Approaches to Consciousness (New Jersey: Erlbaum, 1997), 295–315; D.M. Wegner, “Stress and Mental Control” in S. Fisher and J. Reason (eds.), Handbook of Life Stress, Cognition, and Health (Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, 1988), 685–699; D.M. Wegner, “You Can’t Always Think What You Want,” Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 25 (1992), 193–225; C. Purdon and D.A. Clark, “The Need to Control Thoughts,” in R. Frost and G. Stekette (eds.), Cognitive Approaches to Obsessions and Compulsions (Oxford: Pergamon, 2002), 29–43; and Inbar Graiver, “The Dangers of Purity: Monastic Reactions to Erotic Dreams,” in Bronwen Neil and Eva Anagnostou-Laoutides (eds.), Dreams, Memory and Imagination in Byzantium (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 26–27; S. Rachman, “Part i. Unwanted Intrusive Cognitions,”Advances in Behaviour Research and Therapy 3/3 (1981): 92; C.S. Hall, “What Dreams Tell Us About Man,”Pastoral Psychology 3/10 (1953): 34–35. 59 Arabic for St. Onuphrius, the fourth/fifth century Egyptian anchorite. See Tim Vivian (trans.) Histories of the Monks of Upper Egypt and the Life of Onnophrius (Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Press, 2000). 60 Literally: I did not delay. 61 In Coptic liturgical tradition, as well as iconographically, Antony and Paul the Hermit are frequently mentioned and depicted together.

For use by the Author only | © 2021 Koninklijke Brill NV the cenotaph in the cave church of st. paul the hermit 345 apprehension. I had supposed that it was not possible for the two people who had appeared to me to be the saints because they looked nothing like their images that are in the church or at the cenotaph of Anbā Būlā. And what is more, there is nothing, no church or resting place [in the Monastery] for Abū Nofr the anchorite. So, what could all this possibly mean? Pondering this, I once again fell asleep. [In my dream] I found Anbā Būlā standing before me appearing exactly as he looks in his images, and he stood before me for only a moment with his right hand placed [across] his chest.Then I saw our father Anbā Anṭūniyūs appearing exactly as he looks in images of him, 8v and he also stood there only for a moment, and then I saw the patriarch Anbā Kīrillus v62 also looking exactly as he does in his photographs. Immediately I realized that the visions I was having in my dreams were real and it was indeed the saints who appeared to me both the first time as well as the last time, and so I venerated them.63 So, in the morning, I asked one of the people to get me a builder who quoted one hundred and fifty pounds [to complete the work]. I then sent the hegumen Ibrāhīm to Banī Suwayf64 and he negotiated for the work to be undertaken for fifty pounds, to which I agreed. He then went with the builder to Cairo, and they said to him it will cost seventy-five pounds and two pounds for a slab and so the total cost would be seventy-seven pounds. This price excluded the cement and gypsum. Thus, what the saints had told me [concerning the price] is exactly what had happened. The cenotaph of Anbā Būlā was completed and written on the cenotaph in Coptic and Arabic and the date of Anbā Būlā’s birth and repose. I had arranged with the hegumen Yūḥannā al-Bahjūrī, the abbot of the Monastery of Anbā Anṭūniyūs, that we would visit the two monasteries. So, we 9r loaded into the small bus that belongs to them [that is, the Monastery of Anbā Anṭūniyūs] marble, gypsum, cement and the mosaic tiles for the cave [church],

62 Patriarch from 1 November 1874 to 7 August 1927. 63 On symbols in Coptic dreams, see Anthony G. Shenoda, “Cultivating Mystery: Miracles and a Coptic Moral Imaginary” (Ph.D. Diss., Harvard University, 2010), 208–209. 64 The province of Banī Suwayf is in Middle Egypt, 120km south of Cairo on the west bank of the Nile. The two Red Sea monasteries of St. Antony and St. Paul have both had a dependency in the Banī Suwayf town of Būsh since at least the seventeenth century, as recorded by Wansleben in 1672. See Johann Michael Wansleben, Nouvelle relation en forme de journal, d’un voyage fait en Egypte (London, 1678), 321; and Stefan Timm, Das Christlich- koptische Agypten in Arabischer Zeit: eine Sammlung christlicher Stätten in Ägypten in arabischer Zeit, 6 vols., Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B Geisteswis- senschaften, n. 41/1–6 (Wiesbaden, 1984–1992), 742–749.

as well as the workers, and with them was the hegumen Ibrāhīm al-Anbā Būlā. They went directly to the Monastery of the righteous Anbā Būlā on the morning of Thursday 18 Baramhāt 1662 a.m. [which corresponds to] 28 March 1946a.d., and they arrived at the Monastery of the righteous Anbā Būlā at the end of the day. As for me and the abbot of the Monastery of Anbā Anṭūniyūs, we went directly to the Monastery of Anbā Anṭūniyūs and stayed there for four days from Thursday. On Monday morning we went to the Monastery of the righteous Anbā Būlā and stayed there for four days from Monday. We left from there after the marble was placed on the cenotaph the morning of Thursday 26 Baramhāt, 1662a.m. [in the year of the martyrs which corresponds to] the 4 April 1946. I went into the [cave] church to receive blessings from the resting place of the saint and I could smell the aroma of incense unlike any other in the world, and so I realized that the saint was satisfied with this work, and so I asked him to bless me, help me and intercede for me before Christ—the One whom he pleased with his good deeds—to forgive my sins and take away my transgres- 9v sions. I kissed the cenotaph, then the altar and the sanctuaries in the [cave] church. I then went into the church of Abū Sayfayn to receive its blessings, and then [I went into] the church of the Archangel Michael and John the Baptist to also receive its blessings. We left [the Monastery] on Thursday morning at 6am and arrived in Cairo at 5pm. This story is true, and it did happen to me. I have written it down accurately and I have not added or removed a single detail. And God is witness to all this. I have signed it by my own hand and placed my stamp on it. By the order of the revered spiritual father and bodily angel, the pure and chaste one, our reverend father hegumen Mīsāk, the abbot of the Monastery of the righteous Anbā Būlā: no one is permitted to remove the seven pages on which this vision is recorded, or corrupt the account by any means, or lose the pages, or conceal the pages by [pasting on top] other papers, or remove the pages during restoration,65 but [the account] is to remain forever. Whoever shall disobey will be banished, condemned, and isolated from among the sheep of Christ. Whoever absolves him who is banished will suffer the same consequence and may the patron of this Monastery be his opponent on the day of the Great Judgement. Whoever will steal [these pages] or destroy them in any

65 Literally: binding.

figure 15.12 Arsāniyūs ii, bishop of St. Paul’s Monastery, 1950 photo courtesy of st. paul’s monastery way will be placed on the left side of Christ. The state of the disobedient [one] is spoiled, but grace and blessings are upon the son of obedience. And thanks be to God always and forever. Amen.

Signature: The priest Fīlūbus al-Anbā Būlā,66 7th August 1946. Stamp: Arsāniyūs, Bishop of Anbā Būlā Monastery.

66 Writing his entry on the Monastery of St. Paul in 1961, Otto Meinardus states that Arsāniyūs the bishop of the Monastery resides in the dependency at Būsh and that Fīlūbus al-Anbā Būlā was the hegumen of the Monastery. See Meinardus, Monks and Monasteries, 114.

figure 15.13 Introductory page to Mīsāk’s narrated dream account: “The secret vision written down that the hegumen Mīsāk, abbot of the Monas- tery of Anbā Būlā, had seen. By the ordinance and grace of God he was granted the rank of bishop on 14 Amshīr 1664 [or] 22 February 1948. And to our God is glory always and forever. 19 Baramhāt 1664 year of the martyrs [or] 27 March 1948a.d. [Stamped and signed] Arsāniyūs.” photo courtesy of st. paul’s monastery

6 Conclusion

The dream-vision experienced was believed to be a window into the spiritual realm through which a spiritual commission was given. The narrator attests: “This story is true, and it did happen to me … And God is witness to all this.” Thanks to divine ordinance pilgrims today have a recognizable physical place to approach and touch and address the venerable hermit. Upon entering the cave church pilgrims make the sign of the cross and directly approach the resting place of the saint to touch it, kiss it, and say an secret prayer, beseeching the saint for blessings or assistance in life-matters. The most common question pilgrims ask the tour-guiding monk is: “Father, tell us the latest miracle performed by St. Paul,” and they gather around eagerly listening to stories of apparitions and wonders, which they take back to their friends and relatives who, touched by the stories, also make the pilgrimage out to the Monastery to beseech the saint at his shrine. Dreams shape and are decisively shaped by personal and collective notions of self and society. Seen from this perspective, dreams and visions consti- tute important expressions and an essential component of Coptic culture’s functioning and self-perception, connecting the participants in that culture through time. As social anthropologist Michael Gilsenan has written:

In dreams began responsibilities. Judgements were made. Commands issued. Justifications provided … Dreams were public goods, circulated in conversational exchanges, valorizing the person, authoring and authoriz- ing experience, at once unique and collective visual, verbal epiphanies. Dreams thus constituted a field of force and framed interchange between the living, and the only apparently dead.67

67 Michael Gilsenan, “Signs of Truth: Enchantment, Modernity, and the Dreams of Peasant Women,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society (December 2000): 611.

Appendix: Transcription of the Hegumen Mīsāk al-Anbā Būlā’s Dream-Account

ms St. Paul Monastery (History) 130: 6v–9v

6r الرؤيا المسطرة باطنه الذي رآها | القمص ميساك رئيس دير أنبا بولا | قد أراد الله وأنعم عليه برتبة | الأسقفية

وكان ذلك ١٤ في |أمشير ١٦٦٤ ٢٢ فبراير |١٩٤٨ولربنا له المجد دائما ًأبديا ً|١٩ برمهات ١٦٦٤ |٢٧ مارس ١٩٤٨

ميلاديه | ⲁⲣⲥⲁⲛⲓⲟⲥ

6v بسم الاب والابن والروح القدس الاله | واحد امين. نبتدي بعون الله تعالي وحسن توفيقه | بنسخ رؤيا

قداسة الاب الروحاني والملاك | الجسداني البكر الطاهر قدس ابونا القمص ميساك | رئيس دير البار الانبا بولا

اول السواح |

انا القمص ميساك الأنبا بولي خادم دير | القديس انبا بولا كنت في معية البطريرك | الانبا مكاريوس الثالث

في دير انبا بولا ومكثنا |به اربعه اشهر و نصف كا اخرها اربعة عشر ١٤ كيهك|سنة ١٦٦١ للشهداء الاطهار

وثلاثة وعشرين |ديسمبر سنة ١٩٤٤ | ميلادية نزل غبطة البطريرك لـكرسيه | في البطريركية بمصر بالدرب الواسع

او شارع | الـكنيسة المرقصيه وقبل نزولي من الدير وجدت | ان الدير اصبح مورد لجميع الناس من وطنيين |

واجانب وقد شرفه جلالة الملك فاروق | الاول ملك مصر والوزراء ومديرو الشركات | الاجنبيه وموظفوها

7r وغيرهم كثيرون ووجدت ‖ ووجدت ان مقبرة ابينا القديس انبا بولا مبنيه | بالتراب والطوب كتبه المصطبه

فعرفت بمشيئة | الله ان اكسوها بالرخام من جميع الجوانب كما هي | لم اغير فيها شئ ما ولما نزلت من الدير كلفت |

القمص ابراهيم الانبا بولي الذي كان معي ان يسأل | عن ثمن الرخاموكم يتكلف القبر حسب المقاس | الذي

أحضرناه معنا فلما سأل وجدناه يكلف | ٣٠٠ ج ثلثماية جنيه لانهكان زمن حرب |فقلتفي نفسي بعد الحرب.

وبعد مضي ثلاثه عشر شهرااعني ً|في ليلة اول امشير سنة ١٦٦٢ و ٨ فبراير ١٩٤٦ | عيد قبلالقديس انبا بولا بيوم

واحد رايت | أنا القمص ميساك الانبا بولى رؤيا في نومي اني | طلعت الدير و دخلت الدير من البوابة | الـكبيره

و سرت بين كنيستي ابي سفين | والقديس انبا بولا وفتحت الباب الذي من | جهة قبة الشهداء فوجدت وراء

7v الباب علي | السلم الذي ينزل علي الـكنيسةكثيرا من ‖ الابا الـكهنه الواحد مع الاخر فلم أجد موضع لـكي انزل |

الـكنيسة فزاحمت الاباء لـكي اجد لي موضع للنزول فاتاني أحد الـكهنه | لابس زيه الـكهنوتي وقال لي انا عاوز |

تبيض لي القبر الذي بلا شبه مثل المصطبة وكأني | لم اسمع كلامه ولم اصغ له لانهكان كل همي ان انزل |

الـكنيسة واذا اشعر الا وفي هذا الزحاموكلام الكاهن | وجدت اثنان قبالتي لابسين ابيض من الراس للرجلين |

ولحاهم سوداء فواحد معه سكين مصوبها لصدري | والثاني من وراي بيزنق علىّ كانه بيساعد الذي | امامي

ومعه السكين وهو يقترب وصرخت | فيه تجرحني انت عبيط تجرحني لانه لم يكن بيني وبين | السكين وصدري

سوي قيراط واحد او سنتي من متر | فأنزعجت جدا ًوخفت واذا بالكاهن يقول | لي القبر الذي بلا شبه مثل

المصطبة الذي | بجوار الهيكل في كنيسة ابي نفر السايح وصحوت | منزعجا جدا ًبارتعاد فقلت ما الذي عملت |

معك يا أنبا بولا اليس بعد نزولي من الدير وجدت ‖ وجدت ان الثمن يساوي ثلثماية جنيه فقلت أن | هذا 8r

كثيرا جدا ً فبعد الحرب نعمله هل انا اتاخرت وانت | يا أبونا انطونيوس لم يوجد عندك الا مساك | تزنق

عليه لاني اعتقدت هذان الشخصان هما | انبا بولا وانبا أنطونيوس وبعد كلامي معهما | نمت ثاني وغفوت

واذا صوت يقول لي يعني | ٧٠ سبعين ثمانين جنيه حاجه وفي الحال صحوت من| النوم مستيقظا جدا ًفقمت

وبعد ما عملت ما يجب | على الراهب عمله جلست علي كنبه في الأودة | وراجعت الرؤيا فشككت وقلت ان

الاثنان اللذان | ظهرا لي لم يكونا هما اللذان اراهما في | الصورة ثم الـكنيسة والقبر للقديس انبا بولا | وليس

لابو نفر السايح شئ عندنا لا كنيسه ولا قبر | فمن اين اتي هذا وبعد ذلك وانا جالس | غفوت فوجدت

امامى ابينا القديس انبا | بولا بشخصهكالصوره التي له فمكث لحظة | ويده اليمني علي صدره وبعده رايت

ابينا القديس ‖ انبا انطونيوس بشخصهكالصوره التى له ومكث لحظه | وبعده رايت الانبا كيرلس البطريرك 8v

الخامس | بشخصهكالصوره التي له فتحققت في الحال أن | الرؤيا حقيقيه للقديسين وانهما هما اللذان | ظهرا لي

اولا واخيرا ًفاعطيتهما السلام | وفي الصباح كلفت احد الشعب واحضر لي مقاول وقال | لي انه يساوي ماية

وخمسين جنيها ًوبعدها | ارسلت القمص ابراهيم لبني سويف واتفق مع | واحد على خمسين جنيها فقبلت ذلك

و توجه | مع المقاول لمصر و قالوا انه يساوي | خمسة وسبعين جنيها و لوحه باثنين جنيه يبقي سبعه وسبعين |

جنيها هذا بخلاف الاسمنت والجبس فالكلام الذي تكلموا به | معي القديسين حصل بالحرف | الواحد وقد

انتهي عمل قبر القديس انبا بولا | وكتب علي القبر بالقبطي والعربي تاريخ ميلاد ونياحة | القديس انبا بولا

واتفقنا مع القمص | يوحنا البهجوري رئيس دير القديس انبا انطونيوس ان ‖ ان نزور الديرين فحملنا الحلزونه 9r

التى لهم | بالرخام والجبس و الاسمنت و البلاط المزايكو للمغاره | والعمال ومعهم القمص ابراهيم الأنبا بولي

وتوجهوا | لدير البار انبا بولا راسا ًوكان هذا في فجر ١٨ الخميس |برمهات سنة ١٦٦٢ ٢٨ مارس سنة ١٩٤٦

فوصلوا | لدير البار انبا بولا في اخر النهار واما انا ورئيس | دير القديس انبا انطونيوس توجهنا راسا ً| علي

دير القديس انبا انطونيوس ومكثنا به | اربعة ايام بيوم الخميس وقمنا صباح الاثنين | لدير القديس البار انبا

بولا ومكثنا به اربعه ايام | بيوم الاثنين ونزلنا بعدما ركب رخام |القبر وفي صباح يوم الخميس الموافق ٢٦ |

برمهات سنة ١٦٦٢ ٤ ابريل ١٩٤٦ نزلت الي |الـكنيسةلاتبارك من قبر القديس و اذا لي اشتم رايحة | بخور لم

تكن موجوده في العالم فعلمت ان القديس | راضي عن هذا العمل فطلبت منه ان يباركني | ويساعدني ويشفع

9v في امام المسيح الذي ‖ ارضاه بعمله الصالح ويغفر لي خطاياي ويمحي | اثامي وقبلت القبر والمذبح والهياكل

الموجوده | في الـكنيسة ودخلت كنيسة ابي سفين | وتباركت منهماوكذلك كنيسة رئيس الملايكة | مخائيل

ويوحنا المعمداني وتباركت منها ونزلنا | صباح الخميس المذكور في الساعة | ٦ صباحا ًووصلنا مصر الساعة ٥

مسأ هذه | القصة حقيقية واقعه معىوكتبتها بالحرف | الواحد لم ازد فيها حرفا ًولم انقص منها | حرفا ًوالله شاهد

فيما اقول وقد مضيتها | بخطى ووقعت عليها بختمي | من ينزع هذه الرؤيا المكتوبة على ٧ السبعة | صفحات

بامر قدس الاب الجليل الروحاني والملاك الجسداني | البكر الطاهر قدس ابونا القمص ميساك رئيس | دير

ابينا البار انبا بولا ويمسها بمكروه او يضرها باي نوع | او يفقدها أو يلصق عليها ورقة او يغيرها اثناء | التجليد

بل تبقي علي اصلها الي الابد ومن يخالف فيكون | مقطوع ممنوع مفروز من خراف المسيح ومن يحاله | يكون

محروم مثله وصاحب هذا الدير يكون خصمه | يوم الدينونه العظيمه ويكون علي شمال المسيح كل من | يمزقها

او يضرها باي وجه والمخالف خالف تالف وابن الطاعة تحل عليه النعمه والبركه | والشكر لله دائما ًابديا ًامين |

القس فيلبس الأنبا بولي ٧/٨/١٩٤٦.

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