Armenian Folia Anglistika Is the Reviewed International Academic Journal of the Armenian Association for the Study of English

Armenian Folia Anglistika is the reviewed international academic journal of the Armenian Association for the Study of English. Its aim is to foster research of the English Language, Literature and Culture in Armenia and elsewhere, facilitate intellectual cooperation between high school teachers and scholars.

Armenian Folia Anglistika is intended to be published twice a year. Articles of interest to university-level teachers and scholars in English Studies are warmly wel- comed by the multi-national Editorial Board of the Journal. Articles should be directed to the Editor-in-Chief.

The Editorial Board of Armenian Folia Anglistika announces the opening of a new section in the Journal - Armenological Studies, which invites valuable and innovative contributions from such fields as Linguistics, Literary Criticism, Ethnic Studies, Cultural History, Gender Studies and a wide range of adjacant disciplines.

Editor-in-Chief: Editorial Board: Dr. Seda Gasparyan, prof. Yelena Mkhitaryan, prof. (Armenia) Yerevan State University Dr. Svetlana Ter-Minasova, prof. (Russia) Alex Manoogian 1 Dr. Olga Alexandrova, prof. (Russia) Yerevan 0025 Dr. Vincent Gillespie, prof. (England) Armenia Tel: (3741) 571660 Peter Sutton, editor (England) Fax: +(3741) 571660 Dr. Shoushan Paronyan, associate prof. (Armenia) E-mail: [email protected] Gayane Girunyan, assistant prof. (Armenia)

Guest editors: Gayane Muradyan, associate prof. (Armenia) Lili Karapetyan, assistant prof. (Armenia)

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2 Armenian Association for the Study of English (Member Association of the European Society for the Study of English)

ARMENIAN FOLIA ANGLISTIKA

Reviewed International Journal in cooperation with:

Yerevan State University, Armenia

Yerevan State Linguistic University, Armenia

Moscow State Lomonosov University, Russia

Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland

University of Zaragoza, Spain

University of Montenegro

YEREVAN- 2010

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C O N T E N T S

Linguistics

Building and Breaking Discursive Conventions in Academic Writing ...... 7 Maurizio Gotti

Alternative Questions in English (Functional-Pragmatic Analysis) ...... 30 Yelena Mkhitaryan, Sona Sargissyan

On the Multifunctional Character of Questions (with special reference to verifying and identifying questions) ...... 38 Gohar Harutyunyan, Sirarpi Karapetyan

Existential and Possessive Constructions in English and German ...... 45 Siranush Khandanyan

Comparative Analysis of English Prepositions and Armenian Case Endings ...... 50 Ruzanna Avetisyan

On Some Criteria for Defining Lexical Semantics ...... 55 Yelena Yerznkyan, Lusine Harutyunyan

Idioms in Colours ...... 62 Kristine Harutyunyan

Phraseological Units with the Component “Heart” Expressing Love and Devotion ...... 70 Hasmik Ghazaryan

The Impact of English on Armenian ...... 79 Anahit Galstyan, Julietta Sargsyan

Repetition in Walt Whitman’s ‘‘A Passage to India’’ ...... 83 Armine Matevosyan, Anna Melkonyan

Foreign Words and Phrases in Newspaper Film Reviews ...... 89 Irina Vardanyan

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Stylistic Peculiarities of Contextual Hyperbole in Sherwood Anderson’s “The Book of the Grotesque” and “Godliness” ...... 95 Ani Kojoyan

Emotions in Linguistic Behaviour ...... 102 Anna Rostomyan

Text Interpretation: Intention or Convention? ...... 109 Gayane Gasparyan

Methodology

Benefits of Implementing Group Work into the EFL Classroom ...... 113 Syuzi Hovhannissyan, Lili Karapetyan

Self-assessment in Foreign Language Teaching ...... 118 Arus Markaryan

Views on EFL Testing System ...... 121 Naira Avakyan

The Use of Advertisements and Adbusters in the Course of Business English ...... 125 Karine Mkhitaryan

Translation Studies

Limitations of Machine Translation ...... 130 Gayane Shmavonyan

Literature

Modernism and Classics: T. S. Eliot as a Critic of Goethe ...... 135 Karlen Matinyan

Armenological Studies

The Word Yeghern and the Semantic Field of Its Equivalence in English ...... 138 Seda Gasparyan

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The Turkification of Toponyms in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey ...... 149 Lusine Sahakyan

Grigor Narekatsi in the Scope of Levon Shant’s Scientific Interests ...... 163 Sargis Mkhitarian

Metrical Relations Between Siamanto’s Poetry and Medieval Armenian Verse ...... 169 Karina Asatryan

Visualization of Death in Armenian Culture ...... 176 Hayk Galstyan

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Building and Breaking Discursive Conventions in Academic Writing 1

1. Introduction

cademic discourse cannot be seen as a single, mono- Alithic entity. Recent research (e.g. Crammond 1998; Hyland 2000) clearly indicates that academic writing is not a uniform body of discourse but varies according to disciplinary conventions, cultural expectations and writers’ professional status and experience. Moreover academic communication has proved to be a very interactive and dynamic field. Although different academic discourses have specific generic characteristics (Swales 1990; Bhatia 1993), they also Maurizio Gotti allow writers a certain degree of flexibility. At the same time, academic genres themselves are not stable but highly dynamic and tightly related to their socio-professional contexts (Bhatia 2004; Swales 2004, Bhatia, Gotti 2006). Studies that investigate academic writing have shown that textual differences are clearly part of the strategic and creative choices made by the authors to attain their rhetorical objectives. In order to be accepted by their academic community, scholars need to be aware of the practices commonly used in general expository academic prose. Such constraints interact with the evident pressures of individual identities, thus complicating the overall picture. Indeed, writers sometimes employ differences in the wording of their texts to mark their own identity. Despite the standardising pressure of cultural and language-related factors, academic communication remains in many ways a highly personal affair, with active participation in a disciplinary community requiring a multidimensional discourse that combines the professional, institutional, social and individual identities of its members. The concept of identity itself remains somewhat elusive and contested. As it is mainly established through public discourse, identity has a double orientation, both towards commonality as well as individuality. Indeed, identity itself is a matter of individuality as well as sameness: it defines what makes individuals similar to their peers but also what makes them to a certain extent unique. Academics need to fulfil a double requirement: achieve credibility as disciplinary members and official recognition as individual innovators. Negotiating an autonomous representation of self diverging from the standardiz- ing conventions of disciplinary communication, however, requires consummate skills and extensive experience on the part of the academic. Research on specialised discourse has recently underlined the important roles played by an author’s argumentative production in the creation of his academic identity (Cherry 1988; Hatch et al. 1993; Ivanič 1998). The analysis of the linguistic choices made by authors in their texts is often able to identify the hidden processes of cognition that lie beneath the active construction of argumentative discourse. It makes explicit the hidden self lurking behind the author’s words and show how identity is created in a given con-

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text and how it is conveyed to the other members of the community. This constructionist perspective places an emphasis on discourse as the means through which the self mani- fests itself to the world: it is how we claim or resist membership of our social groups to define who we are in relation to others, not only employing, but sometimes transforming existing discourses (Bakhtin 1986). By presenting themselves in alignment or dissonance with previous writings, writers consciously take up the identity options that are available, creating their own niche in the specialised community to which they belong. This process of identity construction thus implies a confrontation of the author with both existing norms and personal traits. In presenting his argumentative line the academic is faced with a choice: either follow the traditional path of shared conventions or assert his innovative role by emphasising what makes his message appear unique. In order to be valued by colleagues, authors often make use of the means that disciplinary communities make available. The effective shaping of a writer’s identity crucially depends on his adoption of shared and recognizable routine responses to specific professional tasks. This does not mean that these conventions are fixed and monolithic as they change over time in response to changing circumstances, but that discursive innovations emerge slow- ly and disciplinary conventions are a valued symbolic resource in identity construction. Also the concept of discipline is elusive since, like most communities, disciplines experience constant change, also due to pressure by institutional and commercial forces as well as intellectual ones. Recently the concept has been contested by post-modernism, which has pointed out fragmentation and the collapse of disciplinary coherence on several occasions. Indeed, disciplines are of course internally diverse, and transdisciplinary relations are commonly established between particular frameworks, approaches, theories within the disciplines involved. Moreover, new disciplines continue to spring up, usually at the intersections of existing ones, while some traditional ones decline and sometimes disappear. These changes do not occur in a vacuum but derive from community- based orientations which give rise to new ‘voices’ closely associated with those particular fields of study. However, these new academic conventions do not merely form a closed and determining system, but also enable writers to actively and publicly accom- plish an identity through individual discourse choices. Thus, even in the new disciplines there is potential for innovation as well as reproduction in the use of academic discourse. However, the power to exploit language options and bend the rules is predominantly in the hands of established figures in the disciplines rather than of novices. As they can draw on their disciplinary expertise and rely on their seniority and celebrity in the field, these leading figures are freer to assert autonomous positions, express their own distinctive identity and redefine conventional rhetorical boundaries. An analysis of the literature in this area suggests that it is this kind of authors who are not only linguistically or cul- turally prone to write in a given way, but who use their competence and creativity to produce highly complex, personalized discourses. In order to achieve their communicative goals and comply with contextual constraints, these authors normally modulate their stylistic choices, adopting more or less formal registers, a more narrative or argumentative style, a more subjective or objective viewpoint, and more personal or impersonal involvement in a variously direct or indirect argumentative line.

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2. Establishing discursive conventions

The first part of this paper will take into consideration a period in which new discursive conventions were established to respond to the communicative needs of a discourse community. In particular, it will examine the role of a specific author in this standardising action. The period taken into consideration is the 17 th century, the place is England, the discourse community is that of the members of the Royal Society and the author is Robert Boyle. This British scientist has been selected as a paradigmatic figure because of his specific metatextual indications and his many practical exemplifications concerning the new stylistic approach envisaged by the specialised discourse community of that time. Indeed, the influence of Boyle on the formation of these new linguistic conventions has been widely acknowledged by contemporary and subsequent scientists and critics. Boas Hall asserts: “[Boyle] not only described experiments, he taught the world how to write up experiments so that they could readily be repeated” (Hall 1965:43). In particular, attention will be paid to a comprehensive understanding of the interactions between the new conventions and their context, focusing not only on their content and syntactic aspects but also on how new genres were constructed, interpreted and used in the achievement of the specific needs and requirements of the community of practice (Lave, Wenger 1991) that prompted their appearance, and the links established by these new genres between the discursive practices of the members of this community and their research practices. This approach is in line with the recent evolution of genre analysis, as in the latest approaches emphasis on text and context have been almost reversed (cf. Swales 1998; Bhatia 2004), with context attracting more serious attention – though without undermining the importance of linguistic form – in the description of specialised genres.

2.1. The context

Among the many developments that took place in 17 th-century England, a fundamental role was played by the evolution of specialised discourse, which was consequential to the great epistemological and methodological innovations of that period (Vickers 1987; Hunter 1989, Jardine 1999; Shapiro 2000). Indeed, these innovations determined the need for corresponding changes both as regards the methods of communicating information about new scientific discoveries and as regards the most suitable means of expression chosen to describe and discuss the new phenomena then being observed and analysed. This new perspective determined a growth not only in movements whose aim was a reform of the existing verbal code in order to limit its inaccuracy and increase its power of expression, but also in those concerned with the creation of novel expository genres able to guarantee the prompt and widespread diffusion of information relating to the new developments in the various specialised fields. Indeed, this need could no longer be satisfied by the more traditional genres, as the latter mainly followed principles and employed techniques of a prevalently literary type. Moreover, there was a need to social- ize the discoveries made and the new ideas developed, also thanks to a collaborative spir-

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it which inspired 17 th-century specialists, in contrast to the individualism that characterised philosophers in the Renaissance period. The development of the sciences was now seen as a result of public discussion and knowledge sharing, in the conviction that “In Assemblies, the Wits of most men are sharper, their apprehensions readier, their thoughts fuller, than in their closets” (Sprat 1667:98). The innovative characteristics of this new type of discourse derived from the great importance attributed to the experimental process in the research programmes of Early Modern English men of science, who – elaborating on Francis Bacon’s intuitions – shared the principle that the progress of knowledge could not be based on the servile obser- vance of traditional theory, but should rely on the observation of natural phenomena and accurate experimental activity. In particular, this was the attitude taken by the large group of scientists who in the 17 th century promoted the formation of the Royal Society. In their preliminary meeting on 28 th November 1660 the founders of the Royal Society determined that the purpose of their gathering was “a designe of founding a Colledge for the promoting of Physico-Mathematicall Experimentall Learning” (quoted in Boas Hall 1991:9), and chose the phrase Nullius in verba (‘On the words of no one’) as their motto. These new researchers emphasized the need for an experimental approach, so as to collect abundant data from which correct generalizations could be derived. Apart from this emphasis on experimental activity, another important aspect of the new scientific approach consisted in the need for both the procedures and the results of these experiments to be made known to the entire learned world. Indeed, the new scientific community firmly believed that they must differentiate themselves from that of preceding practitioners not only in their new experimental approach, but also by means of the adoption of more appropriate and innovative stylistic choices. Criticism was made both of how language was employed in the various processes of scientific research and, in particular, of the suitability of the tool itself for an accurate, precise expression of the concepts reported. There should be a strict relationship between the observational process and its representation, and a direct link should be established between reality observed and verbal expression. Moreover, the style should be clear and simple in order to make the text more comprehensible. To carry out their communicative task, scientists needed new expository forms. Already Bacon, by means of the aphorism, had tried out a writing device different from the traditional ones to convey personal observations relating to short and specific items. The other main forms available to the scientist were the essay, the dialogue and the treatise. The first, however, had been used also for literary or philosophical purposes, and therefore retained some rhetorical features unsuitable for scientific purposes. The latter two were more suitable for lengthy issues and, when the purpose was mainly argumentative, would be used in such cases as when a new theory was to be set out or old ones debated. There was a need, instead, for a shorter form, which would offer the scientist the opportunity to report briefly experiments carried out, procedures followed, results obtained, and any personal comments. This genre would allow immediacy of communication, and would protect the writer from any accusation of incomplete theoretical exposition, as its purpose would be mainly descriptive rather than argumentative. The means of communication identified as appropri-

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ate for specialised purposes was the experimental essay, meant to enable the researcher to report his experiences with immediacy and precision. Such a genre, however, would differ from the traditional essay, following foreign models such as Montaigne’s, structured on principles inspired either by literary or argumentative criteria. The main function of the experimental essays was informative, as they were principally written to circulate information about research being carried out in Britain and in other parts of the world. Experiments were usually reported very fully, and even the slightest detail was described, as this would enable the reader to carry out an accurate evaluation of the contents of the essay. Indeed, a feature of experimental essays that immediately strikes the reader is the richness of detail to be found in them. Descriptions were vivid, with an abundance of data providing a precise and immediate representation of the experience reported. The abundance of detail and the precision of the narration of the experimental events may be attributed to the writer’s willingness to provide his readers with as many opportunities as possible to understand his report clearly, not only in order to enable them to come to appropriate conclusions, but also to repeat the same experiment in their own lab- oratories, and thus prove his results to be more reliable. Indeed, the minuteness of detail and the accuracy of the narration was meant to make repeatability easier and thus encourage the growth of empirical practice in the community of scientists. This emphasis on the promotional purpose of the experimenter’s writings betrays the strong feeling of belonging to the new scientific community which animated the members of the Royal Society. A further reason that justifies the experimenter’s recourse to this detailed narrative technique was his need to acquire official recognition of his results. The detailed and accurate description of his personal scientific experience was considered one of the req- uisites for transforming a personal account into an official protocol to be submitted to the broad community of men of science. The careful and objective narration of one’s experiments could provide the materials for proper scrutiny and reliable judgement, and thus permit the transformation of personal results into facts widely accepted by the scientific world. Having obtained in this way the consensus of a wider public, experimental data could become ‘matters of fact’ and part of scientists’ shared culture.

2.2. Main discursive features of specialised communication in the 17 th century

17 th-century natural philosophers were not simply interested in widening the community of scientists among the nobler minds of the period, but also clearly perceived that the causes of differentiation of this group from that of practitioners was not merely methodological and conceptual, but also linguistic and stylistic. Therefore, a gentleman was expected to structure his discourse in an appropriate manner, not only to guarantee a more successful perlocutionary result for his own argumentative text, but also because in that way he could facilitate his interlocutors’ interpretative task. As successful argumentative activity implied the need for people to judge the validity of the various issues, it was very important that the language used in discussions should be clear and readily comprehensible.

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2.2.1. Civility

In the expression of criticism the tone was usually humble and polite, in line with the features of a ‘civil’ style. An important reason for the use of this ‘civil’ style is the fact that the members of this community knew each other either directly or indirectly. This higher degree of cooperation and esteem was reflected in the frequent use of positive adjectives referring to personal qualities such as celebrated, expert, great, industrious, ingenious, learned, worthy. The rules of politeness, however, did not prevent people from expressing themselves freely. Indeed, errors or omissions were pointed out clearly, and motivations and explanations for challenged views were requested from the other party. However, even in the most polemic controversies, the tone remained ‘civil’ and criticism was expressed in an objective way, avoiding a direct attack on the opponent. Indeed, the ‘civility’ corresponding to a real gentleman’s discourse implied the adoption of a fair attitude towards his interlocutors, and respect for the people whose opinions he was arguing against. This behaviour was meant to follow the rules typical of polite conversation among gentlemen, according to which participants speak in an appropriate way, paying compliments even to the people they are disagreeing with. This respectful and cooperative attitude is also one of the features which Sprat points out as typical of the behaviour of the members of the Royal Society: “They could not be much exasperated one against another in their disagreements, because they acknowledge, that there may be several methods of nature, in producing the same thing, and all equally good.” (Sprat 1667/1959:92) What distinguished a gentleman’s behaviour, therefore, was his respect for the person whose views he was criticising and his limiting his objections to the points he saw as incorrect without any unfair recourse to excessive aggressiveness. According to this criterion, ad hominem argument was considered unacceptable, as criticism should be directed towards the issue under debate rather than the opponent(s). On this subject Boyle writes: “For I love to speak of persons with civility, though of things with freedom” (Boyle 1772/1965, 1:312). The civility of a scientist’s behaviour could also be seen from the way in which, even when objecting to a certain methodological supposition, he was grateful to the person who expressed it. Indeed, in the course of the discussion the contestants kept repeating that the purpose of their objections was to clarify their own positions and not simply to quarrel. This objective way of analyzing other scientists’ conclusions and attacking wrong or inconsistent ideas allowed the argumentative paper to be accepted more readily and highlighted its persuasive strength, thus increasing its perlocutionary effect, which consisted in convincing the reader of the validity of the writer’s thesis.

2.2.2. Conciseness

The principle of economy of discourse was often pointed out by specialists. Sentences should be as concise as possible with no space given to unnecessary details. In fact, Article IV of Chapter V of the Statutes of the Royal Society (1728) reads:

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In all Reports of Experiments to be brought into the Society, the Matter of Fact shall be barely stated, without any Prefaces, Apologies, or Rhetorical Flourishes, and entered so into the Register-Book, by order of the Society.

However, the criterion of conciseness was subordinate to the higher principle of clarity of exposition, which was considered the most important in terms of perlocutionary value. Indeed, the principle of the avoidance of verbosity so often maintained by the members of the Royal Society was neglected whenever the author ran the risk of being too brief and therefore unclear.

2.2.3. Objectivity

Another stylistic feature of the new discursive practice was objectivity: data were to be reported as they were observed, without the writer being required to accompany them with hypotheses or comments. This allowed the researcher to report all the details of his experimental activity, even those that he might not be able to explain, thus reducing his theoretical responsibilities and the risk of being criticized, as “having for the most part the liberty to leave off when he pleases, is not obliged to take upon him to teach others what himself does not understand” (Boyle 1772/1965, 1:303). Experimental accounts, however, provided the identification of useful superstructures on which other scientists might be able to erect appropriate theories. The same principle enabled writers to report also experiments that had been unsuccessful, as the analysis of these experiences might help the reader not to make the same mistakes as those reported or could enable him to draw interesting conclusions. This stylistic quality also required the researcher to report events faithfully and sincere- ly, and to express his opinions and conclusions with the degree of positiveness corresponding to the certainty of the facts described. This careful attitude prompted the author to use the various modal expressions that English offered to suit the different degrees of certainty of the facts reported and to adopt verbs like to seem and to appear to report with caution the actions as he perceived them, as can be seen in the following quotation:

(1) His body seemed to be perpendicular to the horizon. […] We perceived him to lie stark dead with his belly upwards. [...] The other frog […] seemed to be distressed. […] She appeared to be very much disquieted. (Boyle 1772/1965 3:359)

The same prudence is shown by hedging expressions, usually placed in parentheses:

(2) The frog was perfectly alive, and continued to appear so (if I am not mistaken) near an hour. (Boyle 1772/1965 3:359)

In taking this cautious attitude, the experimenter not only showed his professional correctness in that he reported actions as he perceived them with the appropriate degree

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of certainty, but offered a picture of himself as a reliable and faithful witness to the events that he was reporting. This stylistic innovation underlines parallel changes in coding conventions: while scholastic writings relied on authorities and reflected absolute certainty with prescriptive impersonal constructions and deontic modality, the empiric approach typical of Royal Society texts implied the adoption of a cautious and tentative attitude to new findings, characterised by subjective epistemic judgements, carefully discussing the possible implications of the researcher’s observations. Another important principle followed in the writing of experimental essays was to reproduce in that activity the same distinction correctly adopted by the scientist between the setting out of the facts observed and his considerations on them. Indeed, Boyle suggests leaving ‘a conspicuous interval’ (Boyle 1772/1965, 1:2) on the page between the two textual parts (report of experimental findings and reflections on them) so as to show the methodological procedure adopted while underlining the rhetorical and pragmatic difference between those two parts.

2.2.4. Perspicuity

As regards the way specialised texts should be written, the prevailing opinion was that authors should adopt a ‘philosophical’ rather than a ‘rhetorical’ style – that is, a style which would not coincide with the traditional way of writing, typical of literary and philosophical works. Underlining a need widely felt by the contemporary world of science, Boyle stressed the fact that the expressions used in experimental writings should be ‘rather clear and significant, than curiously adorned’ (Boyle 1772/1965, 1:304). This choice of a more referential language was due to the very function of specialised works, which was to provide information in as clear a way as possible. This was the reason why in several scientific texts of this period we find a strong condemnation of metaphors, which were usually seen as deceitful devices. The scientific community was convinced that the use of unnecessary rhetorical devices in specialised literature could hinder the comprehensibility of the text. Boyle also condemned the habit that certain scientists had of using cryptic language so as not to make their discoveries comprehensible to their readers. He maintained, on the contrary, that all works should be written in clear language so that everybody could decode the contents and thus improve their knowledge of the subject. This universal sharing of single discoveries was considered essential for the formation of a specialist community and for the progress of scientific thought. This is the reason why the use of ambiguous terminology was considered unacceptable, as it was perceived as a serious obstacle to correct argumentation which could render communication among scientists impossible. This terminological issue was central to scientific procedures, as the obscure use of language on the writers’ part would not only prevent their being understood, but also their being fully accepted into the scientific community. Indeed, criticism of ambiguous language was commonly conveyed in very strong terms, and was often expressed in the metaphorical equivalence between obscurity and falseness.

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2.2.5. Simplicity of form

Another feature of the language meant to guarantee maximum comprehension was the adoption of a plain style, making use of simple verb-forms and sentence-constructions. Indeed, the voice commonly used in experimental essays was active, often putting the researcher in a thematic position and usually conferring on it the grammatical function of the subject, so as to parallel his active role in the experimental activity:

(3) We provided a clear round glass […]. We conveyed the glass […]. (Boyle 1772/1965 3:362)

The active presence of the scientist was emphasized not only when he was performing some operation, but also when he was observing phenomena or drawing interesting conclusions from his research activity. Evidentiality (Chafe, Nichols 1986) was usually attained by means of observation and perception, two processes which were deemed basic and preliminary to induction (Taavitsainen 2001). The actions regarding observation and perception were usually expressed by verbs having a first person pronoun subject:

(4) I perceived some little motions, which made me conclude him alive. (Boyle 1772/1965 3:360)

Although the active voice was quantitatively prevalent in the narration, there was also appropriate use of the passive. This form was usually employed for specific cases, such as to underline unexpected results or in reporting how certain procedures (usually involving the utilization of equipment) had been carried out. The shift from the active to the passive voice in these cases underlined the passing from the active role of narration of events to the description of procedures that were becoming standardized in the experimenter’s repertoire or in that of scientists in general. The simplicity of form of experimental accounts was also favoured by their temporal structure typical of a narrative text, which was often marked by a series of dates. Here is an example:

(5) An Experiment To examine, what Figure, and Celerity of Motion beget- teth, or encreaseth Light and Flame. This was communicated by Dr Beale, as follows: May 5. 1665. […] May 6 […] But on the next Munday (May 8). evening […] On Tuesday night (May 9) […] And May 10. […] (Beale 1666: PT I, 13 226-227)

2.2.6. The explicitness of the argumentative structure

The new stylistic approach also implied the adoption of a more accurate expository technique. In Boyle’s opinion, “principles ought to be like diamonds, as well very clear,

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as perfectly solid” (Boyle 1772/1965 1:471). Therefore, it was a natural philosopher’s duty to structure his discourse in an appropriate manner, not only to guarantee a more successful perlocutionary result for his own argumentative text, but also because in that way he could facilitate his interlocutors’ interpretative task. This is the reason why very frequently, in dealing with a theoretical point, the author emphasized the structure of his reasoning by means of appropriate comments such as the following:

(6) To proceed then to my propositions, I shall begin with this, that (Prop. I.) It seems not absurd to conceive, that [...]. But (continues Carneades) presuming, that the first proposition needs not be longer insisted on, I will pass on to the second, and tell you that (Prop. II.) Neither it is impossible that [...]. But to proceed to a new proposition (Prop. III.) I shall not peremptorily deny, that [ ...]. To these three concessions, I have but this fourth to add, that (Prop. IV.) It may likewise be granted, that [ ...]. (Boyle 1772/1965 1:474-7)

After outlining the structure of his argumentation, the author proceeded to develop it, carefully preceding each step of his reasoning with transparent metatextual statements:

(7) That I may not make this paradox a greater than needs must, I will first briefly explain what the proposition means, before I proceed to argue for it. [...] That then, which I mean by the proposition I am explaining is, that [...]. Having thus explained my proposition, I shall endeavour to do two things, to prove it; the first of which is to shew, that [ ...]. And the other is to make it probable, that [...]. To begin then with the first of these, I consider, that […]. (Boyle 1772/1965 1:493)

2.3. The popularity of the new discursive criteria

The wide dissemination of scientific communication that took place in the 17th century thus served a stylistic purpose, as the metatextual considerations expressed in these texts helped the creation of new discursive practices. The publication of experimental essays did not only contribute to the advancement of specialised disciplines as it favoured the establishment of a common empirical and methodological approach, but also promoted the creation of new patterns of scientific communication. These new discursive conventions soon became a standard model for the research community that was greatly expanding and becoming consolidated in England in that period. The rapid diffusion of scientific journals made them established criteria commonly followed by men of science. In the course of time these stylistic norms certainly evolved and became more well- defined. Important changes have also taken place, such as a shift from an ‘author-centred’ to an ‘object-centred’ rhetoric, expressed linguistically in more-or-less ‘involved’

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and ‘verbal’ terms (Atkinson 1999). From the syntactic point of view, the centuries following the 17th have developed and consolidated the features present in early scientific communication, with an increase in the processes of nominalization and premodification of specialised discourse. However, many of its early features have remained and testify to the seminal role played by the reflections and writing practices introduced by Boyle and his contemporaries.

3. Aspects of Individuality in J.M. Keynes’s General Theory

This section will explore authorial identity in the publications of a highly successful scholar (John Maynard Keynes) in order to show how such a leading academic has managed the tension between shared norms and individual preferences, not only to contribute to the authority of the former but especially to assert his own creativity through innovative textual practices. John Maynard Keynes was certainly the single most influential economist of the twentieth century. As the son of a Cambridge economist and logician (John Neville Keynes), he bred in British elite institutions (Eton and then King’s College Cambridge). He also became a member of the ‘Bloomsbury group’, a collection of upper-class Edwardian intel- lectuals such as Virginia Woolf, Clive Bell and Lytton Strachey, who proved to be great innovators in aesthetic, literary and cultural thought. He revolutionised economics with his General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936) 2, which is commonly regarded as the most influential economic treatise of the past century, in that it changed the way the world looked at the economy and the role of government in society. The General Theory was immediately and widely successful and it further confirmed Keynes’s popularity and intellectual prominence. From the very start, the book caught the attention of economists and was generally accepted as a landmark in economic thought. As Keynes had hoped, the revolutionary significance of his work was soon acknowledged and nowadays many commentators see the publication of The General Theory as something of a Kuhnian revolution. Apart from his innovative academic activity, John Maynard Keynes also performed several important public functions. The analysis of Keynes’s text carried out here – which is mainly of a qualitative type – aims to identify what is distinctive about the author’s choice of language as opposed to what is part of the collective norms of the disciplinary community he belonged to. By concentrating on those cases in which the author’s individual textual choices prevail over the accepted conventions of economic academic discourse I aim to show that, in order to reach his perlocutionary goal, the author has often flouted the conventions of commonality practice and preferred instead to opt for the individuality of personal expository strategies.

3.1. Subjectivity in the use of terminology

The General Theory contains various exceptions to the discursive criteria which are commonly followed in specialised communication. One of these exceptions concerns the use of domain-specific terminology. For example, the principle of monoreferentiality is

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frequently violated, as shown by the presence of many cases of ambiguity and polysemy present in the text. This appears to be the result of a deliberate decision, as Keynes clearly asserts that he disagrees with the use of monoreferential language because of its excessive rigidity and inability to describe complex phenomena in an adequate manner. He argues that:

(8) too large a proportion of recent ‘mathematical’ economics are merely concoctions, as imprecise as the initial assumptions they rest on, which allow the author to lose sight of the complexities and interdependencies of the real world in a maze of pretentious and unhelpful symbols. (GT:298)

Translating thoughts into the precise, unequivocal terms of a symbolic-mathematical language is for Keynes an obstacle to their development, as the continuous conceptual changes of economic reasoning require a more flexible expressive system that allows for constant redefinition of the terms’ referents. This inadequacy leads Keynes to view symbolic-mathematical language as a source of confusion and misunderstanding, due not to specialised discourse itself but to the fact that it is used in a non-positivistic discipline such as economics. The need to differentiate between academic disciplines is strongly felt by Keynes, who is convinced that economics should not be classified as a hard science but as a moral science.3 On this conception, economic theory loses its dogmatic character and takes persuasion as its only goal. Another element which has caused ambiguity in Keynes’s text is his rather peculiar use of economic terminology. Insofar as the reader has a reasonable expectation that, once a technical term has been introduced in one sense, it will continue to be used in that way until the author should decide otherwise, Keynes’s attitude here can be regarded as an infringement of those expectations. Indeed, a close reading of The General Theory shows that terms are not always monoreferential but rather may refer to different concepts. One of these, for example, is investment, which in the course of the book is linked to three different meanings. In spite of the different concepts, Keynes does not feel the need to adopt three terms or to qualify the lexeme investment with different adjectives so as to avoid the danger of ambiguity. Keynes is aware of his ambiguous use of terminology, yet he considers this an essential part of his methodological position:4

(9) A definition can often be vague within fairly wide limits and capable of several interpretations differing slightly from one another, and still be perfectly serviceable and free from serious risks [...], provided that [...] it is used consistently within a given context. If an author tries to avoid all vagueness and to be perfectly precise, he will become [...] prolix and pedantic. (CW XXIX:36)

Although he feels that new terms are often a necessity when writing an argumentative text, the defining process is perceived as a constraint to his creativeness and as a con-

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siderable limitation to the decoder’s intuitive possibilities. Keynes thus endows his terms with interpretational subjectivity because the extreme variability of their referents is more appropriate to his dynamic view of the economic system.

3.2. Authorial presence

Depersonalisation is commonly considered a standard feature of specialised discourse, which is characterised by passivisation and the absence of an explicit agent (Gotti 2008). This approach rests on the assumption that principles and properties are suggested to the scientist by direct observation of phenomena. The inductive process is realised linguistically by reduction of the human element and personalisation of the experiment’s physical aspects. This is not a general feature, however, of Keynes’s argumentative strategy, as first-person pronouns (usually singular) commonly identify the locutor in order to stress his authorial autonomy within the discipline. Keynes’s use of first-person pronouns is particularly frequent and is indicative of the author’s great effort to convince readers by emphasising the argumentative structure of his discourse. A clear example of this model is the text below, where the recurrent thematic position of the subject I marks the author’s critical stance towards classical theorists and the effort to prove the innovative nature of his work:

(10) I have called this book the General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. I have placed the emphasis on the prefix general to contrast the character of my arguments and conclusions with those of the classical theory. I have become accustomed, perhaps perpetrating a solecism, to include in ‘the classical school’ the followers of Ricardo, including (for example) J.S. Mill, Marshall, Edgeworth and Prof. Pigou. I shall argue that the postulates of the classical theory are applicable to a special case only and not to the general case, the situation which it assumes being a limiting point of the possible positions of equilibrium. (GT:3)

The frequent use of first-person subjects enables Keynes to affirm his authorial stance (Biber/Finegan 1989, Hyland 2005) very effectively and to allow his personality to come through very strongly in his writing. Moreover, this personal voice proves to be particularly effective not only to convey the author’s confident authoritativeness and well-established renown but also to express his self-assured awareness of the innovativeness of his theoretical proposal.

3.3. Argumentative strategies

The General Theory points to a close link between the author’s language and his heuristic method, which surfaces especially in his drafting plan. Although he is willing to organise the text according to the theoretical foundations of economics, this relation-

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ship between method and composition seems at times to create major difficulties, especially whenever the drafting pattern clashes with the non-sequential nature of his theoretical argumentation. The conflict derives from the fact that Keynes’s analytical model is based on the notion that there is an organic interdependence between economic variables that cannot be adequately accounted for by the atomistic approach typical of classical theory. Keynes explains the systematic nature of his new method at a point in The General Theory where the new methodology is introduced:

(11) The object of our analysis is, not to provide a machine, or method of blind manipulation, which will furnish an infallible answer, but to provide ourselves with an organised and orderly method of thinking out particular problems; and, after we have reached a provisional conclusion, by isolating the complicating factors one by one, we then have to go back on ourselves and allow, as well as we can, for the probable interactions of the factors amongst themselves. (GT:297)

Keynes’s heuristic method thus proposes to overcome the restricted confines of classical economics by dealing with two opposing needs. On the one hand, the need to examine economic variables as isolated elements; on the other, the need to draw on independent studies to show the close interrelations among the various variables examined. This alternation between linear atomistic analyses and complex systemic integration is reflected in the expository form of the book. At that level, there are recurrent cross-references to other parts of the book. For Chick this technique resembles the expository language of cinema, as “Keynes’s method is more like a film, a moving picture, made from snapshots (as films are), each snapshot systematically related to what has gone before. It is a story full of flashbacks – and flashes forward” (1983:14). By continually referring the reader to other parts of The General Theory, Keynes bal- ances the complexity and systemic interdependence of the various parts of his analysis with the linear progression of his monograph. This is illustrated by several examples of how Keynes moves away from the text in order to help the reader to grasp the overall scheme of the book. In so doing he signals which aspects of a given economic problem deserve attention in later chapters:

(12) The theory of wages in relation to employment, to which we are here leading up, cannot be fully elucidated, however, until chapter 19 and its Appendix have been reached. (GT:18)

(13) It may be mentioned, in passing, that the effect of fiscal policy on the growth of wealth has been the subject of an important misunderstanding which, however, we cannot discuss adequately without the assistance of the theory of the rate of interest to be given in Book IV. (GT:95)

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The frequent presentation of new material combined with reference to previously discussed matters gives Keynes’s work its unique character, which is very different from that of the traditional academic essay. Chick finds that The General Theory’s expository approach is in many ways similar in structure to a play:

To make clear the structure of the General Theory, it might be helpful to compare the book to a play. When characters go off-stage in the theatre, you do not presume them to be dead – they are likely to pop back at any time. The General Theory is rather like that. Early on (G.T. Chapter 3) you are given a sketch of the plot, but it is only much later (G.T. Chapters 19-21) that the full story is revealed. (Chick 1983:28)

Another central feature is the utility of insights, which allow both reader and writer to perceive aspects which might escape notice using only deductive observational methods. Such insights are important for understanding the text as well as its composition process, as they point to the line of reasoning and also clarify its details and applications. The act of writing is itself part of Keynes’s heuristic effort, which allows him to keep ahead by means of chains of intuitions and deductions when uncovering the facts of economic life. This explains his frequent recourse in argumentation to hypothetical clauses preceded by a premise and followed by a conclusion, with an argumentative pattern of the kind: Let (Z) be... Now if..., thus... An alternative variant starts with the observation of some ‘facts of experience’ or features of ‘human nature’, from which the author draws his conclusions with expressions such as If this is true, it follows that...

3.4. Emotional involvement

A predictable feature of specialised discourse is the high referential value of its texts, combined with limited emotional involvement on the part of readers. In Walton’s words:

Traditionally, appeals to emotion in argument have been distrusted and even labeled categorically as logical fallacies. There is a common tendency to contrast ‘impartial reason’ with ‘the passions’ and to distrust the latter in reasoned argument. And this tendency is often affirmed in logic texts where appeals to emotion have been treated as inherently illogical and subject to strong censure. (Walton 1989:82-83)

For Keynes, however, this assumption does not seem to hold. He seeks to convince the audience not only through sound demonstration and factual evidence but also using plausible, persuasive argumentation that is not necessarily irrefutable. For this purpose, figurative and emotive language, which is normally considered alien to the epistemology of specialised discourse, is often employed. Indeed, when reading The General Theory one immediately perceives that the conflictual element implicit in all argumentative texts5 is here taken to extremes. This impression is confirmed by a reading of Keynes’s

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correspondence with colleagues and friends, which reveals his determination to highlight conflictual aspects in The General Theory. In reply to Ralph F. Harrod, he announces that “I want, so to speak, to raise a dust; because it is only out of the controversy that will arise that what I am saying will get understood”. (CW XIII:548) Keynes’s decision to ‘turn up the volume’ (Martin 2000) and adopt a highly conflictual stance is coherently maintained in his writing, as reflected by the harsh, polemic tone which characterizes his use of words and figures of speech, especially in the Preface and in Chapter 12. The choice of lexis demonstrates the author’s ability to criticize contemporary economic theory and express new ideas in an extremely figurative, connotative language. Keynes’s use of words suggests to readers that his work is conceived as a reaction against current theory, “a long struggle of escape from habitual modes of thought and expression” (GT:xxiii). He has reached a state of freedom from the preconceived doctrines of the past and feels “to be breaking away from this orthodoxy, to be in strong reaction against it, to be escaping from something, to be gaining emancipation.” (GT:xxiii). He wants to make a clean break with the past, as the theory prevalent among academics has proved to be “misleading and disastrous” (GT:3). Chapter 12 is especially representative of Keynes’s emotional tone. Its aim is to convince readers of the unreliability of economic decisions concerning investments, due to the level of irrationality in investors’ behaviour. To underline the irrational element, Keynes argues “on a different level of abstraction from most of the book” (GT:149), rather than adopting a logical line of reasoning. In particular, he decides to adopt lexical items with a strong emotional load, generally indicating excessive presence or absence of certain traits. The most frequent fields where such excess occurs are reasonableness (foolish, unreasoning, vagaries, irrational), quantity (disproportionately, outstanding, extreme, negligible, scanty, slight, non-significant), size (extensive, enormous, vast), norm (abnormal, anti-social), gravity (disastrous, collapse, serious) and force (violently, prevailing, predominates, predominance). The markedness of Keynes’s text is also denoted by the incongruous semantic fields from which many lexical items are taken. Some of those found in Chapter 12 are religion (temptation, orthodox, fetish, doctrine, faith, sins), physical elements (sanguine, instinct, animal spirits) and war (gun, battle, assailed). Even when lexical items do not denote excess or unnaturalness, they are often made more marked by the use of intensifying or attitudinal premodifiers which emphasize certain semantic traits or comment on them. The main of such premodifying expressions in The General Theory are decisively, very, highly, most, seriously, much more, intolerably, over-, entirely and scarcely. On other occasions the author underlines the degree of validity of his assertions by means of attitudinal adverbials such as obviously, surely, indeed, of course, frankly and in truth. Apart from the linguistic items described above, Keynes makes use of various rhetorical devices to emphasize emotiveness. One of such means is reinforcement, whereby the semantic load of a lexical item is strengthened by a synonym or a related term. Examples include: vague and scanty, very slight and often negligible, ephemeral and non-significant, intolerably boring and over-exacting, inaccessible and very expensive, permanent and indissoluble, supplemented and supported. Sometimes the sequence is extended,

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with the addition of a third element whose function is to increase the effect of the whole string: eccentric, unconventional and rash; disastrous, cumulative and far-reaching repercussions. A further rhetorical device used by Keynes to make his argumentative text more emotional is metaphor.6 What creates the emotional effect is once again the use of lexical items drawn from fields not directly connected to economics; moreover, these all bear strong connotations and are therefore likely to arouse an emotional response in the reader. The commonest are religion (the fetish of liquidity, the sins of the London Stock Exchange), war (dark forces of time and ignorance which envelop our future, this battle of wits, to defeat the forces of time), corporal states (to feed the maws of the professional, gambling instinct), natural states (a steady stream of enterprise, a whirlpool of speculation) and playing games (businessmen play a mixed game, the game of professional investment, gambling instinct). The last of these is the one most frequently employed by Keynes, as it enables him to convey his argument in a most convincing way: by wording his persuasive strategy in emotional rather than rational terms, Keynes selects the analo- gy INVESTMENT = GAME as the most memorable way to represent the irrationality and unpredictability of long-term investment. His thesis is based on the assumption that investment decisions do not rely merely on objective factors, but are conditioned by subjective elements which cannot always be predicted with absolute certainty and therefore make the whole investment system very unreliable. This line of interpretation is strengthened by the many metaphors related to the semantic field of gambling that occur throughout the text:

(14) the affair was partly a lottery (GT:150) a mixed game of skill and chance (GT:150) a game of Snap (GT:155) a pastime (GT:156) these games can be played with zest and enjoyment (GT:156) professional investment may be likened to those newspaper competi- tions (GT:156) large profits to be gained from the other players (GT:156) unperturbed by the prevailing pastime (GT:156) predominate in their influence over the game-players (GT:156) the game of professional investment (GT:157) the gambling instinct (GT:157) the higher return from the pastime (GT:157) a by-product of the activities of a casino. (GT:159)

The number of metaphors that recall gambling is so high that their use is clearly the result of the author’s choice to evoke in the reader’s mind an immediate association between the notion of investment and aspects connected to gambling, such as unpredictability, risk, etc.

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3.5. Reader involvement

It is generally considered inappropriate to seek out aesthetic value in specialised texts because this is not a priority for academic authors. Keynes, however, seems to contradict this general criterion, partly because of influences from the Bloomsbury group to which he belonged, together with such literary figures as Leonard and Virginia Woolf, Lytton Strachey, E.M. Forster, Clive and Vanessa Bell. In The General Theory he shows a keen awareness of the great expressive potential of language and successfully exploits it in his economic argumentation, especially to engage readers in a cooperative effort when interpreting his text. Keynes’s own words seems to confirm this hypothesis:

It is, I think, of the essential nature of economic exposition that it gives, not a complete statement, which even if it were possible, would be prolix and complicated to the point of obscurity but a sample statement, so to speak, out of all the things which would be said, intended to suggest to the reader the whole bundle of associated ideas, so that, if he catches the bundle, he will not in the least be confused or impeded by the technical incomplete- ness of the mere words which the author has written down, taken by themselves. [...] An economic writer requires from his reader much goodwill and intelligence and a large measure of co-operation. (CW XIII:470)

In this passage, Keynes interestingly describes the argumentation of economists as a succession of sample statements which work by suggesting to the reader a whole bundle of associated ideas. In this way the text provides readers with cues for personal associations, rather than unambiguous conclusions determined by an orderly set of premises and reasonings. Thus, we can clearly see that even the ambiguity of certain passages of The General Theory is not accidental but due to a deliberate choice on the author’s part. Keynes meant this to be an ‘open work’ (Eco 1989), allowing readers to play an active role in interpreting his new theory bringing the author’s creation to fruition. Its final form was meant to be flexible, capable of being read in a variety of ways and open to the critical, interpretative agency of the reader. A year after publication, Keynes offered the following comment:

I am more attached to the comparatively simple fundamental ideas which underlie my theory than to the particular forms in which I have embodied them, and I have no desire that the latter should be crystallised at the present stage of the debate. If the simple basic ideas can become familiar and acceptable, time and experience and the collaboration of a number of minds will discover the best way of expressing them. (CW XIV:111)

As Keynes himself admits, the reader is asked to offer not just the usual sort of cooperation, but a much higher level of intuitive involvement and goodwill. The General Theory is therefore one of the few non-literary texts whose author, willingly and know-

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ingly, assigns to readers not merely the role of decoders and recipients of his views but a far more demanding role as his collaborators in working out of the final form and the exact meaning of a new economic theory.

4. Conclusion

The two case studies analysed in this paper have enabled us to explore the complex and dynamic relationships existing between shared disciplinary norms and individual traits in academic writing so as to promote a comprehensive understanding of the interactions between discursive practices and their contextual constraints and localisations. By investigating authorial identity as an aspect of discourse performance in the published work of two leading figures it has been possible to show how academics holding a high status in their disciplines manage the tension between commonality and individuality, contributing either to the establishment of shared communicative norms or the assertion of innovative discursive practices. The analysis presented here suggests that these two experienced writers exploit the rhetorical elements available in their language in very different ways and make contrast- ing choices to argue their ideas and engage with their readers. Robert Boyle interprets the needs of his community of practice and by means of specific metatextual indications and practical exemplifications contributes to the outlining of the new stylistic approach envisaged by the specialised discourse writers of his time. Through his reflections and writing practices he thus played a seminal role in the formation of the discursive conventions not only of the community he belonged to but also of future generations of scholars as his views and practices were widely adopted in the world of specialised research and argumentation. John Maynard Keynes, instead, willingly challenged the existing discursive conventions to construct a more assertive identity. Indeed he did not always shape his arguments in a way that would meet the standard expectations of his readership or of the economic community in general, as he violated the more predictable features of economics argumentative discourse. Also the importance that he attributes to the use of a metaphorical language in economic argumentation derives from his epistemological beliefs that the success of a theory relies on its being accepted by its addressees rather than on objective evidence or explicit proof. This emphasis on the perlocutionary aim of his writing also explains the author’s marked preference for the explicit use of the first person, which betrays Keynes’s willingness to enhance the persuasive force of his argumentation by endowing his rhetoric with the subjectivity of his personal convictions. This choice proved to be wise, as the great success of this work was due not only to the author’s insightful understanding of the real causes of economic phenomena and his original proposal of appropriate measures to be taken, but also to the great effectiveness of his persuasive argumentation. The very personal and creative use of argumentative discourse made by Keynes has shown that, while often seen as normative and constraining, the rhetorical conventions of academic communities are also the raw materials from which scholars – selecting and

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using the rhetorical repertoire available – fashion their professional selves and affirm their individual identities. The personal solutions observed in his text have provided valuable evidence of individual proclivities in the choice of linguistic items and the use of particular argumentative strategies. A recognition of the conscious decisions taken by this academic writer thus confirms that textual differences cannot merely be interpreted in terms of standard vs. non-standard options, but are clearly a result of the deliberate strategic (and often creative) avenues explored by authors in view of their rhetorical objectives, and reflect the considerable challenges and opportunities that confront scholars seeking to balance the delicate relationship between commonality and individuality in academic communication.

Notes:

1. This paper was first presented as a plenary lecture at the 10th Conference of the European Society for the Study of English, held in Torino (Italy) on 24-28 August 2010. The research on which this chapter is based is part of the National Research Programme Tension and Change in Domain-specific Genres directed by prof. Maurizio Gotti of the University of Bergamo (Italy), funded by the Italian Ministry of University (COFIN Grant No. 2007JCY9Y9). 2. The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (London: Macmillan, 1936, henceforth GT) is cited here from The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keyes (Vol. VII, London: Macmillan, 1973), whose various volumes are referred to by the initials CW. 3. The ‘objectivity’ of scientific research is a concept that has been questioned by several scholars in recent years (cf. Bazerman 1984; Myers 1990; Hunston / Thompson 2000). 4. For an examination of Keynes’s economic method see Carabelli (1988). For an analysis of his writing method see Marzola/Silva (1994), and in particular the chapter by Gotti. 5. The presence of conflictual aspects in argumentative discourse has been pointed out in several studies: among others, Salager-Meyer (2000), Salager-Meyer/Zambrano (2001), Gotti et al. (2002). 6. For MacCormac: “metaphor results from a cognitive process that juxtaposes two or more not normally associated referents, producing semantic conceptual anomaly, the symptom of which is usually emotional tension” (1985:5). The importance of the use of a metaphorical language in economic argumentation has recently been pointed out even by economists themselves; see, for example, McCloskey: “When an economist says, as she frequently does, ‘the demand curve slopes down’, she is using the English language; and if she is using it to persuade, as she very frequently is, she is a rhetor […], whether she knows or likes it or not.” (McCloskey 1998:23). On the use of metaphor in economic academic writing , see, among others, Richardt (2005:147-158).

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23. Hyland, K. (2005) Metadiscourse. London: Continuum. 24. Ivanič, R. (1998) Writing and Identity: The Discoursal Construction of Identity in Academic Writing. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 25. Jardine, L. (1999) Ingenious Pursuits: Building the Scientific Revolution. London: Little / Brown. 26. Keynes, J.M. (1973) The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keyes. London: Macmillan. 27. Lave, J. / Wenger, E. (1991) Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 28. MacCormac, E.R. (1985) A Cognitive Theory of Metaphor. Cambridge, MA: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press. 29. Martin, J.R. (2000) Beyond Exchange: APPRAISAL Systems in English. // In Hunston/Thompson (eds), 142-175. 30. Marzola, A.; Silva, F. (eds) (1994) John Maynard Keynes: Language and Method. Aldershot: Edward Elgar. 31. McCloskey, D. (11985, 21998) The Rhetoric of Economics. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 32. Myers, G. (1990) Writing Biology: Texts in the Social Construction of Scientific Knowledge. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 33. Richardt, S. (2005) Metaphor in Languages for Special Purposes. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. 34. Salager-Meyer, F. (2000) Rhetorical Evolution of Oppositional Discourse in French Academic Writing. // Hermés / vol.25, 23-48. 35. Salager-Meyer, F. / Zambrano, N. (2001) The Discourse of Competing Knowledge Claims in Academic Prose. // Language for Special Purposes: Perspectives for the New Millennium. / Ed. by Felix Mayer (ed.), Tübingen: Narr, 474-479. 36. Shapiro, B. (2000) A Culture of Fact: England, 1550-1720. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 37. Sprat, T. (1667) A History of the Royal Society of London for the Improving of Natural Science. London: Martyn; rpt. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1959. 38. Swales, J. (1990) Genre Analysis. English in Academic and Research Settings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 39. Swales, J. (1998). Other Floors, Other Voices. A Textography of a Small University Building. Mahwah, NJ: Earlbaum. 40. Swales, J. (2004) Research Genres: Explorations and Applications. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 41. Taavitsainen, I. (2001) Evidentiality and Scientific Thought-Styles: English Medical Writing in Late Middle English and Early Modern English. // Modality in Specialized Texts. / Ed. by Maurizio Gotti / Marina Dossena, Bern: Peter Lang, 21- 52. 42. Vickers, B. (ed.) (1987) English Science: Bacon to Newton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 43. Walton, D.N. (1989) Informal Logic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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ÊáëáõÛÃ³ÛÇÝ ëÏ½μáõÝùÝ»ñÇ å³Ñå³ÝáõÙÝ áõ Ë³ËïáõÙÁ ·Çï³Ï³Ý ·ñ³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»ç

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹í³ÍáõÙ ùÝÝáõÃÛ³Ý »Ý ³éÝíáõÙ ·Çï³Ï³Ý ËáëáõÛÃÇÝ ¨ Ñ»ÕÇÝ³Ï³ÛÇÝ ³ÝÑ³ï³Ï³Ý á×ÇÝ μÝáñáß ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÙÇç¨ ·áÛáõÃÛáõÝ áõÝ»óáÕ μ³ñ¹ áõ Ñ³ñ³ß³ñÅ Ñ³ñ³μ» ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ: ì»ñÉáõÍáõÃÛáõÝÁ Ï³ï³ñí³Í ¿ ï³ñ³Å³Ù³Ý³ÏÛ³ ï»ë³ÝÏÛáõÝÇó, ù³ÝÇ áñ ³ÛÝ Ñ³Ù»Ù³ïáõÙ ¿ ³Ý·É»ñ»Ý ·Çï³Ï³Ý ¨ Ù³ëÝ³íáñ³å»ë ïÝï»ë³·Çï³Ï³Ý ËáëáõÛÃÇ ½³ñ·³óÙ³Ý ï³ñμ»ñ ÷áõÉ»ñáõÙ ëï»ÕÍ³·áñÍáÕ Ñ»ÕÇÝ³ÏÝ»ñÇ ÷³ë- ï³ñÏÙ³Ý á×» ñÁ: Ð»ï³½áï»Éáí Ñ»ÕÇÝ³Ï³ÛÇÝ ÇÝùÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ »ñÏáõ Ñ³ÛïÝÇ ·ÇïÝ³Ï³ÝÝ»ñÇ` èáμ»ñï ´áÛÉÇ ¨ æáÝ Ø. Ø»ÛÝÇëÇ ·áñÍ»ñáõÙ áñå»ë ËáëáõÛÃ³ÛÇÝ ÇÝùÝáõÃÛ³Ý ï³ññ` Ñá¹í³ÍáõÙ óáõÛó ¿ ïñíáõÙ, Ã» ÇÝãå»ë »Ý ³é³ç³ï³ñ ·ÇïÝ³Ï³ÝÝ»ñÁ, Ñ³ÕÃ³Ñ³ñ»Éáí ÁÝ¹áõÝí³Í ÝáñÙ»ñÇ ¨ Ñ»ÕÇÝ³Ï³ÛÇÝ Ý³Ë³ëÇñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÙÇç¨ »Õ³Í å³ïÝ»ßÁ, Ýå³ëïáõÙ ·Çï³Ï³Ý ËáëáõÛÃÇ Ýáñ ëÏ½μáõÝùÝ»ñÇ Ó¨³íáñÙ³ÝÁ:

29 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Alternative Questions in English (Functional-Pragmatic Analysis)

hoice as a philosophical category means freedom Cto act in accordance with one’s own interests and purposes. People do not choose objective conditions for their activity, but they are free in choosing aims for their activity and finding means to realize them. Therefore the freedom of choice is not abstract, it is relative to some extent and is implemented by choosing a certain course of action. To make a choice thus means to select one possibility from two or more alternatives, a choice which best suits one’s aims and expectations. Linguistically such Yelena Mkhitaryan alternation is expressed by means of alternative questions. It is these questions that will be discussed below in the light of speech act theory, i.e. alternative questions will be studied considering certain pragmatic and functional aspects. Questioning is a three-step speech act: locutive, illocutive and perlocutive (Austin 1962). The locutive meaning of questioning is to formulate the question with the intonation and syntactic structure typical of an English interrogative sentence. Its illocutionary force aims at asking for new information. The aim of a real question is to get the hearer react to it, and this is the perlocutive effect of questioning. Questions have both direct and indirect pragmatic functions. Sona Sargissyan When the function of an interrogative sentence such as Have you been to Egypt? is to question, it is described as a direct speech act. But interrogative structures are often used to express other functions than to question, i.e. requests, commands or statements. In this case they function as indirect speech acts. For example, the interrogative form Can you translate this word into French? is normally understood as a request, though its literal/direct meaning is Are you able to translate this word into French? In this case nothing more than the addressee’s knowledge of French and his ability of translating is being questioned. Alternative questions imply a choice out of two or more possibilities represented by general questions. They are of two types: 1) alternation refers to a part of the sentence, 2) alternation is represented by separate clauses. The first part of the alternative question is usually pronounced with a rising intonation, the second - with falling one. If the second part is uttered with a rising intonation, then the alternative question should be perceived as a general question (Quirk and Greenbaum 1978:198- 199).

30 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

For example: General question: Shall we go by bus or train? No, let’s take the car. Alternative question: Shall we go by bus or train? By bus.

Alternative questions are not usually followed by Yes and No responses as the speaker expects the addressee to choose one out of the two proposed possibilities, and this one becomes the content of the response. Practically any general question can be transformed into an alternative question by adding the negative particle not.

Are you coming? Are you coming or are you not coming?

As a rule, the second part of the alternative question undergoes different degrees of ellipsis. The above sentence can be ellipted in the following way:

Are you coming or are you not? Are you coming or not?

Both parts of the alternative question may undergo maximum ellipsis, in which case the structure preserves only those parts which make up the objects of alternation, in other words, only the rhematic part of the utterance. This kind of ellipsis can be accounted for by the speech situation - suggestion or advice-making.

Coffee or whiskey? Coffee, please. (Sheldon 150)

When an alternative question is represented by separate clauses (with different subjects and predicates), ellipsis normally does not occur.

Will you go up or shall we have tea? I’m not particular. (Houghton 32)

The first part of the alternative question may be expressed by a special or a wh-question.

a) Who do you work for, me or Kagle? (Heller 391) b) It’s not how you play the game, it’s whether you win or not? (Sheldon 153) c) What do you say? Go or stay?(Shaw 249)

As evident from example (c), the second part may be separated from the main part of the sentence. This is especially usual with alternative questions made up of separate clauses as can be seen below.

31 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

But really , I think I am quite fit to be in the streets - now that I’ve put my dress to rights. Or do you think I am not? (Ibsen, 130) And there was nothing he could do about it. Or was there? (Segal 235)

In the above two examples the first part of the alternative question is represented by a declarative sentence. There are cases when both parts of the alternative questions are expressed by a declarative question, i.e. declarative sentences are uttered as a question.

So I can call you at the office to talk about my career plan? Or we could have a drink? Absolutely. Er … good idea. (Kinsella 388)

When the alternative clause is part of a complex sentence (as an object subordinate clause), it cannot represent alternation as the general meaning of the whole sentence. In this case alternation finds its reflection in the response.

Why can’t I remember if I enjoyed it or not? Because, baby, you were higher than a rocket ship. (Segal 219)

The response itself shows that the main meaning of the whole question is not alternation; the question is directed at finding out the reason for the action not being performed. Hence we have the question Why… and the answer Because…. Of special interest are alternative questions in which the second constituent is expressed by something, anything, what ant the like. This kind of questions are used when the speaker is uncertain about the second alternative, or cannot exactly define it.

Gee, you sure seem hungry? Got a family to support or something? No, I’m a freshman at Harvard and need the dough for tuition. (Segal 22) No morning sickness or anything like that? No. (Maurier 185) Isn’t she trying to stir up trouble, or what? Young lady’s asking if you want a pound on demand. (O’Casey 362) Are you deaf or what? I’m a Protestant and a worshipper in this church. (O’Casey 347)

The pragmatic value of these structures as put by E. Hatch is “to weaken the criticism given in the message” (Hatch 1992:311). We think that the structures containing or what seem to sound somewhat less polite than those with something and anything. As for responses, they all refer to the first part of the question, which is quite logical. Alternative questions often imply opposing statements. Here are some examples to illustrate this.

32 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

a) Is it love you feel or is it pity merely? It is love, Robert. Love and only love. (Wilde 275) b) Would you rather be poor and go to heaven or rich and - go to hell? “Go to hell,” she tells me, picking up my cue. (Heller 439) c) “Are you mad or glad?” I demand with a grin. Oh, Daddy,” she answers. “Whenever you make one of us unhappy, you always try to get out of it by behaving like a child.” (Heller 108)

We see from the examples (a, b, c) that the responses reflect the addressee’s concrete choice out of the proposed alternatives. It must be noted here that this is not always the case, as very often the response may show the addressee’s being uncertain (d), unre- solved (e) or unscrupulous (f) as to the object of choice.

d) “Coffee or tea?” Angela asked. “Whatever you’re having”, Calhoun said. (Cook 323) e) Do you hate him too, or are you so devoted to him that you didn’t want to share him? It’s not like that at all. I used to love him once. (Christie 81) f) Did you actually see this man talking to the District Attorney, or was he just in the group around him? I – I just don’t know. (Segal 47)

The addressee may have the choice of both the alternatives proposed.

Do you want rice, Bob, or noodles? Both. (CGOE)

In some cases the addressee suggests another alternative as different (or making it more specific) from those proposed in the question.

Is it a snow job or a hatchet job? “I hope it’ll be an honest job,” the reporter replied. (Segal 501)

When an alternative question functions according to its direct communicative aim, i.e. suggests an alternation, its function is considered to be direct. As for responses, they are direct if they really show a choice of a concrete object from those proposed (a, b, g). In cases the answers are evasive or uncertain, we have indirect responses (c, d, e, f). Like other types of interrogative sentences, this type of question also has a number of indirect pragmatic uses. The second alternative may have the implications of advice: So do I take it then you accept my offer, George? Or do you want to think about? Maybe talk over with your faculty adviser? All right. I’ll explain things to Zbig. (Segal 158)

33 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

The above example is noteworthy in that the modal adverb maybe can be replaced by another or, since their meanings are similar in this context (Or talk over with …?). threat: “Do you mind leaving the house?” said Max, “or do you want Crawley and me to chuck you out?” “Steady a moment, steady a moment,” said Favel. (Maurier 338)

There is a hidden condition in the above example: If you mind leaving the house, Crawley and I will chuck you out. The same implication of condition is observed in the following example:

For the love of God, one of you tell me if the Reverend Clinton’s here or have I to crawl a long way further? He’s here; I’m here, my good woman. (O’Casey 342)

The meaning of the whole utterance may be understood as If you don’t tell me if the Reverend Clinton’s here, I’ll have to crawl a long way further. annoyance, anger: Are you going to talk like a grown man or aren’t you? Sit down, dear. Don’t be angry, what’s the matter? (Miller 404)

reproach: Mother, are you quite sure that you wouldn’t advise me to try the Waterloo bar, or marry a laborer, or even go into the factory? Of course not. What sort of mother do you take me for! (Shaw 218)

uncertainty: a) Miss Norma Restarik left Crosshedges on Sunday or was it Monday morning? She left there Sunday night but she has not arrived at Bordene mansions. (Christie 37) b) I rang up to ask you what is the girl’s address - somewhere in South Ken, isn’t it? Or was it Knightsbridge? …I wrote down the address, but of course I’ve lost it as usual. I can’t even remember her name: Is it Thora or Norma?… Yes, I thought it was Norma. (Christie 17) c) The game’s up, you know, Mr.Restarik - or shall I call you Robert Orwell? (Christie 182)

The use of the alternative questions in the above examples can be accounted for by the failure of the speaker’s memory (a). In other cases (b, c) it may be conditioned by the change of the circumstances entailing quite a new situation. In the last example as a result of the cross-examination it was found out that Mr. Restarik’s real name was Robert Orwell, therefore these two names are joined together by means of the conjunction or, which obviously does not imply alternation.

34 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

We will observe another example, in which the alternative question is used to show the differences that the change of the situation has brought about and which the speaker expects to be exactly perceived and truly appreciated by the addressee.

Did she want to be friends with me at last? Or did she realize that it had not been me at all who had told Maxim about Favel, and this was her way of thanking me for my silence? (Maurier 207)

Alternative questions may sometimes occur in monologues, in which they have the sounding of a rhetorical question. In the example given below the speaker (the mother) describes to her daughter the situation that would have happened if she had not been given the opportunities that mother had created for the latter. The mother expects her daughter to understand her, to share her troubles, to show some kind of tolerance and compassion towards her.

Do you want to find that out, like other women, at forty, when you’ve thrown yourself away and lost chances; or won’t you take it in good time now from your own mother, that loves you and swears to you that it’s truth; gospel truth? (Shaw 252)

The alternative question may also have the implication of comparison. Consider the following example:

“Which is more important?” my wife makes the mistake of asking, “Your own wife and daughter, or those other important things?”

Interestingly enough, structures with the conjunction or in certain contexts may lose the meaning of alternation and acquire a new shade of meaning - that of the conjunction and joining homogeneous parts of the sentence.

What do the people know about people like me? When did they ever meet me, or speak to me, or let anyone tell them about me? Would they ever have done for you if I hadn’t paid them? (Shaw 252-253) Mother, are you quite sure that you wouldn’t advise me to try the Waterloo bar, or marry a laborer, or even go into the factory? Of course not. What sort of mother do you take me for! (Shaw 218)

In the second and the third questions of the first example the conjunction or does not convey the meaning of alternation, but serves to join the homogeneous parts of the utterances, which can easily be substituted by the conjunction and (What do the people that taught you know about life and people like me? When did they ever meet me and speak to me…?) In the second example the speaker expresses her resentment towards her mother by enumerating all kinds of humiliating jobs that her mother

35 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

(according to the daughter’s opinion) could wish her to get into. The same is observed in the following example:

Did you ever think what you were doing when you abandoned us? Did you ever even try to find out how father was? Or me? Or even Aniko? He suddenly grew cold… he’d felt a piercing shame. (Segal 431)

In the above example there are two or-phrases which, when parcellated still more strongly, emphasize the sister’s resentment against her brother’s callous, heartless attitude towards his own family the members of which are presented separately by. So we can say these or-phrases have no implication of alternation as they may be easily substituted by and-phrases. (Did you ever even try to find how father was and me and even Aniko?) Therefore we can call this use of the alternative question inclusive (including all the items) as compared with those uses discussed earlier and which may be called exclusive when the addressee is expected to choose only one item to the exclusion of the others. It is worth mentioning that in English there is another type of clause with or which is devoid of the meaning of alternation whatsoever. In the example below the conjunction or implies approximation meaning with about (about five/six).

What about five or six eggs and bacon and toast? (Segal 106)

Summing up, we can say that alternative questions like other types of questions in English, function as direct and indirect speech acts, the latter manifesting a wide scope of pragmatic meanings (advice, threat, reproach, anger, uncertainty). As for the structural and semantic aspects, alternative questions present a wide variety of meaning and structure. Some structures with or do not imply the meaning of alternation at all. Examining the responses to the alternative questions functioning as indirect speech acts, we come to the conclusion that they either are absent or have the meaning of indirect (evasive) responses and only in some cases do we observe a direct response.

References:

1. Austin, J.L. (1962) How to Do Things with Words. Oxford: Claredon Press. 2. Clark, H.H. (1991) Responding to Indirect Speech Acts. // Pragmatics. S.Davis (Ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. 3. Hatch, E. (1992) Discourse and Language Education. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 4. Quirk, R., Greenbaum, S. (1990) A University Grammar of English. London: Longman.

36 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Sources of Data:

1. Christie, A. (1970) Third Girl. London and Glasgow: Collins Clear-Type Press. 2. Cook, R. (1995) Fatal Cure. New York: Berkley Books. 3. Francis, J.O. (1966) Birds of a Feather. 24 One-Act Plays. J.M. London: Dent &Sons Ltd. 4. Heller, J. (1974) Something Happened. New York: Del Publishing Group, Inc. 5. Ibsen, H. (1967) The Master Builder. Six Great Modern Plays. New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc. 6. Mankowitz, W. (1966) The Bespoke Overcoat. 24 One-Act Plays. New York: J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd. 7. Maurier, du D. (1978) Rebecca. London: Hunt Barnard Printing, Ltd. 8. Miller, A. (1967) All My Sons. Six Great Modern Plays. New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc. 9. O’Casey, S. (1966) A Pound on Demand. 24 One-Act Plays. New York: J.M. Dent &Sons Ltd. 10. Segal, E. (1986) The Class. New York: Dewsbury International, Inc. 11. Shaw, B. (1967) Mrs. Warren’s Profession. Six Great Modern Plays. New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc. 12. Sheldon, S. (1980) Rage of Angels. London: William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd.

ºñÏÁÝïñ³Ï³Ý Ñ³ñó»ñÁ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝáõÙ (·áñÍ³é³Ï³Ý-·áñÍ³μ³Ý³Ï³Ý ùÝÝáõÃÛáõÝ)

²Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ »ñ ÏÁÝï ñ³ Ï³Ý Ñ³ñ ó» ñÁ, ÇÝã å»ë ÙÛáõë Ñ³ñ ó³ Ï³Ý Ý³ Ë³ ¹³ ëáõÃ - ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÁ, Ï³ ñáÕ »Ý Ñ³Ý ¹»ë ·³É áõ ÕÇÕ ¨ ³ ÝáõÕ Õ³ ÏÇ Ëáë ù³ ÛÇÝ ³Ï ï» ñÇ ·áñ Í³ - éáõÛÃ Ý» ñáí, í»ñ çÇÝ ¹»å ùáõÙ ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Û ï» Éáí ½³ Ý³ ½³Ý ·áñ Í³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý Ç Ù³ëï - Ý»ñ (Ëáñ Ñáõñ¹, ëå³é Ý³ ÉÇù, íñ¹áí ÙáõÝù ¨ ³ÛÉÝ): Ò ¨Ç áõ Ï³ éáõó í³Í ù³ ÛÇÝ ï³ - ë³ÝÏ Ûáõ ÝÇó ³Û¹ ï» ë³ ÏÇ Ñ³ñ ó³ Ï³Ý Ý³ Ë³ ¹³ ëáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñÝ ³ã ùÇ »Ý ÁÝÏ ÝáõÙ μ³½ Ù³ ½³ ÝáõÃ Û³Ùμ: à ñáß ¹»å ù» ñáõÙ or ß³Õ Ï³ åáí Ñ³ñ ó³ Ï³Ý Ý³ Ë³ ¹³ ëáõÃ - ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÁ ã»Ý å³ ñáõ Ý³ ÏáõÙ »ñ ÏÁÝï ñ³Ý ùÇ Ç Ù³ëï:

37 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

On the Multifunctional Character of Questions (with special reference to verifying and identifying questions)

ur language would be rather uninteresting and quite Osimilar to scientific prose if the words and expressions we use possessed only literal meanings. In that case language would lack the possibilities of playful interplay between meanings. There are different ways of communicating the same message; the same string of words can convey different messages. Thus sender’s meaning is a fundamental element in human communication. In other words, it is a necessary fiction that linguists doing semantics and pragmatics have to work together (Griffiths 2006). Gohar Harutyunyan Semantics and pragmatics, being closely correlated, are the two main branches of the linguistic study of meaning. Griffiths defines semantics as the study of the “toolkit” for meaning: knowledge encoded in the vocabulary of the language and in its patterns for building more elaborate meanings, up to the level of sentence meanings. And pragmatics is concerned with the use of those tools in meaningful communication (Griffiths 2006:1). Language is for communicating about the world outside of language. Pragmatics is about the interaction of semantic knowledge with our knowledge of the world, taking into account contexts of use. The present article focuses on the multifunctional charac- Sirarpi Karapetyan ter of questions with special reference to both the semantic and pragmatic study of verifying and identifying questions traditionally termed as general and special (Chakhoyan 1979). The interrogative sentence in English has structural peculiarities of its own (interro- ga tive word order, use of interrogative words, special question intonation (in oral speech) and question mark (in written style). From the semantic point of view questions are sentences by which the speaker asks the hearer to provide the information that he needs in order to fill in the information gap existing between them. Due to their specific semantic function in the process of communication, both verifying and identifying questions are of particular interest. In the case of verifying questions the speaker’s intention is to verify whether the utterance is true or not. The answer expected is yes or no or their functional equivalents such as: of course, sure, certainly, I don’t think so, certainly not, etc. According to the type of verification there are various subtypes within verifying questions:

38 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

a) logical-verifying (to verify the logical meaning of truth) “Did you go straight home? Dorian glanced at him hurriedly and frowned. “No, Harry”, he said at last. (Wilde)

b) verifying-identifying Johnny: Pa. How are you? Johnny’s Father: Fine, Johnny. Is that all you woke me up for? (Saroyan)

Johnny’s father realizes that Johnny woke him up simply to say How are you? and he asks him whether he (Johnny’s Father) is right in the identification of his suppositions.

c) verifying-specifying Young Man: Is that (“Wheeling”- G.H. )where I was? (Saroyan)

The speaker asks the hearer whether his identification of the element (concerning the place “Wheeling”) is true.

d) referentially-verifying I didn’t know whether he was still alive or only preoccupied with a new conquest. And was he? (Aldington)

In the question And was he? reference is made to the whole situation. The speaker asks for confirmation of the truth of the fact that is explicitly expressed in the previous utterance.

e) appellative-verifying Johnny: Do you think (that) he gets homesick sometimes? Johnny’s Father: Sure. He does. (Saroyan)

In appellative-verifying questions the speaker asks for his interlocutor’s opinion about the information that is conveyed in the form of the subordinate clause.

f) intensifying-verifying Lord Illingworth: So you really refuse to marry me? (Wilde)

The word really intensifies the meaning of the appellative question.

g) confirming-appellative “Amazing woman, that Mrs.Danvers,” said Giles, turning to me. “Don’t you think so?” “Oh, yes,” I said. (Maurier)

39 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

The conforming-appellative question consists of two separate parts: in the first part the speaker gives the evaluation of the person and in the second part he asks the hearer to confirm the truth of his utterance by expressing his opinion (don’t you think so?). Thus, from the semantic point of view verifying questions have a specific function in the process of communication; all the elements of the utterance are named and the speaker’s intention is to verify whether the statement is true or not. In the case of identifying questions there is an unknown quantity X linguistically expressed by interrogative words which introduce various types of identifying questions. The hearer has to supply a value for the variable (or unknown quantity). Unlike verifying questions, that contain a two-valued variable and can produce only two answers, identifying questions are unlimited as they contain a many-valued variable. Any linguistic form can be given as an answer. Of particular interest is the what-question with its subtypes:

a) appellative- identifying What did you think of Fanny? I think she has most marvelous eyes. (Aldington)

In this type of what-questions the speaker asks for the hearer’s opinion about this or that event.

b) situation-identifying What’s the matter, father? You seem very tired. I am tired but I have no right to be. (Hemingway)

The so called situation-identifying what-questions include the interrogative word what used as predicative and the noun matter, which expresses the meaning of event, accident.

c) classifying-identifying These questions include the additional meaning of classification expressed by the words kind, sort, colour, etc.

The Girl: What kind of cigarettes do you want? Young Man: Oh, any kind… (Saroyan)

Of particular interest is a special type of an identifying question containing more than one interrogative word. One of the interrogative words, as a rule, is moved to the front of the sentence.

The Girl: Who insulted who? The Young Capitalist: You said he insulted you. (Saroyan)

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In the process of communication we often come across so-called emotional questions classified into two groups: a. Emotional questions containing the phrases: the devil, on earth, in heaven’s name, etc. They generally express surprise (sometimes mixed with admiration, anger, etc).

What on earth are you talking about? (Maurier)

b. The structure of the second type of emotional questions is divided into two parts and the emotional element is expressed by the second part.

Young Woman: It’s not yours, do you hear? Young Man: Oh, this is wonderful. I almost believe you. (Saroyan)

So far we have been mainly concerned with the semantic types of verifying and identifying questions. But the structure of the sentence represents the unity of its nominative and communicative aspects, the distinction between which matches the difference between “sentence” and “utterance”, “locution” and “illocution” (in terms of speech act theory), “interrogative sentence” and “question”. The illocutionary force traditionally associated with the interrogative sentence is that of “asking a question”. Interrogative sentences used with this force introduce questions proper viewed as direct speech acts. For an interrogative sentence to be an indirect speech act, there must be an inference trigger, i.e. some indication that the literal force (i.e. asking a question) is blocked by the context (or is conversationally inadequate) and must be “repaired” by additional illocutionary force or indirect force (Levinson 1983). In the process of communication “verifying” and “identifying” questions are used with various illocutionary forces to perform such distinct indirect speech acts as: requests, offers, invitations, suggestions, advice, etc.

1) Can I have the other key to the flat? (request). I’m afraid it’s lost. (Aldington)

2) Will you have a drink , Dr. Valentini? (offer) A drink? Certainly. I will have ten drinks. Where are they? (Hemingway)

3) Will you stop to dinner with me? (invitation) Thanks, but I was going to see Signora Bolla home. (Voynich)

4) Johnny’s Father (To Mac Gregor) How about the little music? (suggestion) (Maurier)

5) Won’t you take your coat off? (advice) (Mortimer)

41 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

These are the main usage types of verifying and identifying questions, but not the only ones. There are a number of things one can mean through inquiring something. Why do we prefer the indirectness of, say, Will you get me a quite plain parasol, please? to the simplicity and directness of Get me a quite plain parasol, please!. The main reason (though not only the one) for using these indirect forms is tentativeness (politeness). As W. Labov and D. Fanshel point out, “the indirect forms are the same direct forms only with a bundle of mitigation in front” (Levinson 1983:274). According to Brown and Levinson politeness strategies are developed in order to save the hearer’s face. Brown and Levinson propose that “all competent adult members of a society have (and know each other to have) face” (Brown and Levinson 1987:61). They define “face” as “the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself” (Brown and Levinson 1987:61). On a very basic level, politeness refers to the most appropriate pragmatic strategies for a given context. Whether consciously or not, in all our daily conversations we have different ways of achieving various goals. For instance, when we are surrounded by our friends our tones and manners are more direct and casual as compared to when we are with adults or our relatives at a formal function. In short, we feel obliged to adjust our use of words to suit the social situations we find ourselves in. It would be socially unacceptable if we made use of the same expressions and phrases during talks with our friends, strangers, elders and parents. For instance, being surrounded by a group of adults at a formal function, instead of saying Go, get me that book!, we must say Could you give me that book, if you don’t mind? Thus, in order to determine what is pragmatically appropriate, it is important to evaluate many of the contextual factors surrounding the situation in which we are. One of the most common factors affecting the politeness or indirectness of an utterance is gender. For example, women very often turn to indirectness in their speech. Often, in order to get someone else to do something for them, i.e. to express a wish, a command or a request, women make use of an interrogative form or an interrogative negative form. The latter is considered to be a more polite, weaker, more self-affecting form of expressing directives. There are also other social factors affecting the politeness of people’s expressions among which the most common ones are social distance, power, rank of imposition and so on. Social distance refers to the relationship between the interlocutors. If two people are very close, they would have a low degree of social distance. Two strangers would typically have a high degree of social distance. In most cases higher degrees of social distance result in the use of more formal language typical to which is the use of indirect expressions.

“Will you register, please?” the clerk says. He looked at the names. “Number 238, Mister Brennan”. (Hemingway)

As we can see from the example there exists a high degree of social distance between the interlocutors and that’s the reason why the speaker uses more formal language when addressing to the hearer.

42 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Power refers to the power relationship between two interlocutors. You can have equal power with the person you are talking to (e.g. a friend or colleague) or more power (e.g., as a boss, instructor) or less power (e.g. employee, student) than the person you are talking to. More formal and indirect language is typically used in situations where the other person has more power than we do.

Yes, sir. May I go to my room, sir? You may. (Steinbeck)

The speaker, as is obviously seen from the indirect way she makes her request for per- mission, has less power than the hearer she is addressing to. Rank of imposition refers to the importance or degree of difficulty in the situation. For example in requests a large rank of imposition would occur if we were asking for a big favour, whereas a small rank of imposition would exist when the request was small. Usually high ranks of imposition tend to require more complex and indirect language structures.

Would you, please, go and find Hogan and tell him we want to see him in about half an hour? “Sure”, I said. (Hemingway)

It is obvious that the speaker asks the hearer for a big favour and that’s why he turns to a more indirect and complex way of expressing his request. Thus, each of these factors interacts and relates differently to the politeness of a communicative act. When learning to be pragmatically appropriate, it is important to learn which social factors are most applicable and important to the context in which we are interacting. All this accounts for the multifunctional character of questions as such. One thing is clear, we, humans, like to play with words and our communicative intentions make it possible to use any kind of literal meaning in order to convey what we want and the way we want.

References:

1. Brown, P., Levinson, S. (1987) Politeness. Some Universals in Language Use. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2. Chakhoyan, L.P. (1979) Sintaksis dialogicheskoi rechi sovremennogo anglijskogo yazika. M.: Vyshaya Shkola. 3. Griffiths, P. (2006) An Introduction to English Semantics and Pragmatics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 4. Holmes, J. (1992) An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. New York: Longman Publishing. 5. Hudson, R.A. (1980) Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

43 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

6. Lenert, U. (1988) Problemy voprosno-otvetnogo dialoga. // Novoe v zarubejnoi lingvistike. Vypusk XXIII. M.: Progress. 7. Levinson, S. C. (1983) Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 8. Lyons, J. (1968) Introduction to Theoretical Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 9. Verschueren, J. (1999) Understanding Pragmatics. London, New York: Oxford Unversity Press.

Sources of Data::

1. Aldington, R. (1958) Death of a Hero. M.: Foreign Languages Publishing House. 2. Galsworthy, J. (1954) To Let. M.: Foreign Languages Publishing House. 3. Hemingway, E. (1971) Selected Stories. M.: Progress Publishers. 4. Hemingway, E. (1976) A Farewell to Arms. M.: Progress Publishers. 5. Maurier, D. (1975) Rebecca. London: Andre Deutsch. 6. Maugham, W. S (1979) Theatre. M.: Progress Publishers. 7. Maugham, W. S. (1980) Cakes and Ale. M.: Progress Publishers. 8. Mortimer, J. (1969) Five Plays. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 9. Steinbeck, J. (1985) The Winter of Our Discontent. M.: Vyshaya Shkola. 10. Voynich, E. L. (1977) The Gadfly. M.: Progress Publishers. 11. Wilde, O. (1958) The Picture of Dorian Gray. M.: Foreign Languages Publishing House.

Ð³ñó»ñÇ μ³½Ù³·áñÍ³é³Ï³Ý μÝáõÛÃÁ (Áëï ÁÝ¹Ñ³Ýáõñ ¨ Ñ³ïáõÏ Ñ³ñó»ñÇ í»ñÉáõÍáõÃÛ³Ý)

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹ í³ ÍÁ ÝíÇñ í³Í ¿ Ñ³ñ ó» ñÇ μ³½ Ù³ ·áñ Í³ é³ Ï³Ý μÝáõÛ ÃÇ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ - ñáõÃ Û³ ÝÁ, Ñ³ï Ï³ å»ë ÁÝ¹ Ñ³ Ýáõñ ¨ Ñ³ ïáõÏ Ñ³ñ ó» ñÇ Ç Ù³ë ï³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ¨ ·áñ - Í³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ùÝÝáõÃ Û³ ÝÁ Å³ Ù³ Ý³ Ï³ ÏÇó ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝáõÙ: Ðá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ ÷áñÓ ¿ ³ñ - íáõÙ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñ»É ÁÝ¹ Ñ³ Ýáõñ ¨ Ñ³ ïáõÏ Ñ³ñ ó» ñÇ ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Û ï³Í Éñ³ óáõ óÇã Ç - Ù³ëï Ý» ñÁ ¨ ¹ñ³Ýó ÏÇ ñ³ éáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ Ñ³ Õáñ ¹³Ïó Ù³Ý ·áñ ÍÁÝ Ã³ óáõÙ: Ð³ Õáñ ¹³Ïó - Ù³Ý ·áñ ÍÁÝ Ã³ óáõÙ ÁÝ¹ Ñ³Ýáõñ ¨ Ñ³ ïáõÏ Ñ³ñ ó» ñÁ Ï³ ñáÕ »Ý ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Û ï»É ï³ñ - μ»ñ ³ ÝáõÕ Õ³ ÏÇ Ëá ëá Õ³ Ï³Ý ³Ï ï»ñ, ÇÝã åÇ ëÇù »Ý ËÝ¹ñ³Ý ùÁ, ³ é³ ç³ñ ÏÁ, Ññ³ - í» ñÁ, Ëáñ Ñáõñ ¹Á ¨ ³ÛÉÝ:

44 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Existential and Possessive Constructions in English and German

he present paper focuses on semantic and syntactic Tdistinction among the various German counterparts of existential there and presents ways in which constructions with there can be taught more effectively to native speakers or learners of English. The study comes to prove that there is also a close relationship between existential expressions and possessive constructions containing haben or have in German and English. A striking case of non-congruence between the sense relations of German and English concerns the ways in which the Siranush Khandanyan existence of a particular entity is communicated. For this purpose English frequently uses the presentative phrase there is.

There is a book on the table. There are many animals in the zoo.

German has three expressions corresponding to the English introducer there is which are syntactically and semantically distinct. These expressions are: es gibt, da ist, es ist. The primary meaning of existential construction es gibt is found to be that of absolute existence. Unlike this construction, the two other constructions containing sein (es ist and da ist) express locative, implicitly non-permanent existence. Current theories of communicative function show the ways in which German and English, despite their word order differences, achieve the communicative goals of the existential construction. Es gibt is equivalent to English there is or there are. It is followed by the accusative case (Moeller 1996:120). This is the explanation given for the meaning and usage of es gibt in a widely used textbook, Deutch Heute. This description appears to be standard; there are similar statements in various other textbooks currently in use for the teaching of German in the United States. In English, existential 1 sentences typically begin with the introducer there:

There are elephants in Africa. There is a new school in this district.

This introductory there is often followed first by a form to be, then an indefinite noun phrase and a locative adverb. The close relationship between existential expressions in German and English and possessive constructions with haben or have has been noted by various linguists. Lyons, for example, using evidence from English and Russian theorizes that the existential and possessive constructions of each language are actually derived from the same source - the locative (Lyons 1967).

45 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Clark and Freeze concur with Lyons that this sentence types are all locative in origin and are related in many languages. Clark illustrates this relationship using the sentences shown below:

1.There is a book on the table. (existential) 2.The book is on the table. (locative) 3.Tom has a book. (possessive) 4.The book is Tom’s. (possessive)

Each of these constructions describes the location of an object, either in some physical space, as in (1) and (2), or in someone’s possession, as in (3) and (4). According to Freeze, in many languages the predication have and the existential share the same constituents in the same order (when the possessor is considered to be a locative element). For example, Quirk refers to existential sentences with have “asserting that the subject of have in these constructions denotes a person, thing, etc. indirectly involved in the existential proposition” (Quirk 1972:961). The following sentence pairs show that this type of lexical relationship holds both in English and German:

1. a. There are a lot of restaurants in my town. b. My home town has a lot of restaurants. 2. a. Es gibt viele Restaurants in meiner Heimatstadt. b. Meine Heimatstadt hat viele Restaurants.

These sentence pairs show that there is a great deal of similarity between the two languages as far as their existential and have constructions are concerned. The sentence in 1.b can be reordered as a sentence with the unstressed there introducer and the sentence in 2.b can be reformulated as a construction beginning with es gibt. Erdman points out that some existential constructions with there, like the sentence 3.a can never be replaced by a have construction (Erdman 1978):

3. a. There is a stranger at the door. b. The door has a stranger (at it).

He attempts to divide the various types of have constructions in English into subgroups based on apparent syntactic differences, e.g. use or non-use of a locative (prepositional) phrase. He notes, for example, that some sentences do not include a locative phrase while others do, and that there are still other sentences in which the use of the locative phrase is optional. Here are a few sentences to illustrate this:

4. a. The ground has snow. b. The ground has snow on it. 5. a. The mattress has a rent. b. The mattress has a rent in it.

46 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

The difference among the sentences 3, 4, and 5 actually reflects differences in their semantics, and the use (or non-use) of a locative phrase in have constructions in English follows a predictable set of rules, and besides, the restrictions on the use of a locative phrase in German have constructions are more complex than those in English. As it has already been stated, the German expression es gibt is used to indicate permanent existence. Sentences containing es gibt which also contain a locative phrase can frequently be transformed into have construction:

6. a. Es gibt viele Klassenzimmer in der Schule. (There are many classrooms in the school.) b. Die Schule hat viele Klassenzimmer. (The school has many classrooms). 7. a. Es gibt viele Lowen in Africa. (There are many lions in Africa) b. Africa hat viele Lowen. (Africa has many lions). 8. a. Es gibt einen Brunnen im Garten. (There is a fountain in the garden). b. Der Garten hat einen Brunnen. (The garden has a fountain).

The have construction in English is used for both permanent and temporary conditions. For example, when the condition in the have construction is temporary, this is indicated by the addition of a prepositional phrase that includes an anaphor for the location- possessor denoted by the subject:

9. a. There is mud on her dress. b. Her dress has mud. c. Her dress has mud on it.

Her dress has mud on it is a temporary and not a permanent condition; it therefore requires the inclusion of the locative expression on it. While describing have constructions showing permanent condition, it is possible to come across a prepositional phrase:

10. The library has a lot of books (in it).

It is apparent that both variants (with and without the locative phrase) are acceptable. Kirkwood overlooks important differences between the ways in which possessive have constructions behave in English and German. He provides two sample sentences in German which include a prepositional phrase and which are, therefore, both stylistically unacceptable (Kirkwood 1969:35):

47 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

11. Der Stuhl hat ein Schild dran. The chair has a sign on it. 12. Die Flasche hat noch Wein drin. The bottle still has wine in it.

Kirkwood notices that this pattern (with a prepositional phrase) “has less wide distri- bution in German than its English counterpart has in English” and, therefore “is just barely acceptable”. On the other hand, the following have constructions are considered to be acceptable (Kirkwood 1969):

13. a. Ich habe ein Glas vor mir. I have a glass before me. b. Es gibt ein Glas vor mir. 14. a. Sie hat ein Buch vor sich. She has a book before herself. b. Es gibt ein Buch vor ihr.

Like their English counterparts, these constructions can be used to describe a situation that is temporary. And as a result the sentences 13.b and 14.b cannot be reformulated as existential constructions es gibt. In German, if the subject in the possessive haben construction is -animate then the possessive haben construction, like constructions containing es gibt, expresses permanence. This possessive haben construction does not permit the inclusion of an anaphoric locative prepositional phrase. If the German possessive haben construction has a +animate subject instead, it may contain a prepositional phrase (which includes an anaphoric dative pronoun. Unlike constructions having a -animate subject, these possessive haben constructions do not connote permanence and can, therefore, not be reformulated as a construction beginning with es gibt. In English possessive have constructions may express either permanence or impermanence, regardless of whether they have an animate or a non -animate subject. When impermanence is expressed, they require the inclusion of a locative prepositional phrase, which includes an anaphor for the subject. Constructions expressing permanence may also include a locative prepositional phrase. Finally, the reformulation of a there sentence as a have construction is possible only when the preposition appearing in the locative phrase expresses concrete spatial relations. Hence, the study has shown that although there is a close relationship between English and German existential and possessive have constructions, these constructions are subject to different restrictions in each of these languages.

Notes:

1. Sentences which express the existence of a person or entity – often in a particular location - are known as existential. The term “existential” is introduced by Jespersen in his Philosophy of Grammar to refer to sentences “corresponding to English sen-

48 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

tences with there is or there are, in which the existence of something is asserted or denied” (Jespersen 1924:155).

References:

1. Breivik, L. (1977) A Note on the Genesis of Existential “there”. // English Studies 58. Issue 4. 2. Clark, Ev. (1970) Locationals: a Study of the Relations between “existential”, “locative”, and “possessive” Constructions. // Working Papers on Language Universals. Language Universals Project. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 3. Erdman, P. (1978) “There” Constructions in English and German. IRAL, 16.3. 4. Freeze, R. (1992) Existentials and other Locatives. // Language, 68-3. Linguistic Society of America. 5. Hawkins, J.A. (1986) A Comparative Typology of English and German. Texas: Routledge and University of Texas Press. 6. Jespersen, O. (1948) A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles: Part III Syntax. Northampton: John Dickens and Co. Ltd. 7. Keith, A. (1971) A Note on the Source of “there is” Existential Sentences. // Foundations of Language 17. Beijing: World Publishing Corporation. 8. Kirkwood, H. (1969) Remarks on Existential-locative and Possessive-locative Sentences in English and German. // Philologica Pragensia 4. 9. Lyons, J. (1967) A Note on Possessive, Existential, and Locative Sentences. // Foundations of Language 3. Beijing: World Publishing Corporation. 10. Moeller, J. and others (1996) Deutch Heute. Grundstufe Sixth edition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 11. Quirk, R. (1951) Explitive or Existential “there”. London: Medieval Studies 2.

¶»ñÙ³Ý»ñ»ÝÇ ¨ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ ¿·½Çëï»ÝóÇ³É ¨ ëï³ó³Ï³Ý Ï³éáõÛóÝ»ñÇ ÷áËÑ³ñ³μ»ñáõÃÛáõÝÁ

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ ùÝÝáõÃ Û³Ý »Ý ³éÝ íáõÙ ·»ñ Ù³ Ý» ñ» ÝÇ ¨ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ ¿· ½Çë - ï»Ý óÇ³É (es gibt / there is) ¨ ëï³ ó³ Ï³Ý (have / haben) Ï³ éáõÛó Ý» ñÇ Ç Ù³ë ï³ μ³ - Ý³ Ï³Ý ¨ ß³ ñ³Ñ Ûáõ ë³ Ï³Ý ³ é³ÝÓ Ý³ Ñ³ï ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÁ, ÇÝã å»ë Ý³¨ ÁÝ¹·Í íáõÙ »Ý ¹ñ³Ýó ¹³ ë³ í³Ý¹ Ù³Ý ³ é³ í»É ³ñ¹ Ûáõ Ý³ í»ï áõ ÕÇÝ» ñÁ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÁ áñ å»ë û - ï³ñ É» ½áõ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáÕ Ý» ñÇ Ñ³ Ù³ñ: àõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ óáõÛó ¿ ï³ ÉÇë, áñ í» ñá ÑÇß Û³É Ï³ éáõÛó Ý» ñÁ, áõ Ý» Ý³ Éáí ÙÇ ß³ñù ß³ ñ³ ¹³ ë³ Ï³Ý ¨ Ç Ù³ë ï³ μ³ Ý³ - Ï³Ý ÁÝ¹ Ñ³Ý ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñ, ³ é³ÝÓ Ý³ ÝáõÙ »Ý ÇÝù Ý³ ïÇå ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Ûï ã³Ó¨» ñáí, áñÝ ¿É Çñ Ñ»ñ ÃÇÝ Ýå³ë ïáõÙ ¿ Ï³ Õ³ å³ñ Ý» ñÇ ïÇ å³ μ³ ÝáõÃ Û³Ý Ùß³Ï Ù³ ÝÁ:

49 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Comparative Analysis of English Prepositions and Armenian Case Endings

he present paper reveals one of the rather conspicu- Tous differences between the English and Armenian languages, i.e. the role of the prepositions in English and that of the grammatical category of case in Armenian. It’s common knowledge that modern languages may have some phonetic, lexical and grammatical similarities regardless of the differences in pronunciation, word building, morphology and syntax. Being the language-representatives of one and the same language family the English and Armenian languages may rather lack common phonetic and lexical features. Ruzanna Avetisyan However, these two languages have got similarities in their grammatical structure. According to the morphological and typological classification of the languages at issue, as well as relying on the common structural features, the English language is classified in the series of analytic languages. In English such means as word order, stress, intonation, modal words are used mainly as means of expressing grammatical meanings. Whereas the Armenian language belongs to the series of synthetic languages. Inflectional morphology makes it possible to clarify the grammatical meanings expressed in the Armenian language. The case system is quite developed in Armenian. In the latest works of grammar the synthetic notion and the definition of languages is being criticized on the basis of the fact that the case meaning can’t be considered to be similar with the concrete relation and the synthetic function expressed by the case. Each case has got its basic meanings and synthetic functions on which the morphological meaning of the case is based. In the Armenian language it’s only the Common (Nominative) Case that opposes to all the other cases in its form: it hasn’t got any typical ending and it is considered to be the basic form for the other so-called inflectional cases. Modern English doesn’t have a rich case system. Here the synthetic applications typical of the case meaning are not expressed by means of case endings (inflections) but with the help of modal words (Blokh 1983:65). So prepositions here play the role of the modal words. It is just with the help of prepositions that different grammatical meanings of one and the same word are expressed. For example:

÷áÕáóÇó – from the street ÷áÕáóáõÙ – in the street ÷áÕáóÇ – of the street, etc.

If case endings are considered to be morphemes, then prepositions are part of the voca- buary of the language as independent words. Many prepositions, mainly the prepositions of

50 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

place are considered to be words with full meanings and they can function as independent members of the sentence. Whereas the case endings lack any lexical meaning of their own. Yet the role of prepositions and case endings in some languages are equal. Prepositions are wildly used linguistic units in Modern English. Used with the noun or the noun substitute, i.e. with the Pronoun and the Gerund, they express the relation between that same word and another word in the sentence. Other parts of speech which are used as nouns can take prepositions as well (Leech, Svartvik 1983:255). Combinations of a notional word with a functional word are equivalent to separate words by their nominative function. Since a functional word expresses some abstract relation. Such combinations, as a rule, are quite obviously non-self-dependent: they are artificially isolated from the context. In terms of their morphological structure prepositions in Modern English are simple (on, in, at, for, with, etc.), derivative (behind, below, across, along, etc.) and composite (in front of, by means of, as for, etc.). They may have a meaning of their own. For example:

Her sister appeared carrying a wine-glass in which there was a raw egg, with a little cherry on it. øáõÛñÁ Ñ³ÛïÝí»ó ·ÇÝáõ μ³Å³ÏÁ Ó»éùÇÝ, áñáõÙ Óáõ Ï³ñ` íñ³Ý ÙÇ ÷áùñ μ³É: The path felt springy beneath his feet. ²ñ³Ñ»ïÁ Ï³ñÍ»ë ÷³ËãáõÙ ¿ñ Ýñ³ áïùÇ ï³ÏÇó: He dropped into a chair beside his mother. Ü³ ÁÝÏ³í ³ÃáéÇ íñ³, Ùáñ ÏáÕùÇÝ:

Expanding the cited formative phrases with the corresponding notional words one can obtain notional phrases of contextually self-dependent value. There are prepositions which express concrete meanings: that of place (on, in, at, out of, etc.), position (above, by, over, in front of, under, beneath, behind, below, on top of, etc.), motion (towards, into, though, along, away from, etc.), direction (up, down, along, across, etc.) and time (after, before, during, for, in, on, at, etc.). There are prepositions expressing different abstract relations (by, with, for, against, because of, instead of, owing to, according to, etc). Some prepositions may have a double meaning (Leech, Svartvik 1983:93). For example:

I’ve been here for already two weeks. ²ñ¹»Ý »ñÏáõ ß³μ³Ã ¿ »ë ³Ûëï»Õ »Ù: He has brought a letter for you. Ü³ ù»½ Ñ³Ù³ñ Ý³Ù³Ï ¿ μ»ñ»É: I was punished for my little joke. ºë å³ïÅí»óÇ ÇÙ ÷áùñÇÏ Ï³ï³ÏÇ å³ï×³éáí: They went for a walk. Üñ³Ýù ½μáë³ÝùÇ ·Ý³óÇÝ:

51 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

They sent for a doctor. Üñ³Ýù áõÕ³ñÏ»óÇÝ μÅßÏÇ Ñ»ï¨Çó:

As for syntagmatic groupings of functional words, they are essentially analogous to separate functional words and are used as connectors and specifiers of notional elements of various status. Functional phrases of such and like character constitute limited groups supplementing the corresponding subsets of regular one-item functional words, as different from notional phrases which, as free combinations, form essentially open subsets of various semantic destinations. For example:

No one could account for his objection to our plan. àã áù ã¿ñ Ï³ñáÕ ³ÏÝÏ³É»É, áñ Ý³ Ù»ñ Íñ³·ñÇÝ ¹»Ù ÏÉÇÝÇ: He should be ashamed of himself. Ü³ å»ïù ¿ áñ ³Ù³ãÇ Çñ ³ñ³ÍÇó: You shouldn’t rely on him. âå»ïù ¿ ÑáõÛë ¹Ý»ë Ýñ³ íñ³: Who is going to look after your children while you are away? à±í ¿ ËÝ³Ù»Éáõ »ñ»Ë³Ý»ñÇ¹, ÙÇÝã ¹áõ ³Ûëï»Õ ã»ë: I’ve been dependent on both of you so long. ºë »ñÏ³ñ Å³Ù³Ý³Ï Ó»ñ »ñÏáõëÇó ¿É Ï³Ëí³Í »Ù »Õ»É:

The use of prepositions is determined by different factors. Sometimes it may be quite free depending on the meaning that is meant by the speaker. In many cases the choice of the preposition is determined by the main word with which it is used. In other cases the choice of the preposition depends on the noun that follows it: For example:

Who was the first to speak at the meeting? à±í å»ïù ¿ ³é³çÇÝÁ Ëáë»ñ ÅáÕáíÇÝ: He went there on business. Ü³ ·áñÍáí ·Ý³ó ³ÛÝï»Õ: He is now on a concert tour in Europe. Ü³ ÑÇÙ³ Ñ³Ù»ñ·³ÛÇÝ ÑÛáõñ³Ë³Õ»ñÇ ¿ ºíñáå³ÛáõÙ: I’m planning to finish it in February. ºë åÉ³Ý³íáñáõÙ »Ù ³í³ñï»É ¹³ ÷»ïñí³ñÇÝ:

Prepositions, like all the other functional words re-interpreted by syntactic approach, also reveal some important traits that remained undiscovered in earlier descriptions. Functional words, considered by their role in the structure of the sentence, are proved to be exposers of various syntactic categories, i.e. they render structural meanings referring to phrases and sentences in constructional forms similar to derivational (word-building) and relational (grammatical) morphemes in the composition of separate words.

52 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

The corresponding meanings of the English prepositions have their equivalent forms in Armenian. Those meanings are expressed by the case category in Armenian. Case is the immanent morphological category of the noun manifested in the forms of noun declension and showing the relations of the nounal referent to other objects and phenomena. Thus, the case form of the noun, or contractedly its “case” (in the narrow sense of the word), is a morphological-declensional form. In modern English there are many prepositions denoting time relationships or dura- tion. The equivalent meanings in Armenian are expressed by the Dative case:

¸³ë»ñÝ ëÏëíáõÙ »Ý Å³ÙÁ ÇÝÝÇÝ: Classes begin at 9 o’clock. ºñ¨³ÝÁ ·»Õ»óÇÏ ¿ Ï»ë·Çß»ñÇÝ: Yerevan is beautiful at midnight. but: Ü³ ³ÙáõëÝ³ó³í ï³ëÝÛáÃ ï³ñ»Ï³Ý Ñ³ë³ÏáõÙ: She got married at the age of 17.

As is evident from the above examples the Armenian case ending -ÇÝ/áõÙ corres - ponds to the preposition of time at in English. The English preposition from has got the equivalent meaning of the Armenian case endings -Çó/áõó . The corresponding meaning of the preposition by is expressed by the case endings -áí/Û³Ùμ in the examples below:

Most people work from 9 to 5. Þ³ï Ù³ñ¹ÇÏ ³ßË³ïáõÙ »Ý ÇÝÝÇó ÙÇÝã¨ ÑÇÝ·Á: They flew from Paris to Rome. Üñ³Ýù ö³ñÇ½Çó Ãé³Ý ÐéáÙ: I translated the article from Russian into English. ºë Ã³ñ·Ù³Ý»óÇ Ñá¹í³ÍÁ éáõë»ñ»ÝÇó ³Ý·É»ñ»Ý: He likes to travel by car. Ü³ ëÇñáõÙ ¿ »ñÃ¨»Ï»É ³íïáÙ»ù»Ý³Ûáí:

Generally in both languages prepositions are considered to be functional parts of speech. These are words that play the role of interpositional elements, determining the relations of notional words to one another. Thus, according to the comparison of the case meanings in Armenian and the corresponding meanings of prepositions in English, it can be mentioned that there is a certain kind of correspondence between them which can bring to the creation of several useful grammar rules which may be observed by translators. It will naturally make things easier for them while doing translations from Armenian into English or vice versa.

53 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

References:

1. Gordon, E.M., Krylova, I.P. (1980) A Grammar of Present-Day English. M.: Vyshaya Shkola. 2. Murphy, R. (1967) English Grammar in Use. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 3. Thomson, H., Martinet, E. (1986) A Practical English Grammar. New York: Oxford University Press. 4. Vince, M. (2008) Intermediate Language Practice. English Grammar and Vocabulary. China: Macmillan. 5. Leech, G., Svartvik, J. (1983) A Communicative Grammar of English. M.: Prosveshcheniye. 6. Blokh, M.Y. (1983) A Course in Theoretical English Grammar. M.: Vyshaya Shkola.

²Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ Ý³Ë¹ÇñÝ»ñÇ ¨ Ñ³Û»ñ»ÝÇ ÑáÉáí³Ï³Ý í»ñç³íáñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Ù»Ù³ï³Ï³Ý í»ñÉáõÍáõÃÛáõÝ

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ Ñ³ Ù» Ù³ï íáõÙ »Ý ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ Ý³Ë ¹Çñ Ý» ñÁ ¨ Ñ³ Û» ñ» ÝÇ Ñá Éá - í³ Ï³Ý í»ñ ç³ íá ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñÁ, μ»ñ íáõÙ »Ý û ñÇ Ý³Ï Ý»ñ, á ñáÝó ÑÇ Ù³Ý íñ³ Ý»ñ Ï³ - Û³ó íáõÙ ¿ Ñ³ Û» ñ» ÝÇ ï³ñ μ»ñ Ñá Éáí Ý» ñÇ ¨ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ ï³ñ μ»ñ Ý³Ë ¹Çñ Ý» ñÇ Ñ³ - Ù³ å³ ï³ë Ë³ ÝáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ: ä»ïù ¿ Ýß»É, áñ Ñá¹ í³ ÍÇ Ã» Ù³Ý ß³ ñáõ Ý³ Ï» ÉÇ ¿ ¨ »Ý Ã³ - Ï³ ¿ Ñ» ï³ ·³ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ Û³Ý, ù³ ÝÇ áñ ³ÏÝ Ï³É íáõÙ ¿, áñ Ñá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ ßá ß³÷ - íáÕ Ã» Ù³Ý μ³ í³ Ï³ ÝÇÝ û· ï³ Ï³ñ ÝÛáõÃ Ï³ ñáÕ ¿ Í³ é³ Û»É ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ Ý³Ë ¹Çñ Ý» - ñÇ ¨ Ñ³ Û» ñ» ÝÇ Ñá Éá í³ Ï³Ý í»ñ ç³ íá ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇ Ñ³ Ù³ å³ ï³ë Ë³ ÝáõÃ ÛáõÝÝ áõ - ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñ» Éáõ Ñ³ Ù³ñ: ÜÙ³Ý áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÁ Ï³ ñáÕ »Ý Ñ³Ý ·»ó Ý»É ù» - ñ³ Ï³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ÏáÝÏ ñ»ï Ï³ ÝáÝ Ý» ñÇ ëï»ÕÍ Ù³ ÝÁ, á ñÁ μÝ³ Ï³ Ý³ μ³ñ ¹Ûáõ ñÇÝ Ï¹³ñÓ ÝÇ Ã³ñ· Ù³Ý ã³ Ï³Ý ³ß Ë³ ï³Ý ùÁ Ñ³ Û» ñ» ÝÇó ³Ý· É» ñ»Ý ¨ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇó Ñ³ - Û» ñ»Ý:

54 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

On Some Criteria for Defining Lexical Semantics

t is a well-known fact that the majority of words in any Ilanguage tend to denote more than one referent, thus causing ambiguity of meaning expressed. The prevalence of the lexical ambiguity has inspired considerable research among linguists interested in characterizing the types and levels of ambiguity, as well as its causes. The sources of ambiguity are different such as broad meaning and polysemy, to name a few. From an overview of the literature on these semantic phenomena, it emerges that special attention has been paid to such theoretical issues as defining and charac- Yelena Yerznkyan terizing these two linguistic categories, studying the semantic structure and lexical compatibility of broad meaning and polysemy. Researches on specific aspects, namely, revealing the main criteria of classification of lexical units according to their semantics, establishing where polysemy ends and broad meaning starts, are infrequent. The present paper focuses on some distinctive peculiarities defining such phenomena of lexical semantics as broad meaning and polysemy. It should be mentioned that there is no generally accepted definition for the lexemes, here termed as broad meaning words. L. Bloomfield and G. Cook name them substitutes, the reason being their main function of substitution at the Lusine Harutyunyan syntagmatic level (Bloomfield 1968; Cook 2001). Within the framework of cognitive linguistics, H. Schmid suggests the metaphoric term “shell nouns” (Schmid 2000), while E. Clark terms them as “general purpose words” (Clark 1980). In the Russian academic literature one can come across the term “broad meaning” (øèðîêîçíà÷íîñòü), which seems to be quite appropriate for characterizing the specific nature of such words. Broad meaning is generally defined as a type of lexical semantics with a high level of generalization. Broad meaning words are described as lexemes that possess broad conceptual basis with a growing tendency to generalization (Amosova 1963:14). In context, the semantic content of such words is restricted due to the meanings of neighbouring words. According to E. Mednikova broad meaning words correlate with the concepts, which reflect the reality in a maximally generalized way (maximally generalized lexical meaning) (Mednikova 1989:10-17). I. Arnold defines broad meaning lexemes as generic terms, i.e. words that are semantically wide. He states that these are words “expressing notions in which abstraction and

55 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

generalization are so great that they can substitute any word of their class…. They denote in a most general way such objects, actions, states, qualities or relationships between them, that the human mind discerns in the surrounding reality and reflects in notions” (Arnold 1973:121). In the extended research conducted by S. Dimova, broad meaning is viewed as a unique type of lexical meaning, at the heart of which lie concept categories and generic concepts. The emergence and existence of such concepts are related to the unique human ability for the abstraction of generalization (Dimova 1971). In some linguistic studies, it is assumed that the existence of broad meaning words depends on the typological character of a language. Namely, it is stated that broad meaning develops in analytical languages where there is a necessity for the words to be actively involved in the formation of lexical units, preserving their own lexico-semantic independence (Plotkin, Grosul 1982:84). Another view is that broad meaning is characteristic of both analytical and synthetic languages. In this respect, it is worth mentioning the existence of broad meaning words in such synthetic languages as Russian (âåùü, øòóêà, ïðåäìåò) and their equivalents in Armenian (μ³Ý , ³é³ñÏ³, Ç ñ). Broad meaning words are characterized by high frequency of occurrence in the flow of speech, thus contributing to the process of language economy. It is universally known, that a coherent definition of the term “linguistic economy” is provided by A. Martinet. He defines it as the unstable balance between the need of communication and natural human inertia, two essential forces contributing to the optimization of the linguistic system. He states that any change occurring within the system – which is never static – is explained by means of the following dichotomy: a single act of communication requires, on the one hand, clearness and precision, which multiply conspicuous units, and, on the other, a remarkable organic inertia which produces effort relaxation, less numerous, less specific and more frequently occurring units, whose result is a hasty and careless expression (Martinet 1955). Thus, the use of broad meaning lexemes in speech is motivated by mere tendency to economy and is governed by the principle of least effort. The former is related to the lack of time for the speaker to organize and edit his speech, whereas due to the latter, the speaker tends to use a minimal number of linguistic units to cover a maximum amount of information. One of the characteristic features of broad meaning words that distinguishes them from other lexical units, is their significant tendency to grammaticalization and, consequently, desemanticisation. As is known, grammaticalization is a semantic process involving some shifts in lexical meaning of linguistic units. Specifically, “the change whereby lexical terms and constructions come in certain linguistic contexts to serve grammatical functions, and, once grammaticalized, continue to develop new grammatical functions” (Hopper, Traugott 2003:1). The term “desemanticisation” or “semantic” bleaching refers to the loss of all (or most) lexical content of an entity while its grammatical content is retained (Heine 1993:89). J. Matisoff describes bleaching as “the partial effacement of a morpheme’s semantic features, the stripping away of some of its precise content so it can be used in an abstracter, grammatical-hardware-like way” (Matisoff 1991:384). The seminal role of a word’s lexical meaning in syntactic structures was prefigured

56 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

by V. Yartseva and principally elaborated by I. Lotova who states that broad meaning words like auxiliary verbs are capable of fulfilling syntactic function. She defines them as semantically blank. In this case, the primary role is attributed to their grammatical meaning and not to the lexical one (Yartseva 1968; Lotova 1977:8). This assumption appears to be quite argumentative as there are numerous cases where these words even at the highest level of grammaticalization reflect some notion. This can be proved by substituting these words with their semantic equivalents (if there are any). Such substitution leads to the distortion in sentence meaning. Thus, we can conclude that the term “grammaticalization”, in case of a broad meaning word, does not imply a complete effacement but a partial slackening of its lexical meaning. Grammaticalization here is viewed as a secondary function of broad meaning linguistic units (along with their primary function of nomination) to fulfill the role of function words, seeking to express grammatical relationships between different words within an utterance. The fact that broad meaning is inherent in lexemes of different parts of speech, namely nouns and verbs, may serve as a basis for considering it a special autonomous lexico- semantic category. As was mentioned above, another cause for ambiguity can be polysemy. The definitions of polysemy existing in linguistic literature are practically identical with some slight modifications; a word is polysemous if it has several (to be more precise – more than one) meanings semantically related to each other. G. Stepanova and A. Shram define a polysemous word as a flexible and open structure with non-strictly fixed number of meanings (Stepanova, Shram 1980). It is generally known that different lexical meanings of a polysemous word being semantically interrelated, share one common semantic line or component. Irrespective of the number of meanings a word can possess, this semantic line will be inherent in all the meanings of a word. This semantic line is also known as a common semantic component of various lexico-semantic variants. Thus, one of the characteristic features of a polysemous word is derivational relations between its meanings. A similar relation, with no regard to some differences, can be observed in the semantic structure of a broad meaning word. For instance, from the meaning of the noun thing (an object), the meanings “somebody’s personal possessions” or “tea, school, swimming things” are derived (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English 2008). Studying the different meanings of one and the same broad meaning word, V. Sokolova names them lexical variants, in contrast to lexico-semantic variants of a polysemous word. She defines a lexical variant as “a concrete case of broad meaning realization in a certain distributional formula with a certain lexical content” (Sokolova 1967:25). The wide use of a broad meaning word in countless contexts has led some linguists to qualify the meanings in periphery as occasional ones. The semantics of the word is dependent on the meaning of neighbouring words. Occasional meanings, as is known, are not included in the semantic structure of a word and are considered to be non-recurrent occasional cases of word meaning realization. This fact is quite arguable as in speech one

57 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

can observe regular recurrence of lexico-semantic variants of a broad meaning word which are fixed in dictionaries due to their permanent use to denote a certain number of referents. The thing that is common to polysemous and broad meaning words is the multiplicity of their meanings. But it should be clarified here that in case of a broad meaning word we have more meanings as the number of its referents is not limited but determined by the theoretically possible contexts, whereas the meanings of a polysemous word are restricted and defined by the referents they denote. This is also evident in the form of semantic structures of these lexemes. In case of polysemy we have a fragmentary semantic structure with precise number of meanings to some extent differing from each other. Let us compare the following lexico-semantic variants of the polysemous verb to hold – 1. to carry something; 2. to put your hand on part of your body; 3. to keep something or somebody in a particular position; 4. to support the weight of something; 5. to have enough space of something; 6. to keep somebody and not allow to leave; 7. to defend something against attack; 8. to remain strong and safe or in position; 9. to remain the same; 10. to keep somebody’s attention or interest; 11. to keep something at the same level, rate; 12. to own or have something; 13. to have a particular job or position; 14. to have something you have gained or achieved; 15. to consider that something is true; etc (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English 2008). Considering the given variants, it would be hardly possible to establish any logical association between some of the meanings of the word to hold, especially if one tries to find something linking the meanings in periphery (lexico-semantic variants 14, 15) to the main meaning (lexico-semantic variant 1). This is the result of semantic change which contributes to the constant development of polysemy. Also known as semantic shift, it refers to the evolution of word usage, usually to the point that the modern meaning is radically different from the original usage. Polysemy is mainly the result of metaphoric and metonymic derivation. During the gradual development of the systems of meaning more and more new meanings are added to the old ones. Some other meanings are ousted. This complicated process of polysemy development involves both appearance of new meanings and loss of old ones. Consequently, the innate semantic line in all these meanings that links them to each other gradually fades away or sometimes vanishes altogether. This is the main cause of the fragmentary character of the semantic structure of a polysemous word. In contrast to a polysemous word, the form of the semantic structure of a broad meaning word is of integral character, which is caused by the fact that meanings in it are in hyponymic relationship. The latter is known as a lexical relation, corresponding to the inclusion of one class in another or a word meaning including the meaning of the other word. A hyponym is a subordinate, specific term whose referent is included in the referent of super ordinate term. Thus, the meanings of a broad meaning word are in terms of inclusion. Compare the following lexico-semantic variants of a broad meaning verb to go - 1. to move or travel from one place to another; 2. to move or travel, especially with somebody else, to a particular place in order to be present at an event; 3. to move or trav-

58 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

el in a particular way or over a particular distance; 4. to move in a particular way; 5. to leave one place in order to reach another; 6. to leave one place and do something different; 7. to visit or attend a place for a particular purpose; 8. to leave a place or travel to a place in order to take part in an activity or a sport; 9. to be sent or passed; 10. to lead or extend from one place to another; 11. to have as a usual or correct position; to be placed; 12. used to say that something does not fit into a particular place or space; etc (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English 2008). When drawing parallels between the above-mentioned meanings, one can not fail to find a generalized meaning covering and holding together the rest of the semantic structure. This is the basic semantic component reflecting in a most generalized way the notion of movement. It can be seen, that the main direct nominative meaning, the first lexico-semantic variant, semantically covers and includes the rest of the meanings. They, in their turn, are semantically included in one another. These relationships provide the integrity of the semantic structure of a broad meaning word. The multiplicity of meanings within the semantic structure of broad meaning words is a precondition for their correlation with, in some cases, innumerous referents. In this respect it would be appropriate to mention the definition of these words from the cognitive point of view. Specifically, E. Belyaevskaya notes that broad meaning words are “blank cognitive models, which are applied to the frame of the referent to form its semantics” (Belyaevskaya 1992:22). One of the distinguishing characteristics of broad meaning lexemes is their total and obligatory dependence on context and the ability to be semantically retrieved at the expense of neighbouring words, within syntagmatic relationships. In these terms, broad meaning words have much in common with deictic words as “their collocability with other words is a necessary criterion for their semantic realization. Broad meaning words are context-dependent as they require a syntactic ‘extender’ to be unfolded and con- cretized. The latter also refers to deictic words, as they acquire the real meaning in speech where they are ‘attached’ to a certain referent” (Yerznkyan 1988:28). The context plays a crucial role when it comes to the realization of meanings of a polysemous word. In speech the context singles out the very lexico-semantic variant meant, while cancelling the rest of the meanings. The confrontation of broad meaning and polysemy does not, however, exclude the possible coexistence of these two linguistic phenomena. This fact was first mentioned by S. Dimova who pointed out six polysemous and two broad meaning lexico-semantic variants within the semantic structure of the noun way (Dimova 1971). The coexistence of polysemous and broad meaning lexico-semantic variants within the semantic structure of one and the same word is also admitted by A. Kuzyakin, M. Blokh and A.Aralov (Kuzyaki 1989; Blokh and Aralov 1985). Similarly A. Plotnikova states that broad meaning verbs are linguistic units that possess more than seven meanings in their semantic structure. The meanings denote both concrete physical actions and emotional, verbal as well as social processes. Consequently, the basic distinction from polysemous verbs is that the meanings of broad meaning verbs cover three semantic fields Action, State, Relation which represent denota- tional situations with various groups of participants (Plotnikova 2009:1).

59 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Considering different definitions and speculations suggested in a great number of linguistic works on such ambiguous issues of lexical semantics as polysemy and broad meaning, we have tried to establish the basic criteria for differentiating these two complex linguistic phenomena. Specifically, broad meaning words reflect generalized notions and each meaning has a certain portion of abstraction in it, whereas the meanings of polysemous words are semantically more concrete within the framework of correlation with their referents. These words are context-dependent as the only means of realization of their lexico-semantic variants is the linguistic environment which reveals and identifies the very meaning conveyed. Both broad meaning and polysemous words of them possess specific semantic structures, the difference being the fragmentary character of the semantic structure of a polysemous word and that of the integral form of a broad meaning word. The coexistence of such linguistic phenomena within the semantic structure of one and the same word is conditioned by the tendency of some lexico-semantic variants of polysemous lexemes to generalize and strip away their semantic content. A thorough understanding of the criteria involved in the semantic changes and shifts within the semantics of these types of words may eventually lead to a clearer interpretation and distinction of broad meaning and polysemy.

References:

1. Amosova, N.N. (1957) K voprosu o leksicheskom znachenii slova. // Vestnik LGU, N2. Seria istorii yazika i literatury. L. 2. Arnold, I.V. (1973) The English Word. M.: Prosveshcheniye. 3. Belyaevskaya, E.G. (1992) Semanticheskaya struktura slova v nominativnom i kom- munikativnom aspekte. Avtoref. dokt. dis. M. 4. Blokh, M.Ya., Aralov, A.M. (1985) Aspekty znacheniya slova. // Semantika i funkcionirovanie anglijskogo glagola. Gorki: GTPIIYA. 5. Bloomfield, L. (1968) Yazik. M.: Vyshaya Shkola. 6. Clark, E.V. (1980) Strategies for communicating. // Language and Language Use. // A.K. Pugh; V.J. Lee; J.L Swan (eds.). 7. Cook, G. (2001) Discourse. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 8. Dimova S.N. (1971) K probleme shirokogo znacheniya slova (na materiale sush- estvitelnogo way). // Sintaksicheskie issledovania po anglijskomu yaziku. Uch. Zap. MGPI im V.I. Lenina, t. 416. 9. Heine, B. (1993) Auxiliaries: Cognitive Forces and Grammaticalization. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 10. Hopper, P., Traugott, E. (2003) Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 11. Kuzyakin, A.S. (1989) Semanticheskaya struktura shirokoznachnykh glagolov “give”, “get” i eyo realizaciya v sintaksise predlogeniya. // Leksicheskaya i sintak- sicheskaya semantika. Saransk. 12. Lotova, I.S. (1977) Sintaksicheskie struktury s desemantizirovannym sushestwitel- nym “thing” v sovremennom anglijskom yazike. Avtoref. kand. dis. M.

60 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

13. Martinet, A. (1955) Economie des changements phonétiques. Traité de phonologie diachronique. Bern: Francke. 14. Matisoff, J. (1991) A Real and Universal Dimensions of Grammaticalization in Lahu. // E.C. Traugott; B. Heine (eds.). Approaches to Grammaticalization. V. II, Amsterdam: Benjamins. 15. Mednikova E.M. (1989) Semantika slova. Noviye aspekty. // Formalnye i semantich- eskie aspekty slova. Kalinin. 16. Plotkin, V. Ya., Grosul, L. Ya. (1982) Shirokoznachnost` kak leksiko-semanticheksya kategoria. // Teoreticheskiye problemy semantiki i eyo otrageniye v odnoyazich- nykh slovaryakh. Kishinyov: Shtiinica. 17. Plotnikova, A.M. (2009) Shirokoznachniye glagoly v sovremennom russkom yazike. // Izvestiya Uralskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, N 1/2 (63). Yekaterinburg. 18. Schmid, H.J. (2000) English Nouns as Conceptual Shells. From Corpus to Cognition. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 19. Sokolova, V.M. (1967) K probleme slov shirokoi semantiki. // Voprosy germanskoi filologii. Volgograd. 20. Stepanova, G.V., Shram, A.N. (1980) Vvedeniye v semasiologiyu russkogo yazika. Kaliningrad: KGU. 21. Yartseva, V. N. (1968) Vzaimootnosheniye grammatiki i leksiki v sisteme yazika. // Issledovaniya po obshei teorii grammatiki. Ì.: Vyshaya Shkola. 22. Yerznkyan,Y. (1988) Deikticheskaya semantika slova. Yerevan: YSU Publishers. 23. Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English. (2008) Seventh edition. Oxford-N.Y.: Oxford University Press.

´³éÇÙ³ëïÇ ë³ÑÙ³ÝÙ³Ý ã³÷³ÝÇßÝ»ñÇ ßáõñç

Ðá¹ í³ ÍÝ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÙ ¿ μ³ éÇ Ù³ë ïÇ »ñ Ïáõ Ï³ñ¨á ñ³ ·áõÛÝ ï» ë³Ï Ý»ñÁ` É³Û - ÝÇ Ù³ë ïáõÃ ÛáõÝÁ ¨ μ³½ ÙÇ Ù³ëïáõÃ ÛáõÝÁ: öáñÓ ¿ ³ñ íáõÙ ë³Ñ Ù³ Ý»É ³ÛÝ ã³ ÷³ ÝÇß Ý» - ñÁ, á ñáÝù ÃáõÛÉ Ïï³Ý Ñëï³Ï Ï»ñ åáí ï³ ñ³Ý ç³ ï»É ³Ûë μ³ñ¹, ã³ ÷³ ½³Ýó ³ Ýá ñáß, »ñ μ»ÙÝ Ù³ ë³Ùμ Ï³Ù ³Ù μáÕ çá íÇÝ Ñ³ ÙÁÝÏ ÝáÕ »ñ¨áõÛÃ Ý» ñÁ: àõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ ÛáõÝÇó å³ñ½íáõÙ ¿, áñ É³Û ÝÇ Ù³ëï ¨ μ³½ ÙÇ Ù³ëï μ³ é» ñÁ ï³ñ μ»ñ íáõÙ »Ý ÙÇÙ Û³Ý óÇó áã ÙÇ³ÛÝ ·áñ Í³ é³ Ï³Ý ¨ Ç Ù³ë ï³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ³ éáõ Ùáí, ³ÛÉ¨ Ç ñ»Ýó Ç Ù³ë ï³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý Ï³ éáõó í³Í ùáí, á ñÁ Ç Ù³ëï Ý» ñÇ ÷á ÷áË Ù³Ý å³ï Ù³ Ï³Ý ·áñ ÍÁÝ Ã³ óÇ ³Ý ÙÇ ç³ - Ï³Ý ³ñ¹ ÛáõÝù ¿: È³Û ÝÇ Ù³ëï μ³ éÇ ¹»å ùáõÙ ³é Ï³ »Ý ³ í» ÉÇ ß³ï Ç Ù³ëï Ý»ñ, ù³ ÝÇ áñ í»ñ çÇ ÝÇë ¹» Ýá ï³ï Ý» ñÇ ÃÇ íÁ ë³Ñ Ù³ Ý³ ÷³Ï ã¿, ³ÛÉ Ï³Ý Ëá ñáß íáõÙ ¿ ï» ë³ Ï³ - Ýá ñ»Ý ÑÝ³ ñ³ íáñ »Ý Ã³ ï»ùë ï» ñáí: ØÇÝã ¹»é μ³½ ÙÇ Ù³ëï μ³ éÇ Ç Ù³ëï Ý» ñÇ ÃÇ íÁ ë³Ñ Ù³Ý íáõÙ ¿ Çñ ÏáÕ ÙÇó Ýß³ Ý³ ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ ëï³ ó³Í ¹» Ýá ï³ï Ý» ñÇ Ãíáí:

61 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Idioms in Colours

ll languages possess a great number of word-groups Awhich are known as idioms. The use of idioms much depends on the context. Proceeding from the assumption that individual meanings of polysemantic words can be observed in a certain context it is argued that idioms are to be defined through specific types of context. Free word-groups make up variable contexts, whereas the essential feature of idioms is a non-variable or fixed context. Non-variability is understood as the stability of the word-group. In variable contexts which include polyseman- Kristine Harutyunyan tic words, substitution of one of the components is possible within the limits of the lexical valency of the word under consideration (Ginzburg 1979:72). Idioms are to a great extent a product of culture. They come into being on the basis of the specific worldview of a particular speech community and reflect its empirical, historical and spiritual experience. As a manifestation of national wit as a particular sort of national creativity, idioms through the system of images, symbols and stereotypes fixed in them, carry on from generation to generation the accumulated culture and thus ensure national identity. Idioms are claimed to have powerful cohesive force. Being institutionalized units of the language they are shared by all members of a given speech community or various subgroups within it and bind the members of such groups together as a manifestation of their identity. At the same time idioms have the power of keeping out non-members of the group and distinguishing such groups from others (New Developments in Modern Anglistics 1997:118). Taking into account all these peculiarities, idioms should be translated with special care. Our research has shown that the idioms with colour terms that are found in the novels of British and American authors are translated in different ways into Armenian and Russian. The first variant of translation is to use the equivalent idiom existing in Armenian or Russian. On the other hand, if a corresponding equivalent is non-existent, idioms can be translated with the help of non-idiomatic expressions. A certain number of examples are adduced below:

And round Crum were still gathered a forlorn hope of bluebloods with a plutocratic following. (Galsworthy 104)

ºí øñáõÝÇ ßáõñç ¹»é Ñ³í³ùí»É ¿ÇÝ ½áõñ ÑáõÛë»ñáí ï³ñí³Í ³½Ýí³Ï³ÝÝ»ñÁª ¹ñ³Ù³ï»ñ ÁÝÏ»ñÝ»ñÇ ßù³ËÙμáí: (Galsworthy 145)

62 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

È âîêðóã Êðóìà âñå åùå ñîáèðàëèñü ïåðäñòàâèòåëè ãîëóáîé êðîâè ñ èõ áûëûìè íàäåæäàìè, à çà íèìè òÿíóëàñü ïëóòî êðà - òèÿ. (Galsworthy 438)

It always ends up making you blue as hell. (Salinger 94)

ØÇßï ¹ñ³Ýó å³ï×³éáí ïñ³Ù³¹ñáõÃÛáõÝ¹ ÁÝÏÝáõÙ ¿: (Salinger 120)

Âå÷íî èç-çà íèõ ðàññòðàèâàåøüñÿ. (Salinger 320)

In the first example the idiom blue blood has equivalents both in Armenian and Russian languages (though it is not introduced in the Armenian translation), whereas the idiom blue as hell is translated without the use of colour terms. The colour term blue has the meaning of sadness and gloominess only in the English language:

I`ve been thinking of the past and I am as blue as the devil. (Maugham 62)

ÐÇßáõÙ ¿Ç ³ÝóÛ³ÉÁ áõ ³ÛÝå»ë ïñ³Ù³¹ñáõÃÛáõÝë ÁÝÏ³í: (Maugham 72)

ß äóìàëà î ïðîøëîì, è ó ìåíÿ òåïåðü ñòðàøíàÿ õàíäðà. (Maugham 246)

I just felt blue as hell. (Salinger 125)

Ðá·Ý³ÍáõÃÛáõÝ ã¿Ç ½·áõÙ, ³éÑ³ë³ñ³Ï áãÇÝã ã¿Ç ½·áõÙ, μ³óÇ ëáëÏ³ÉÇ ïñïÙáõÃÛáõÝÇó: (Salinger 160)

Âîîáùå íè÷åãî íå ÷óâñòâîâàë, êðîìå æóòêîé òîñêè. (Salinger 349)

You are seeing blue tonight, old thing. (Galsworthy 223)

²Ûëûñ ³Ù»Ý ÇÝã Ùé³ÛÉ »ë ï»ëÝáõÙ, ëÇñ»ÉÇë: (Galsworthy 680)

63 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Ñåé÷àñ òåáå âñå ïðåäñòàâëÿåòñÿ â ìðà÷íîì ñâåòå. (Galsworthy 455)

I have absolutely got to have an interest in life, or this country will give me the blues. (Galsworthy 348)

ºë ³Ý å³Û Ù³Ý å»ïù ¿ ÙÇ Ñ» ï³ùñù ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ áõ Ý» Ý³Ù ÏÛ³Ý ùáõÙ, Ã» ã¿ ³Ûë »ñ ÏÇ ñÁ ë¨ áõñ μ³ ÃÇ å»ë Ù» É³ Ù³Õ Óáï Ï¹³ñÓ ÝÇ ÇÝÓ: (Galsworthy 456)

Ìíå ïðîñòî íåîáõîäèìî íàéòè êàêîé-òî èíòåðåñ â æèçíè, èíà÷å ýòà ñòðàíà íàãîíèò íà ìåíÿ çåëåíóþ òîñêó. (Galsworthy 651)

The last example seems to be more vivid and interesting as the idiom to give the blues is translated both into Armenian and Russian with the help of the idioms containing colour terms different from the original, i.e. black and green. Though the translators have used different colour terms, the translations are very appropriate as they reflect exactly the same mood that is expressed in the original. The fact that sadness in Armenian is of the black colour whereas in Russian it is green, can be explained by national and cultural peculiarities of the given languages.

One did not reach him or so it was reported by members of the family who, out of old-time habit or absent-mindedness, would drive up once in a blue moon and ask after their surviving uncle. (Galsworthy 38)

Üñ³ Ùáï ³Ý Ï³ ñ» ÉÇ ¿ñ ÙïÝ»É, ¨ Ï³Ù ³Û¹ å»ë ¿ÇÝ ³ ëáõÙ ·»ñ ¹³ë ï³ - ÝÇ ³ÛÝ ³Ý¹³Ù Ý» ñÁ, áñáÝù ÑÇÝ ëáíá ñáõÃ Û³Ý áõÅáí, Ï³Ù ¿É óñí³- ÍáõÃ Û³Ý ÙÇ ñá å»ÇÝ, ·³ ÉÇë ¿ÇÝ Ñ³ ½³ ñÇó Ù»Ï áõ Ñ³ñó ÝáõÙ Ç ñ»Ýó áÕç ÙÝ³ ó³Í Ñá ñ»Õ μáñ ³ éáÕ çáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ: (Galsworthy 440)

Äî íåãî íå äîáðàòüñÿ, èëè òàê, ïî êðàéíåé ìåðå óòâåðæäàëè òå èç ðîäíè, êòî ïî ñòàðèííîé ïðèâû÷êå èëè ðàññåÿííîñòè íåò- íåò, à çàõîäèëè ñþäà ïðîâåäàòü ñâîåãî ïîñëåäíåãî äÿäþ. (Galsworthy 641)

Then all of a sudden, out of a clear blue sky, old Sally said, “Look, I have to know”. (Salinger 106)

64 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Ð³Ý Ï³ñÍ, ³ é³Ýó ³ÛÉ¨³Û ÉáõÃ Û³Ý ê³É ÉÇÝ ³ ëáõÙ ¿. – È ëÇñ, »ë áõ ½áõÙ »Ù Ñ³ë ï³ï Ç Ù³ Ý³É: (Salinger 136)

Âäðóã íè ñ òîãî íè ñ ñåãî, Ñàëëè ñïðàøèâàåò: - Ñëóøàé, ìíå íàäî òî÷íî çíàòü. (Salinger 331)

The idioms once in a blue moon and out of a clear blue sky have no equivalents in Armenian and Russian. The majority of the idioms with the colour term white (ëåÇï³Ï, áåëûé) have positive meaning, whereas the idioms with the colour term black (ë¨, ÷åðíûé) are negative. Yet there are some exceptions: white elephant, to show the white feather in the black; ³ãùÇ ë¨Á ëåÇï³Ï ³Ý»É, ë¨ÇÝ ëåÇï³Ï ³ë»É, ëåÇï³Ï μÇÍ, ëåÇï³Ï ç³ñ¹; áåëàÿ ãîðÿ÷êà, øòîïàòü áåëûìè íèòêàìè, etc.

His truly English pragmatism, could not help feeling that Michael would be well rid of a white elephant. (Galsworthy 66)

êáÙ ½Á Çñ μáõÝ ÇëÏ ³Ý· ÉÇ³ Ï³Ý åñ³· Ù³ ïÇ½ Ùáí, åÇ ïÇ áõ Ý» Ý³ñ ³ÛÝ ½·³óáõ ÙÁ, áñ Ø³ÛùÉÁ, ÷³éù ³ëïÍá, ³ ½³ï í»ó ÙÇ ×ÝßáÕ μ» - éÇó: (Galsworthy 455)

Ñîìñ êàê èñòûé àíãëè ÷à íèí, ñêëîíÿâ øèé ñÿ ê ïðàãìà òèç ìó, êîíñòàòè ðî âàë áû ñ îáëåã ÷å íèåì, ÷òî Ìàéêë îòäå ëàë ñÿ îò ãðî- ìîçäêî ãî áðåìå íè . (Galsworthy 311)

The idiom white elephant is typical only of the English language. Plenty of straight men racing but a lot of blackguards hanging about the sport. (Galsworthy 92)

²½ÝÇí Ù³ñ¹ÇÏ ß³ï Ï³Ý ÓÇ³ñß³ íÇ ³ëå³ ñ» ½áõÙ, μ³Ûó ùÇã ã»Ý Ý³¨ ëñÇ Ï³ Ý» ñÁ, á ñáÝù åïïíáõÙ »Ý ³Û¹ ëåáñ ïÇ ßáõñ çÁ: (Galsworthy147)

Â ìèðå ñêà÷åê äîñòàòî÷íî ÷åñòíûõ ëþäåé, íî ñêîëüêî ìåðçàâöåâ ïðèìàçûâàåòñÿ ñî ñòîðîíû! (Galsworthy 568)

65 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Well, he would tackle it, write to Jon, and put the whole thing down in black and white. (Galsworthy 176)

²Ûá, Çñ Ó»éùÁ Ïí»ñóÝÇ ËÝ¹ÇñÁ, Ï·ñÇ æáÝÇÝ, ë ¨áí ëåÇ ï³ ÏÇ íñ³ Ïß³ ñ³¹ ñÇ ³Ù μáÕç ³Û¹ ³Ýó Û³É å³ï ÙáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ: (Golsuordi 641)

Îí íàïèøåò Äæîíó, èçëîæèò âñå êàê åñòü - ÷åðíûì ïî áåëîìó. (Galsworthy 778)

- War-paint? -Yes, white waistcoat. (Galsworthy 78)

- ÈñÇí å³ßïáÝ³Ï³±Ý: - ²Ûá, ëåÇï³Ï μ³×ÏáÝ³Ï: (Galsworthy 82)

- Ïîëíûé ïàðàä? - Äà, áåëûé æèëåò. (Galsworthy 58)

The idioms black and white and white waistcoat are translated with the help of the same colour terms. On the other hand the translation of blackguards is different.

This was early in December, so that when Black Week came, he was enabled to say to everybody… (Galsworthy 130)

¸»Ïï»Ù μ» ñÇ ëÏÇ½μÝ ¿ñ ¹³, ³ÛÝå»ë áñ »ñμ §ê¨ ß³ μ³ ÃÁ¦ íñ³ Ñ³- ë³í, ÜÇ ùÁ É³ ëÁ Ï³ñ Í»ë Ç ñ³ íáõÝù ëï³ ó³í μá Éá ñÇÝ Ñ³Û ï³ ñ³ ñ» - Éáõ… (Galsworthy 183)

Ýòî áûëî â ñàìîì íà÷àëå äåêàáðÿ, òàê ÷òî, êîãäà ïðèøëà “×åðíàÿ íåäåëÿ”, îí ìîã âñÿêîìó ñêàçàòü.. (Galsworthy 465)

Black week is 10-15 December, 1899. During this short period the English army suf- fered a number of defeats. This expression can be understood correctly in case of one’s good knowledge of the history of Britain (cf. Black Tuesday).

Coming hastily out of a door, he received simultaneously a black eye. (Galsworthy 99)

66 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Þï³å ¹áõñë ·³ Éáí ÙÇ ¹éÝÇó, Ý³ ÙÇ³ Å³ Ù³ Ý³Ï »ñ Ïáõ Ñ³ñ í³Í ëï³ ó³í` Ù»ÏÝ ³ã ùÇ ï³Ï, áõñ Ï³å ï»ó: (Galsworthy 503)

Ïîñïåøíî âîéäÿ â óìûâàëüíóþ, îí òîò÷àñ æå ïîëó÷èë ñèíÿê ïîä ãëàçîì. (Galsworthy 343)

In this example again the colour term black is replaced by another one. And he would live to a green old age, like his dear father. (Galsworthy 242)

àõ áÕç-³ éáÕç Ï³å ñÇ ÙÇÝã¨ Ëáñ Í» ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ, Çñ ëÇ ñ» ÉÇ Ñ³Û ñÇ ÏÇ ÝÙ³Ý: (Galsworthy 344)

È îí äîæè âåò äî ãëóáî êîé ñòàðîñòè , êàê åãî äîðî ãîé îòåö. (Galsworthy 577)

“Well”, he said,”they brought me up to do nothing, and here I am in the sear and yellow, getting poorer every day”. (Galsworthy 14)

-¸»Ñ, - ³ ë³ó Ý³,- ÇÝÓ Ù³Ý ÏáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÇó ëá íá ñ»ó ñ»É »Ý á ãÇÝã ã³ Ý»É, ¨ ³ Ñ³ ÑÇ Ù³, »ñμ ï»ñ¨Ý»ñë ¹»Õ ÝáõÙ áõ Ã³÷ íáõÙ »Ý ³ñ ¹»Ý, û ñÇó ûñ ³ í» ÉÇ »Ù ³Õ ù³ ï³ ÝáõÙ: (Galsworthy 406)

-Äà,- ñêàçàë îí,- ÿ òàê âîñïè òàí, ÷òîáû íè÷å ãî íå äåëàòü, è âîò òåïåðü, íà ñêëîíå ëåò ìîèõ, íèùàþ ñ êàæäûì äíåì. (Galsworthy 618)

The colour terms green and yellow refer to an old age only in English. However, in Armenian we can see a translation - ï»ñ¨Ý»ñë ¹»ÕÝáõÙ »Ý where another colour term is used.

I am one of these very yellow guys. (Salinger 75)

ºë Ç μÝ» í³ËÏáï »Ù: (Salinger 95)

ß ïî ïðèðîäå òðóñ. (Salinger 302)

67 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

It is funny kind of yellowness, wthen you come to think of it, but it is yellowness, all right. (Salinger 76)

î³ ñû ñÇ Ý³Ï í³Ë Ïá ïáõÃ ÛáõÝ ¿, áñ Ùï³ ÍáõÙ »ë, μ³Ûó ³Û Ýá õ³ Ù» Ý³Û - ÝÇí, í³Ë Ïá ïáõÃ ÛáõÝ ¿: (Salinger 97)

Ñòðàííàÿ òðóñîñòü, åñëè ïîäóìàòü, íî âñå æå ýòî òðóñîñòü . (Salinger 303)

The colour term yellow in English is connected with cowardice and sensation. The meaning of sensation is reflected in Armenian and Russian (æåëò àÿ ï ðåññà, ¹»ÕÇÝ Ù³ÙáõÉ), but yellow in the meaning of cowardice is peculiar only to English. People live in the world full of colours which acquire different symbolic meanings. The meaning of the idioms containing colour terms is connected with the symbolic associations that exist in the particular speech community. This fact can’t be neglected in the process of translation. Idiomatic paremiological dictionaries are full of amusing periphrases of well- known idioms, proverbs and sayings, which, in fact, have very little to do with the complex meaning of the corresponding unit. It is not surprising therefore that these rather impressionistic definitions are of no or very little help to the user of language who is unable to form the necessary link between the meaning of an idiom and an appropriate discourse situation. Especially it affects foreign learners who fail to make a proper choice to match a particular speech event (New Developments in Modern Anglistics 1997:110).

References:

1. Ginzburg, R. et al. (1979) A Course in Modern English Lexicology. M.: Vyshaya shkola. 2. New Developments in Modern Anglistics (1997) M.: Moscow University Press.

Sources of Data:

1. Galsworthy, J. A. (1975) The Forsyte Saga. Books 1, 2. M.: Progress Publishers. 2. Galsworthy, J. A. (1975) Modern Comedy. Books 1, 2. M.: Progress Publishers. 3. Galsworthy, J. A. (1973) Saga o Forsaytakh. Tr. by N. Voljina, M. Bogoslavskaya, N. Bobrova, Vol. 1, 2, 3. M.: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 4. Galsworthy, J. A. (1973) Sovremennaya komedia. Tr. by R. Rayt-Kovaleva, A. Krivcova, M. Lorie. Vol. 1, 2, 3. M.: Khudozhestvennaya literatura.

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5. Galsworthy, J. A.(1977) Forsaytneri patmutyun. Tr. by K. Surenyan. Vol. 1, 2, 3. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 6. Galsworthy, J. A.(1980) Jamanakakic katakergutyun. Tr. by K. Surenyan. Vol. 1, 2, 3. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 7. Maugham, W. S. (1985) Theatre. M.: Vyshaya Shkola. 8. Maugham, W. S. (1983) Teatr. Tr. by G. Ostrovskaya. M.: Pravda. 9. Maugham, W. S. (1985) Tatron. Tr. by J. Hovhannisyan. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 10. Salinger, J. D. (1982) Catcher in the Rye. New-York: A National General Company. 11. Salinger, J. D. (1982) Nine Stories. M.: Progress Publishers. 12. Salinger, J. D. (1982) Raise the Roof Beam, Carpenters. M.: Progress Publishers. 13. Salinger, J. D. (1999) Nad propostyu vo rji. Tr. by R. Rayt-Kovaleva. Kharkov: Folio. 14. Salinger, J. D. (1999) Devyat rasskazov. Tr. by R. Rayt-Kovaleva. Kharkov: Folio. 15. Salinger, J. D. (1999) Vyshe stropila, plotniki. Tr. by R. Rayt-Kovaleva. Kharkov: Folio. 16. Salinger, J. D. (1978) Tarekani artum andundi ezrin. Tr. by A. Ghukasyan. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 17. Salinger, J. D. (1978) Tspeghneri bardzr ataghdzagortsner. Tr. by A. Ghukasyan. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 18. Salinger, J. D. (1978) (1978) Iny patmvatsq. Tr. by A. Ghukasyan. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh.

¶áõÝ³ÛÇÝ ¹³ñÓí³ÍùÝ»ñ

¶áõ Ý³ ÝáõÝ Ý» ñÁ ß³ï Ñ³ ×³Ë û· ï³ ·áñÍ íáõÙ »Ý ¹³ñÓ í³Íù Ý» ñáõÙ: ¸³ñÓ - í³Íù Ý» ñÁ Ù» Í³ å»ë Ùß³ ÏáõÛ ÃÇ ³ñ¹ ÛáõÝù »Ý: ¸³ñÓ í³Íù Ý» ñÇ Ç Ù³ë ï³ μ³ ÝáõÃ - Û³Ý ÑÇÙ ùáõÙ ß³ï Ñ³ ×³Ë ÁÝ Ï³Í »Ý ïíÛ³É ³½ ·ÇÝ ¨ Ùß³ ÏáõÛ ÃÇÝ Ñ³ ïáõÏ å³ï Ï» - ñ³ óáõÙ Ý»ñ ¨ ·³ Õ³ ÷³ñ Ý»ñ: ¸³ñÓ í³Íù Ý» ñÇ ï³ñ ñ» ñÁ É»½ í³ Ï³Ý Ï³ éáõÛ óáõÙ ÉÇ - Ý» Éáí ÁÝ¹ Ñ³Ý ñáõÛÃ` ÙÇ¨ÝáõÛÝ Å³ Ù³ Ý³Ï Ý³¨ ³ Ù» Ý³³Ï Ý³ éáõ É»½ í³ Ï³Ý ³ é³ÝÓ - Ý³ Ñ³ï ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñÝ »Ý, á ñáÝù ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Û ïáõÙ »Ý ³Ûë Ï³Ù ³ÛÝ É»½ íÇ ³½ ·³ ÛÇÝ Ñ³ï Ï³ ÝÇß Ý» ñÁ, Ýñ³ μ³ é³ Ï³½ Ù³ Ï³Ý, ù» ñ³ Ï³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ¨ á ×³ Ï³Ý Ýñμ» ñ³Ý· Ý» - ñÁ: ¶áõ Ý³ ÝáõÝ Ý»ñ å³ ñáõ Ý³ ÏáÕ ¹³ñÓ í³Íù Ý» ñÇ Ç Ù³ë ïÁ Ï³å í³Í ¿ ïíÛ³É Ñ³ - ë³ ñ³ ÏáõÃ Û³Ý Ù»ç ·á ÛáõÃ ÛáõÝ áõ Ý» óáÕ ·áõ Ý³ ÛÇÝ ËáñÑñ ¹³ ÝÇß Ý» ñÇ Ñ»ï: ²ÏÝ Ñ³Ûï ¿, áñ ³Ûë ÷³ë ïÁ ãå»ïù ¿ ³Ý ï»ë íÇ Ã³ñ· Ù³ ÝáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñ Ï³ ï³ ñ» ÉÇë:

69 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Phraseological Units with the Component “Heart” Expressing Love and Devotion

he heart has long been thought of as the seat of emo- Ttions but why do we think of the emotions as being centered in the heart? Of course, they are centered in the brain. But when we experience a powerful emotion – fear, anger, grief, love – adrenaline pours into the blood, increases the blood pressure and accelerates the heart. So, it makes perfect sense to think that the heart controls all our thoughts and emotions. By means of the word “heart” people express their feelings, emotions, wishes, etc. as well as their attitude towards Hasmik Ghazaryan people’s behaviour and character. In different languages the word “heart” may have different symbolic and semantic values. These symbols and meanings can differ from language to language, but quite often they are found to be similar. Sometimes these meanings can undergo certain changes. It should be mentioned that in the course of time not only the meanings of the word “heart” but also those of the abstracted word-groups including this word undergo semantic changes. How and why does this happen? Based on their centuries-old visual observations and experiences people have always tried to explain the phenomena taking place in a man’s organism. Thus for instance, they have noticed that when one is angry he gets black or red in the face, unhealthy people look pale, when experiencing strong fear one’s face becomes white and so on. These observations have resulted in the formation of some phraseological units like ëåÇï³Ï ù³Ã³Ý ¹³éÝ³É, êðàñíåòü äî êîðíåé âîëîñ, blue baby, etc. But sometimes there has been no opportunity for such observations. In this case people have made mental abstractions and achieved a moral and psychological perception of the phenomena and formed phraseological units such as ëÇñïÁ ×³ù»É, ëÇñïÁ ÷áñÇó Ñ³Ý»É, ï³Ý»É, ïîêîðÿòü ñåðäöå, ñåðäöå çàêàòèëîñü, affair of the heart, one’s heart goes towards sb., etc. These semantic changes take place by means of certain stylistic devices, such as metaphor, metonymy, hyperbole, simile, etc. It should be noted that as a result of these changes in meaning, the words are transferred into another semantic field. In linguistics, a semantic field is considered to be an entity of words belonging to different parts of speech but expressing one conception, and it is this very conception that embraces all these words in a given field. Like words, phraseological units can belong to different semantic fields. In this case these linguistic units are placed in these fields according to the whole meaning expressed by their components regardless of their grammatical, structural, stylistic and other peculiarities. The goal of this paper is to study, analyze and compare the semantic fields of the Armenian, Russian and English phraseological units with the component “heart”

70 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

expressing love and devotion. What is love? It is one of the most difficult questions for mankind. Centuries have passed by, relationships have bloomed and so has love. But no one can give the proper definition of love. To some love is friendship set on fire, for others love is like luck. You have to go all the way to find it. No matter how you define it or feel it, love is the eter- nal truth in the history of mankind. Love is patient and devoted, love is kind, benevolent and generous. It isn’t envious, nor it boasts itself and it is never proud. It rejoices over the evil and is the truth seeker. Love protects, preserves and hopes for the positive aspect of life. These feelings become the origin of linguistic abstraction by stirring and exciting the soul of a man, thus becoming the source of the phraseological units mentioned above. Here are illustrations of some Armenian, Russian and English phraseological units expressing love and devotion.

êÇñ ïÁ ÁÝÏ Ý»É – fall in love with sb. ÆÙ í³é ë»ñë μáóáí-»ñ ·áí ëñï»ë ëáõ ñ³ó, ëÇñï¹ ÁÝ Ï³í (Isahakyan I:80).

êÇñ ïÁ Ã³ ÷³Ý ó»É – be infatuated with sb. ²Ý ¹Ç Ù³¹ ñ» ÉÇ Ññ³ - åáõ ñ³Ýù Ý» ñáí ÉÇ ëÇñï »ù Ã³ ÷³Ý óáõÙ (Toumanyan I:103): ´á - ÉáñÁª Ù»Í áõ ÷áùñ ÙÝ³ó»É ¿ÇÝ ÑÇ³ó³Í, ï»ëÝ» Éáí, áñ ÙÇ ï³ë - Ý»ñ Ïáõ ï³ ñ» Ï³Ý å³ ï³ ÝÇ Ù³ñ¹ Ï³Ýó ëñïÇ Ëáñ ù»ñÝ ¿ Ã³ - ÷³Ý óáõÙ (Aghayan:554).

ê» ñÁ ëÇñ ïÁ Ó·»É – make sb. fall in love with sb. ÆÙ ·áíùÝ ³ñ»ù ¸³í- ÃÇ ³ é³ç, ë»ñë ëÇñ ïÁ Ó·» ó»ù (Toumanyan IV:42).

êñïÇÝ ïÇñ»É – fascinate, enthrall sb.’s feelings. Â» ïÇñ»ë, Ù»Íß³Ñ, ¹áõ Ýñ³ ëñïÇÝ, Â³ÃáõÉÝ ¿É ³Ý½áñ ÏÁÝÏÝÇ áïùÇ¹ ï³Ï (Toumanyan IV:50). ¸Ç³ã Ïá íÁ ëÏë³í å³ï Ù»É,Ã» ÇÝã ÑÝ³ñ ùáí Ý³ ïÇ ñ»ó û ñÇáñ¹ êá ýÇÇ ëñïÇÝ (Raffi III:167). ²ÛÝ ³ é³ç ¿ñ, »ñμ »ë, ÷³ ÷³ ·» Éáí ïÇ - ñ³ Ý³É Ó»ñ ëñïÇÝ, ïí»É ¿Ç Ó»½ ³ Ù»Ý μ³Ý (Shirvanzade:19).

êñïÇÝ ³ÝÓ Ý³ ïáõñ ÉÇ Ý»É – love sb, be infatuated with sb. ì³Û Ýñ³Ý, áí ³Ý Ó³ ïáõñ ¿ ÉÇ ÝáõÙ Ñ³ ñ³ ÷á ÷áË ëñïÇÝ (Hugo I:130).

êñïÇ Ñ³ïáñ – a very beloved person. ² Õ³í ÝÇÝ Ùï³í Çñ ÝÝç³ ë»Ý Û³ - ÏÁ, ÇÝ Ï³í Çñ Ù»Ï Ñ³ ïÇÏ ëñïÇ Ñ³ ïá ñÇ û ñá ñá óÇ íñ³ ¨ ëÏë³í μ³ñÓ ñ³ Ó³ÛÝ É³É (Totovents I:256).

êñïÇ ÏïáñÁ – dear, cordial. ²Ûë ¿É ÇÙ ÏÇÝÁ, ÇÙ ëñïÇ ÏïáñÁ` ÇÙ É³í Ü³Ë ßáõ ÝÁ (Torgomyan:480).

êñïÇ Ã³ ·áõ ÑÇ – a sweetheart. ¸áõ »ë ÇÙ ëñïÇ ùÝùáõß Ã³ ·áõ ÑÇÝ,ºñ - ·Çë, » ñ³ ½Çë ãùÝ³Õ ¹Ç óáõ ÑÇÝ (Isahakyan I:86).

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êÇñ ïÁ ï³ ù³ó Ý»É – make sb. fall in love with sb. êáõÛÝ ÇëÏ ÏÝáçÁ í³ñÓ»É ¿ñ ê³ùáÝ, Éñï»ë ¿ñ Ï³ñ·»É Ê»ã³ ÝÇ ï³Ý í»ñ³` Ð»ÕÝ³ ñÇ ëÇñïÝ Ûáõñ íñ³ ï³ ù³ó Ý»É ¨ êÙμ³ ïÇÝ ³ ï»É ï³ Éáõ å³ï í»ñ Ý»ñ ¿ñ ïí»É (Proshyan:240).

êÇñ ïÁ å³ï Ï³ Ý»É Ù» ÏÇÝ – love sb. ¸³ Ýñ³ Ñ³ Ù³ñ ¿, áñ Ýñ³ ëÇñïÝ ÇÝÓ ¿ å³ï Ï³ ÝáõÙ (Hugo I:178).

êÇñ ïÁ ÝíÇ ñ»É – love sb. à¯í ÇÙ ²Ý ï»ë-²ÝÝ Ù³Ý, ³é ³Ûë ÷áõÝçÝ ÇÝ Ó³ ÝÇó,ëñ³ Ñ»ï ù»½ »Ù ÝíÇ ñáõÙ »ë Ý³¨ ÇÙ ëÇñïÝ áõ Ñá ·ÇÝ (Aghayan:550).

êÇñïÁ Ïåã»É (Ù»ÏÇÝ) – fall in love with sb. ÔáñÃ ³, Ð» ñÇù Ý³ ½ÇÝ Ëáëù ¿Ç ïí»É, áñ Ñáñë ËáëùÇ óÁ ¹áõë ã·³Ù, μ³Ûó ëÇñïëã¿ñ ÏåãáõÙ (Proshyan:340). Ò»ñ ïÕÇ μ³ËïÝ ¿É, »ñ¨Ç, ¿¹ ³Õ çÇÏÝ ¿, áñ ëÇñ ïÁ Ïå»É ¿ ¹ñ³Ý (Toumanyan :205).

êÇñ ïÁ ·» ñ»É – win sb’s heart. î³ñ í³Í »ë » Õ»É ÝáõÛÝ ³ÛÝ ·ñù» ñáí, áñï»Õ Ñ»ñá ëÇ-³ë å» ïÇ ¹»ñáõÙ »ë ¿Ç ÏñÏÇÝ ùá ëÇñïÁ ·»ñáõÙ (Sevak I:137). Þ³ï å³ñ½ μ³Ý ¿ ³Û¹ ¨ Ó»ñ Çñ³ íáõÝùÝ ¿ ëñï»ñ ·» - ñ»É (Hugo III:540).

êÇñ ïÁ ·ñ³ í»É – make sb fall in love with sb. îÇ ÏÇ ÝÁ ã¿ñ ó³Ý Ï³ ÝáõÙ, áñ Ñ³Û ³Õ çÇ ÏÁ μ» ÏÇ ÏÇ ÝÁ ÉÇ ÝÇ, á ñáí Ñ»ï¨ Ý³ ·» Õ» óÇÏ ¿ñ ¨ Ï³ ñáÕ ¿ñ ÙÇ³Ý ·³ Ù³ÛÝ ·ñ³ í»É μ» ÏÇ ëÇñ ïÁ (Raffi IV:371). ØÇ±Ã» ³Û¹ ³Õ - çÇÏÝ ³Û¹ ù³Ý ·ñ³ í»É ¿ »Õ μáñë ëÇñ ïÁ (Torgomyan:84) Ü³ ³Ù μáÕ çá - íÇÝ ·ñ³ í»É, ³Û ñ»É ¿ ÇÙ ëÇñ ïÁ (Torgomyan:105).

Äàìà ñåðäöà — a sweetheart. Íà òåáå âîçüìè,-ïðè áà âè ëà îíà, áðîñàÿ Ãàãè íó âåòêó ãåðà íèó ìà,-âîîá ðà çè,÷òî ÿ äàìà òâîåãî ñåðäöà (Turgenev:19).

Çàâëà äåòü / îâëà äåòü ñåðäöåì – win sb.’s heart. Ïðåçðåí íûå õèò - ðîñòè! ïðèáå ãàòü ê ëóêàâñò âó, ÷òîá îâëà äåòü ñåðäöåì æåí ùè- íû!- ñ íåãî äî âà íèåì çàìå òèë Àëåêñàíäð (Goncharov:136).

Ïîêî ðÿòü ñåðäöå — win sb’s heart. Íà âòîðîé æå ãîä ïîñëå å¸ ñâàäüáû ñ Êàëà òè íûì, êîòî ðûé â íåñêîëü êî äíåé óñïåë ïîêî - ðèòü å¸ ñåðäöå (Turgenev:4).

Îòäà âàòü/îò äàòü ñåðäöå – love sb. Äðóãîé! Íåò, íèêî ìó íà ñâå- òå Íå îòäà ëà áû ñåðäöå ÿ! (Pushkin:96).

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Ïî ñåðäöó – like sb/sth. ß íå ìîãó îøèáèòü ñÿ.Òû ïðèøåë ñÿ åé ïî ñåðäöó (Turgenev:269). Ñìèðèâ ñî âðåìå íåì êàê çíàòü? Ïî ñåðä- öó ÿ íàøëà áû äðóãà (Pushkin:95). ×åëî âåê èçâåñò íûé , êíÿçü, ñ ñîñòîÿíèåì, ÷åëî âåê õîðî øèé è êî âñåìó òîìó ïðèøåë ñÿ åé ïî ñåðäöó (Dostoevski:352).

Absence makes the heart grow fonder (prov.) – Parting makes love stronger. Give one’s heart to sb./sth. –love sb., be devoted to sth. As though to her music she was giving a heart he had never seen (Galsworthy:38).

Lose one’s heart (to sb./sth.) – fall in love with sb./sth. I declare I’ve lost my heart to you already (Cronin:110).

Put heart (and soul) in sth. – have one’s whole heart in sth. He had put his heart into that house, indeed (Galsworthy:45). It’s not my fault that I haven’t been able to put my heart into it (Galsworthy:216).

Set one’s heart on sb./sth. – strive for sb./sth., be infatuated with sb., dream of sb. That’s a good one, that is, for me that’s set my very heart on winning it (Cronin:609). Well it’s a mess. She’s set her heart upon their boy (Galsworthy:168). Fate had driven him seventeen years ago to set his heart upon this woman-so utterly, that even now he had no real heart to set on any other (Galsworthy:192).

Possess one’s heart (Possessor of one’s heart) – win one’s heart. Bosinney – the one man who had possessed her heart, to whom she had given her whole self with rapture (Galsworthy:341). He stood up and walked about, dreaming his dream of a life continued with this lovely possessor of his heart (Dreiser:289).

Win sb.’s heart – Make sb. fall in love with sb. The grace of this woman had won Carrie’s heart (Dreiser:349). Admire his collection of coins, prints and water-color drawings, and you will win his heart (Collins:30).

Studying the phraseological units mentioned above, one can notice that besides their main meaning according to which they are included in this semantic field they posses some other shades of meaning as well. We should mention that some of those shades are peculiar to all the languages under consideration, while others – to one or the other. Thus for instance, the units of all the three languages have the semantic shades of falling in love and being infatuated with somebody: ëÇñïÁ ÁÝÏÝ»É, ëñïÇÝ ³ÝÓÝ³ïáõñ ÉÇÝ»É, ëÇñïÁ ëÇñáí Éóí»É, ëÇñïÁ Ïåã»É, ëÇñïÁ ×Õμ³É, çà ñåðäöåì, îòäàâàòü ñåðäöå, give one’s heart to sb, lose one’s heart to sb/sth, etc.

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Another shade which can also be found in all the languages considered is possessing somebody’s heart, making somebody fall in love with somebody at the cost of great efforts, e.g. ë»ñÁ ëÇñïÁ ·ó»É/Ó·»É, ëÇñïÁ ·»ñ»É, ëÇñïÁ ÷áñÇó Ñ³Ý»É ï³Ý»É, çàâëàäåòü ñåðäöåì, ïîêîðÿòü ñåðäöå, possess/take possession of sb’s heart, win sb’s heart, etc. Some units in the mentioned languages express a meaning concerning “the beloved person”: ëñïÇ Ñ³ïáñ, ëñïÇ ÏïáñÁ, ëñïÇ Ã³·áõÑÇ, äàìà ñåðäöà, èçáðàííèê ñåðäöà, the darling of all hearts, etc. The shade of devotion can be found only in Armenian and English: ëÇñïÁ áïùÇ ï³Ï ¹Ý»É/ÉÇÝ»É, have one’s heart in sth., put heart and soul in sth., etc. A number of phraseological units found in the following semantic field are in antonymic relations with the units considered above, i.e. these units possess the meanings of indifference, despair, feeling of not liking or loving, etc. Here are some units with those meanings:

êÇñ ïÁ ³ ½³ï ÉÇ Ý»É – not to love, not to be in love with sb. ÆëÏ ¹áõù ³ÛÉ »ù, Ó»ñ ëÇñïÝ ³ ½³ï ¿ (Shirvanzade:59).

êÇñ ïÁ Ïïñí»É – part, leave, become indifferent. ºñ Ï³ñ ëå³ ë» óÇ, áã ·³ÉÇë ¿Çñ, áã ¿É Éáõñ Ï³Ù Ý³Ù³Ï áõÕ³ñ ÏáõÙ, ¨ ëÇñïë ÙÇ³Ý·³ ÙÇó Ïïñí»ó (Torgomyan:230).

êÇñï Ïïñ»É – make indifferent, part. ê»ñ ãïíÇñ, áõ ³ßË³ñ Ñ»Ý ëÇñïë Ïïñ³í, Þáõ ß³Ý ç³¯Ý (Isahakyan I:135).

êÇñ ïÁ ë³ éÁ ÉÇ Ý»É – be indifferent to sb./sth. ² Ûá°, û ñÇáñ¹ êá ýÇ, ç»ñ - ÙáõÃ Û³Ý Ñá ïÁ Ù³ ñ» ó³í ÇÝÓ ÝáõÙ, ¨ ÇÙ ëÇñ ïÁ ¨ë ³ÛÝ å»ë ë³éÝ ¿ ³ÛÅÙ, ÇÝãå»ë ÇÙ Ó»éù» ñÁ (Raffi III:171). Ø»Ýù ³ñ¹»Ý Ýß»É »Ýù, áñ áõÃ ï³ ñ» Ï³Ý Ñ³ ë³ ÏáõÙ Ýñ³ ëÇñ ïÁ ë³éÝ ¿ñ (Hugo II:146).

êÇñ ïÁ ë³é ã»É – fall out of love. ¼³ñ Ù³ Ý³ ÉÇ μ³Ý ¿ ³Û¹ ëÇñï Ïáã - í³ ÍÁ, Ý³ ßáõ ïáí Ïáïñ íáõÙ ¿, ßáõ ïáí ë³é ãáõÙ ¿, Ý³ ßáõ ïáí Ù»é - ÝáõÙ ¿ (Raffi III:171). ²¯Ë, ¿¯É ã Ï³Ý ³ñ¨ û ñ»ñ, êÇñïë ¿É ë³ é»ñ ¿ í³ Õáõ¯ó (Isahakyan I:83).

êÇñ ïÁ å³ Õ»ó Ý»É – make sb. indifferent, not to love sb. ê¨ Ñ³ ·Çñ, ëáõ· ÙïÇñ, áÕ μ³, ë³ éÁ çáõñ ³ ÍÇñ ·» ñ»½ Ù³ ÝÇÝ, ëÇ°ñï¹ å³ Õ»ó - ñáõ° (Demirchyan:525).

êÇñ ïÁ Ù»éó Ý»É/Ù»é Ý»É – kill the feeling of love, become indifferent. ²Ë ëÇñïë Ù» é³í Íáí-¹³ñ ¹» ñÇ Ù»ç, ¶³ñ Ý³Ý ½áõù ë» ñÇÝ ÙÝ³ó Ï³ ñá - ïáí (Isahakyan I: 152).

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êÇñ ïÁ ¹³ ï³ñÏ ÙÝ³É/ÉÇ Ý»É – not to love, be gloomy, cold, indifferent towards sth. Æñ ëÇñïÁ ¹³ï³ñÏ ¿ñ, ×Ýßí³Í (Torgomyan:542). ² í³¯Õ … ëÇñïë ¹³ ï³ñÏ ÙÝ³ó` Øáõ ñ³ó Ï³ ÝÇ ³ ÷Ç ÝÙ³Ý (Isahakyan I:241).

In the following examples too, some semantic shades such as indifference, feeling of not liking, etc. can be found. Thus for instance, the Armenian units ëÇñ ïÁ ³ ½³ï ÉÇ Ý»É and ëÇñïÁ ¹³ ï³ñÏ ÙÝ³É both have the same meaning: the feeling of not loving. Besides this the second unit possesses a shade of pity and bitterness as well. This semantic field also includes some other phraseological units such as: ëÇñïÁ íñ³Ý ï³ù ÉÇ- Ý»É/å³ Ñ»É, ëÇñ ïÁ μéÝ»É, ëÇñ ïÁ ï³É, ëñïÇ ï»ñ ïÇ ñ³ Ï³É, ëñïÇ ×³Ý å³ñ ÑÁ ·ïÝ»É, ëñïÇ ³é³ñ Ï³, ëÇñïÁ ç»ñÙ³ó Ý»É, ëñïÇÝ Ùáï ÉÇÝ»É, ëÇñïÁ Ù»ÏÇ íñ³ ÉÇ - Ý»É/å³ Ñ»É, ëÇñ ïÁ Ñ» ïÁ ·Ý³É, ÙÇ Ï³Ã ³ñ ÛáõÝ ¹³é Ý³É` Ï³ Ã»É ëÇñ ïÁ, ëÇñ ïÁ ÷á - ñÇó Ñ³ Ý»É` ï³ Ý»É, ëñïÇ ëÛáõ ÝÁ, ëÇñ ïÁ ×Õμ³É, ëÇñ ïÁ Ñ» ïÁ ·Ý³É, ñåðäöå ïðè- íàäëåæèò, âîéòè â ñåðäöå, èçáðàííèê ñåðäöà, çà ñåðäöåì, íàõîäèòü äîñòóï ê ñåðäöó, dear heart, the way to a man’s heart is through his stomach, close/near to one’s heart, affair of the heart, have a soft/warm corner in one’s heart for sb., etc. Structurally the phraseological units with “heart” belong to different types. Although most of the units are two-member (ëñïÇÝ Ýëï»É, ëÇñ ïÁ ·» ñ»É, ëÇñ ïÁ ï³É, ëÇñ ïÁ Ýí³ ×»É, çàâëàäåòü ñåðäöåì; ïîêîðÿòü ñåðäöå; çàâîåâàòü ñåðäöå, etc), three-member (ëñïÇÝ ³ÝÓ Ý³ ïáõñ ÉÇ Ý»É, ë» ñÁ ëÇñ ïÁ Ó·»É, ëÇñ ïÁ ëÇ ñáí Éóí»É,ëÇñ ïÁ Ó»éù μ» - ñ»É, ëÇñ ïÁ ½μ³Õ í³Í ÉÇ Ý»É, ëÇñ ïÁ ³ Ý³ å³ï ¹³ñÓ Ý»É, íàéòè äîñòóï ê ñåðäöó, possess one’s heart, win one’s heart, etc) and multi-member (ëÇñ ïÁ ÷á ñÇó Ñ³ Ý»É` ï³ - Ý»É, ëÇñ ïÁ á ïÇ ï³Ï ÉÇ Ý»É, ÙÇ Ï³Ã ³ñ ÛáõÝ ¹³é Ý³É` Ï³ Ã»É ëÇñ ïÁ, lose one’s heart to s, have a soft corner in one’s heart; set one’s heart on sb./sth.) many verbal constructions, some substantive (ëñïÇ ëÛáõÝ(Á), ëñïÇ Ñ³ïáñ, ëñïÇ ÏïáñÁ, ëñïÇ ïÇñáõ ÑÇ, ëñïÇ ïÇ ñ³ Ï³É, äàìà ñåðäöà; èçáðàííèê ñåðäöà, affair of the heart; possessor of one’s heart; the darling of all hearts) and modal (ñåðöå ìî¸, dear heart) units can also be found. Several complex communicative units are also found (the heart that once truly loves never forgets, the way to the man’s heart is through his stomach, ïóòü ê ñåðäöó ìóæ÷èíû ïðîõîäèò ÷åðåç æåëóäîê, ïÕ³ Ù³ñ ¹áõ ëÇñ ïÁ ï³ ÝáÕ ×³ Ý³ å³ñ ÑÁ ³Ýó ÝáõÙ ¿ Ýñ³ ëï³ Ùáù - ëáí: We think that the Russian equivalent of the unit the way to the man’s heart is through his stomach has been borrowed from English and the corresponding Armenian equivalent – from the Russian one. Some units in Russian such as çà ñåðäöåì; ïî ñåðäöó; íå ïî ñåðäöó are considered to be “one-top” units. Several nominal and verbal grammatical categories function in these units. It is not our aim to analyze those categories in detail here. We would like to mention only that some of these categories have a meaning-distinguishing role, and the units would be deprived of their meanings if those categories were used otherwise. The syntactical relations between the components of the units are expressed by the typological peculiarities of the languages under consideration. There are few phraseological variants in the field: ëñïÇ ëÛáõÝ(Á), (grammatical), ëÇñ ïÁ ù³Ù ÁÝÏ Ý»É/ù³Ù í»É (lexical), have one’s (whole) heart in sth. (quantitative) etc. Several synonymic rows can be found among the units of this field:

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ëñïÇ Ïïá ñÁ - ëñïÇ ïÇ ñáõ ÑÇ - ëñïÇ Ã³ ·áõ ÑÇ - ëñïÇ ïÇ ñ³ Ï³É, ëÇñ ïÁ ·» ñ»É - ëÇñ ïÁ Ýí³ ×»É - ëÇñ ïÁ ·ñ³ í»É - ëñïÇÝ ïÇ ñ»É, ëÇñïÁ ë³éã»É - ëÇñïÁ å³Õ»É - ëÇñïÁ å³Õ»ó Ý»É - ëÇñïÁ Ïïñ»É - ëÇñ ïÁ Ïïñí»É - ëÇñ ïÁ ³ Ý³ å³ï ¹³ñÓ Ý»É - ëÇñ ïÁ Ù»éó Ý»É - ëÇñ ïÁ ¹³ ï³ñÏ ÙÝ³É, ëÇñ ïÁ ÁÝÏ Ý»É - ëÇñ ïÁ ëÇ ñáí Éóí»É - ë» ñÁ ëÇñ ïÁ ·ó»É - ëÇñ ïÁ ÷á- ñÇó Ñ³ Ý»É, ï³ Ý»É ëÇñ ïÁ Ïåã»É - ëÇñ ïÁ Ã³ ÷³Ý ó»É, çàâëàäåòü ñåðäöåì - çàâîåâàòü ñåðäöå - ïîêîðÿòü ñåðäöå, äàìà ñåðäöà - èçáðàííèê ñåðäöà, íàéòè äîñòóï ê ñåðäöó - âîéòè â ñåðäöå, give one’s heart to sb/sth - lose one’s heart to sb./sth. - set one’s heart on sb./sth., have one’s heart in sth - put heart and soul in sth., take possession of one’s heart - win one’s heart.

There aren’t antonymic units within the first and the second groups, but on the whole the units of the first group are in antonymic relations with those of the second group:

ëÇñ ïÁ ½μ³Õ í³Í ÉÇ Ý»É - ëÇñïÝ ³ ½³ï ÉÇ Ý»É ëÇñ ïÁ ëÇ ñáí Éóí»É - ëÇñ ïÁ ¹³ ï³ñÏ ÉÇ Ý»É ëÇñïÁ ï³ ù³ó Ý»É - ëÇñ ïÁ å³ Õ»ó Ý»É/ë³é ã»É ïî ñåðäöó - íå ïî ñåðäöó have a soft corner in one’s heart - the heart hardens.

The phraseological units of this field are used in different functional styles of the language. Some of them are used in colloquial language, one or two – in dialects (in Armenian). Fiction is in fact very rich in them. The investigation of the phraseological units of this semantic field indicates that some of the units in different languages have their equivalents in one or two languages. These equivalents are mostly both semantic and componential:

ëñïÇÝ ïÇñ»É - çàâëàäåòü ñåðäöåì - possess one’s/sb.’s heart/take possession of sb.’s heart, ëñïÇ Ù»ç ÙïÝ»É - âîéòè â ñåðäöå, ëñïÇ ïÇ ñáõ ÑÇ - ëñïÇ Ã³ ·áõ ÑÇ - ëñïÇ ³ é³ñ Ï³ - ëñïÇ ï»ñ/ïÇ ñ³ - Ï³É - äàìà ñåðäöà - èçá ðàí í èê ñåðäöà, ëÇñ ïÁ Ýí³ ×»É - çàâîåâàòü ñåðäöå - win sb’s heart, ëÇñ ïÁ ï³É - ëÇñ ïÁ Ñ³ÝÓ Ý»É - î ò äàâàò ü ñåðäöå - give one’s heart to sb, ëÇñïÁ ·» ñ»É - ïîêîðÿòü ñåðäöå, ëñïÇÝ Ùáï ÉÇ Ý»É - be close to one’s heart, ëÇñ ïÁ ë³ éÁ ÉÇ Ý»É - the heart hardens, ñåðäöå ìî¸ - dear heart.

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As we can see there are many similarities and differences between the semantic, structural and grammatical characteristics of the phraseological units studied in the paper. These similarities indicate to commonness and differences, universal features and certain peculiarities typical of the linguistic thinking of different peoples.

Dictionaries:

1. Brewer’s Dictionary of Phrase and Fable. (1956) London: Harper Collins Publishers. 2. Kunin, A.V. (1984) Anglo-russky phrazeologicheski slovar. M.: Russky yazik. 3. Phrazeologicheski slovar russkogo yazika. (1978) Ed. Molotkova A.I. M.: Russki yazik. 4. Sukiasyan, A., Galstyan, S. (1975) Hayots lezvi dardsvatsabanakan bararan. Yerevan: YSU Publishers. 5. Zhamanakakits hayots lezvi batsatrakan bararan (1969 –1980) Yerevan: ASRA Publishers.

Sources of Data:

1. Aghayan, Gh. (1979) Yerker. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 2. Collins, W. (1934) The Woman in White. UK: Chapman and Hall. 3. Cronin, A.J. (1963) Hatter’s Castle. M.: FL Publishers. 4. Cronin, A.J. (1957) The Citadel. M.: FL Publishers. 5. Demirchian, D. (1987) Vardanank. Yervan: Luys. 6. Dostoyevski, F.M. (1981) Idiot. M.: Pravda. 7. Dreiser, Th. (1968) Sister Carrie. M.: FL Publishers. 8. Galsworthy, J. (1955) To Let. M.: Progress Publishers. 9. Galsworthy, J. (1955) In Chancery. M.: Progress Publishers. 10. Galsworthy, J. (1955) The Man of Property. M.: Progress Publishers. 11. Goncharov, I.A. (1968) Obyknovennaya istoria. M.: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 12. Hugo, V. (1987) Tshvarner. Yerevan: Luys. 13. Isahakyan, A. (1973) Yerkeri zhoghovatsu. Vol. I. Yerevan: Hayastan. 14. Proshyan, P. (1968) Hatsi khndir. Yerevan: Hayastan. 15. Pushkin, A.S. (1982) Poemy. M.: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 16. Raffi, (1984) Yerkeri zhoghovatsu. Vol. I, II, III. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 17. Sevak, P. (1968) Yerkeri zhoghovatsu. Vol. I. Yerevan: Hayastan. 18. Shirvanzade, A. (1950) Yerkeri liakatar zhoghovatsu. Vol. VI. Yerevan: Pethrat. 19. Shirvanzade, A.(1995) Chaos. Yerevan: Luys. 20. Turgenev, I.S. (1979) Tri vstrechi. Leningrad: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 21. Turgenev, I.S. (1952) Dvoryanskoye gnezdo. M.: Khudozhestvennaya literatura. 22. Turgenev, I.S. (1977-78) Sobraniye sochineniy. Vol. V. M.: Khudozhestvennaya literatura.

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23. Toumanyan, H. (1990-1996) Yerkeri liakatar zhoghovatsu. Yerevan: ASRA Publishers. 24. Torgomyan, Ts., (1959) Anmar krakner. Yerevan: Haypethrat. 25. Totovents, V. (1988) Yerker. Yerevan: Nairi. 26. Zoryan, S. (1960) Yerkeri zhoghovatsu. Vol. I, II. Yerevan: Hayastan.

§êÇñï¦ μ³Õ³¹ñÇãáí ë»ñ ¨ ÝíÇñáõÙ ³ñï³Ñ³ÛïáÕ ¹³ñÓí³ÍùÝ»ñ

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹ í³ ÍÇ Ýå³ ï³ ÏÁ Ñ³ Û» ñ» ÝÇ, éáõ ë» ñ» ÝÇ ¨ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ §ëÇñï¦ μ³ Õ³¹ - ñÇ ãáí ë»ñ ¨ ÝíÇ ñáõÙ ³ñ ï³Ñ³Û ïáÕ ¹³ñÓ í³Íù Ý» ñÇ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ, í»ñ Éáõ - ÍáõÃ ÛáõÝÝ áõ ½áõ ·³¹ ñáõÙÝ ¿: Üßí³Í É» ½áõ Ý» ñáõÙ ³Û¹ ¹³ñÓ í³Íù Ý» ñÁ áõ Ý»Ý Ï³ - éáõó í³Í ù³ ÛÇÝ, ù» ñ³ Ï³ Ý³ Ï³Ý, á ×³ Ï³Ý ¨ Ç Ù³ë ï³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ÁÑ¹ Ñ³Ý ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ - Ý»ñ ¨ ï³ñ μ» ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñ: ÀÝ¹ Ñ³Ý ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñÝ ³ñ ï³ óá ÉáõÙ »Ý Ýßí³Í É» ½áõ Ý» ñáí Ëá ëáÕ Åá Õá íáõñ¹ Ý» ñÇ É»½ í³Ù ï³ Íá ÕáõÃ Û³Ý ÁÝ¹ Ñ³Ý ñáõÃ ÛáõÝÝ» ñÁ, ÙÇÝã ¹»é ï³ñ - μ» ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÁ íÏ³ ÛáõÙ »Ý ïíÛ³É Åá Õáíñ ¹Ç É»½ í³Ù ï³ Íá ÕáõÃ Û³Ý Ûáõ ñ³ Ñ³ï ÏáõÃ - ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇ Ù³ ëÇÝ:

78 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

The Impact of English on Armenian

nglish is today a truly global language. This has Ebecome something of an understatement if one considers the dramatic expansion in the roles of English as a language of international communication in trade, diplomacy, sport, science, technology and countless other fields in a growing number of regions and cultural contexts. More recently, revolutions in transport, technology, commerce and communications including satellite broadcasting and the Internet, have all further reinforced the global pre-eminence of English. The global spread of English, its causes and con- Anahit Galstyan sequences have long been a focus of critical discussion. However, in recent years one of the main concerns has become the relation between the international or lingua franca English (LFE) and the national languages. Some are under heavy pressure of LFE, others are slightly influenced by it. The aim of the present research is to study the impact of English on the Armenian language and culture. The issues to be discussed are as follows: 1 Is English a foreign language used as lingua franca in relation to other foreign languages traditionally studied and used in Armenia? 2 What is the impact of English on the Armenian language and culture? Julietta Sargsyan 3 What attitudes have evolved from this impact? A sociolinguistic investigation has been carried out to answer these questions. Information has been drawn from two sources: seventy respondents of different age, profession and sex have been questioned by us, whereas the second source of information is the collection of data from articles, hoardings, specialized dictionaries. Touching upon the first problem, we can surely say that English is not perceived as LF in Armenia. For one thing, Russian continues influencing Armenian. For another thing, Armenians are not competent enough in English. As we know, in the former Soviet Union a large number of regional languages, among them Armenian, were under heavy pressure of Russian. Now, following the fall of the Soviet Union, the languages spoken in the different ex-republics can be expected to be given a fresh lease of life. Indeed, after the proclamation of Independence from the USSR in 1991 English replaced Russian in many domains (it has become the language of business, diplomacy, tourism, science, computer etc.). However, Russian continues influencing Armenian in many aspects (due to the political, economic, social, etc. relations).

79 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

On the other hand, many Armenians (especially the middle-aged and the elderly) have a low level of competence in English and they have to read Russian translations of English books, journals, articles (mainly on marketing, sociology, modern technology and so on). Besides, most Armenians go on using Russian in everyday speech. Our survey has revealed that English is perceived as the main foreign language studied and used in Armenia and by Armenians. English has become the foreign language that much of the world wants to learn. The more English-speaking the world becomes, the more desirable the language becomes to all societies. The learner’s major reason for studying English is to communicate with other non-native as well as native speakers. It is noteworthy that nearly 90 percent of offices require a good knowledge of English, instead of German, Russian, French and many other foreign languages traditionally studied and used in Armenia and by Armenians. It is noteworthy that learning English has become a must in Armenia (among fifty respondents thirty-seven claim this). As cultural carrier, English is also perceived as the vehicle for the import of Anglo-Saxon culture, mostly American, which again triggers mixed feelings towards English as a globalized language. Many people are concerned that the worldwide spread of English is accompanied by a form of “cultural imperialism”, whereby Anglophone cultures seem to impose themselves on all over cultures and Armenian is not an exception. English has become the language of international popular culture for today’s youth. The language of “Eurovision” song contest is English which contributes to the creation of new songs in English. Let’s remember Andre’s song “Without Your Love”, Sirusho’s “Qele-Qele”, or the song that was sung by Anush and Inga Arshakyans at the contest. The cultural influence brought to the borrowing of such words as • Engl. show-business – Arm. [ʃoubiznes] • Engl. clipmaker – Arm. [klipmejker] • Engl. casting – Arm. [kasting] • Engl. band – Arm. [bend] • Engl. superstar – Arm. [superstar] • Engl. producer – Arm. [prodjuser] • Engl. image maker – Arm. [imij mejker], etc. The influence of English can even be seen in the names of Armenian performances, such as “Þ³ï LOVE STORY”, where the word love can be interpreted as shat lav – very good story and love story. Even the names of companies, shops and cafes bear the influence of English. Such names as Virginia, Aqua Mobile, No Problem, Grand Candy, Lunch Time, In Style, Best, Mr. Toaster, Golden Palace Hotel, Citadel Business Centre, Bar OK; names of taxi companies: Busy, Group, Bus, Globe, Gold Way, Wolf and many others have replaced Armenian names: Aramazd, Marash, Astghik, Salmast, Van, Mush, Ararat, Urartu, Aragats, Kilikia, etc. Advertising hoardings are also flooded with English words. This billboard, for example, can be found at any metro-station:

80 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

FAST NET

Dial-up/DSL/Wireless Internet Communication Calling Cards

ØÇç³½·³ÛÇÝ Ï³åÇ ù³ñï»ñ

Prepaid Internet Cards

ÆÝï»ñÝ»ïÇ Ï³ÝË³í×³ñ³ÛÇÝ ù³ñï»ñ

The word card used in this advertisement penetrated into Armenian in the 1990s in combination with such words as credit (credit card), smart (smart card), elastic (elastic card), calling (calling card), internet (internet card), etc. It has undergone phonetic and grammatical assimilation: (ù³ñï + »ñ (plural suffix)). This anglicism can also be found in many European languages such as: German – karte; Norwegian – kort (in the1980s); Icelandic – kort; Spanish – non-English term tarjeta (-de credito) is more frequent or acceptable; the Romanian pronunciation is near or identical to that of English etymon; Russian – kart (the spelling differs from that of English etymon). In the 1990s the Russian term became frequently used or accepted rather than its first attestation in dictionaries (non-English term is more frequent or acceptable, rendered into kartochka). Newspaper advertisements are also full of English words. The following example is taken from the Armenian newspaper “Gind”. As we see beige-gold, bluetooth, CD, DVD, TV, ABS, climate control, SRS as well as the hybrid: ïÛáõÝÇÝ·³å³ï / (Engl. tuning + ³ + å³ï(í³Í) (lit. covered with tuning)) are used in this advertisement. It is noteworthy, that the number of anglicisms used in Armenian increases day by day. Our journalists, political figures, scientists, businessmen, students prefer the use of English terms to Armenian ones in their reports, inter- views, articles. We think that people sometimes use the English words, because the latter are either more prestigious than the Armenian ones, or the speakers have difficulties in finding the Armenian equivalents of the English words. However, most Armenians (forty-one respondents) are not against the usage of English words in Armenian speech. They themselves often use such words as OK, stop, party, please, thank you, love you, you’re welcome, let’s go, because, so, give up, darling, etc. Seven respondents have negative attitude towards the usage of the English words, they even struggle against it. However, they confess that sometimes they also use English words in Armenian speech unintentionally.

81 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

To sum up, we can say, that attitudes towards English as the dominant foreign language in Armenia fluctuate between positive and negative. However, some Armenians think that the spread of global English may cause the corruption of not only our language but also our culture. Consequently, the threat of ligua franca English makes language planning desirable and indeed necessary. We are certain that language planning must be part of language policy and government policy in general, otherwise our ancient mother- tongue will change into Armglish (cf. Spanglish) in several years.

References:

1. Ans, van Kemenade and Bettelou, Los (Eds) (2006) The Handbook of the History of English. Blackwell Publishing. 2. Crystal, D. (1995) The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 3. Crystal, D. (1997) English as a Global Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 4. Görlach, M. (Ed) (2005) A Dictionary of European Anglicisms. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 5. Mejtikhanyan, P. (1996) Nor bareri batsatrakan bararan. Yerevan: Pyunik. 6. Romaine, S. (2006) Global English: From Island Tongue to World Language. // The Handbook of the History of English. Blackwell Publishing.

²Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ ³½¹»óáõÃÛáõÝÁ Ñ³Û»ñ»ÝÇ íñ³

¶³Õï ÝÇù ã¿, áñ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÁ í» ñ³Í í»É ¿ Ñ³ Ù³ß Ë³ñ Ñ³ ÛÇÝ Ýß³ Ý³ ÏáõÃ Û³Ý É»½ - íÇ: Ð³ Û³ë ï³ ÝáõÙ í»ñ çÇÝ ï³ë Ý³Ù Û³Ï Ý» ñáõÙ Ñ³ ë³ ñ³ Ï³ Ï³Ý-ù³ Õ³ ù³ Ï³Ý, ·Ç - ï³ Ï³Ý, ïÝï» ë³ Ï³Ý, Ùß³ Ïáõ Ã³ ÛÇÝ ³ Ù» Ý³ ï³ñ μ»ñ μÝ³ ·³ í³é Ý» ñáõÙ ÝÏ³ ï» ÉÇ ¿ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ ³½ ¹» óáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ: êáõÛÝ ³ß Ë³ ï³Ý ùÇ ËÝ¹ñá ³ é³ñ Ï³Ý Ñ³ Ûáó É»½ íÇ ¨ Ñ³Û Ï³ Ï³Ý Ùß³ ÏáõÛ ÃÇ íñ³ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ ³½ ¹» óáõÃ Û³Ý áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ ÛáõÝÝ ¿: ì»ñ - çÇÝë ï³ñ í»É ¿ »ñ Ïáõ áõÕ ÕáõÃ Û³Ùμ` 1. Ñ³Ý ñ³ É»½ í³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý Ñ» ï³ ½á ïáõÃ ÛáõÝ, á ñÇ ÁÝ Ã³ó ùáõÙ Ñ³ñó Ù³Ý »Ý »Ý - Ã³ñÏ í»É ï³ñ μ»ñ Ù³ë Ý³ ·Ç ïáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇ, ë» éÇ, ï³ ñÇ ù³ ÛÇÝ ï³ñ μ»ñ ËÙμ» ñÇ å³ï Ï³ ÝáÕ Ùá ï³ íá ñ³ å»ë Ûá Ã³ Ý³ ëáõÝ å³ ï³ë Ë³ Ýáñ¹, 2. É»½ í³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ, áñÝ ³ñ í»É ¿ ï³ñ μ»ñ Ñá¹ í³Í Ý» ñÇó, ·á í³½ ¹³ ÛÇÝ Ñá Éá í³Ï Ý» ñÇó áõ å³ë ï³é Ý» ñÇó, ÇÝã å»ë Ý³¨ Ù³ë Ý³ ·Ç ï³ Ï³Ý μ³ - é³ ñ³Ý Ý» ñÇó Ñ³ í³ ù³·ñ í³Í ÝÛáõ ÃÇ ÑÇ Ù³Ý íñ³:

82 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Repetition in Walt Whitman’s ‘‘A Passage to India’’

Poetry is the rhythmical creation of beauty in words. Edgar Allan Poe

he language of Poetry is specifically melodious and Textraordinary. In it every component, word and word order, sound and pause, image and echo is significant, significant in that it always means more. Its elements are figures and tropes in which each component can open new meanings, connotations, dimensions and resonances. No word is idle or accidental. Each word has a specific place within an overarching pattern. All the elements together create mean- Armine Matevosyan ingful and beautiful designs.1 Repetition (from Latin “repetitio”) of a sound, syllable, word, phrase, line, stanza or metrical pattern is a basic unify- ing device in all poetry. Repetition aims at logical emphasis, an emphasis necessary to fix the attention of the reader on the key word of the utterance. The primary function of repetition is the intensification of the utterance which is the direct outcome of the use of expressive means employed in ordinary intercourse. When used in outer compositional patterns, the immediate emotional charge is greatly suppressed and is replaced by a purely aesthetic aim. This aim is especially evident in poetry, including Walt Whitman’s poetry.2 Anna Melkonyan The American author Walt Whitman changed the course of poetry. Generally recognized as the father of free verse, he liberated poetry from rhyme and meter, opening it up to the flexible rhythms of feeling and voice. 3 His verse is a strong sense of inclusion, excitement, and invitation. It intends to initiate each individual into possibilities of poetic creation (Wolosky 2001). And his own poetic creations include many different kinds of repetition all of which play a key role, particularly in his praise. Alliteration is a repetition of the same consonant at the beginning of neighboring words or accented syllables (Mostkova 1967). Alliteration may also be carried beyond the limits of a single line and may even operate in elaborate patterns throughout a poem as a counterpoint to other relationships indicated by different sorts of repetition, such as rhyme, metrical pattern, and assonance.4 Whitman uses alliteration as a tool when describing different phenomena: human suffering, description of war and beauty of nature.

Whitman’s poem “A passage to India” is a typical example of good repetition. When the Suez Canal opened in 1869, Whitman wrote this poem as a reason for celebration.

83 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Not you alone, proud truths of the world, Nor you alone, ye facts of modern science, But myths and fables of eld, Asia’s, Africa’s fables, The far-darting beams of the spirit, the unloos’d dreams, The deep diving bibles and legends, The daring plots of the poets, the elder religions; O you temples fairer than lilies, pour’d over by the rising sun! O you fables, spurning the known, eluding the hold of the known, mounting to heaven! You lofty and dazzling towers, pinnacled, red as roses, burnish’d with gold! Towers of fables immortal, fashion’d from mortal dreams! You too I welcome, and fully, the same as the rest! You too with joy I sing. Passage to India! Lo, soul! seest thou not God’s purpose from the first? The earth to be spann’d, connected by network, The races, neighbors, to marry and be given in marriage, The oceans to be cross’d, the distant brought near, The lands to be welded together. A worship new I sing, You captains, voyagers, explorers, yours, You engineers, you architects, machinists, yours, You, not for trade or transportation only, But in God’s name, and for thy sake, O soul.

The poem is full of different kinds of repetition which are used in different functions. The lines greatly vary in length, with each one determined as a single sentence. Each sentence has its unique syllabic form and is independent. But all the lines together become a complete idea directed to humanity and God. The author’s poetic voice is evident in each line, stanza.5 Alliteration is expressed in the accumulation of consonants (d,p,b) for a certain aim; to add emphasis to the celebration. Whitman doesn’t put racial discrimina- tion between nations and this is obviously relevant in his praise.

But myths and fables of eld, Asia’s, Africa’s fables, The far-darting beams of the spirit, the unloos’d dreams, The deep diving bibles and legends, The daring plots of the poets, the elder religions

Whitman rejects most traditional poetic norms. The lines 6 vary in length but are held together both rhythmically and through sound repetition. These lines are further bound together through alliteration, the heavy repetition of sounds, not by rhyming, but group- ing together words that begin with the same letter. Whitman intentionally uses alliteration to imply his unique style. The use of alliteration serves multiple functions in main-

84 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

taining poetic quality. On the one hand it shapes his poetry by repeating constant sounds, on the other hand it gives rhythm to the poem. Whitman’s style encompasses repetition to improve the quality of his poetry. He dreams about a new era that would be peaceful. Thus, the speaker announces:

You captains, voyagers, explorers, yours! You engineers! you architects, machinists, yours! You, not for trade or transportation only, but in God’s name, and for thy sake, O soul. The far-darting beams of the spirit, the unloos’d dreams, The deep diving bibles and legends, The daring plots of the poets, the elder religions;

In the lines beginning with you we come across the use of a specific, anaphoric repetition. Anaphora is a literary device which employs the repetition of a first word in each phrase. Here each line begins with you. Whitman uses anaphora to mimic biblical syntax and gives his work a weighty, epic feeling. The anaphora expressed by the personal pronoun you emphasizes each man’s individuality and applies to every one in one’s own way. Each line ends with yours which apparently strengthens the meaning of the utterance. There is anaphora in the last three lines as well. Besides you we have the repetition of the definite article the emphasizing the meanings of the given words. Generally in Whitman’s poetry anaphora is expressed mainly by personal pronouns I, you, we. These are the author’s key words which mark his and the readers’ presence through the whole poem. The usage of different kinds of anaphora (expressed by personal pronouns, by definite articles, etc) realizes different functions in his praise – on the one hand it deepens the author’s ideas, on the other hand it gives structure to the poem. Whitman’s verse form is shaped by social context and social purpose which is typical of the writing of mid-nineteenth-century America. The poet consciously set out to redefine the relation between poet and the reader and ultimately the audience that poetry would address. The poet-audience relationship is deeply reflected in his poem. Another thing that strikes the eye of the reader in the poem is the dominant use of the letter s. The sound is not used at random, it aims at a deliberate and intentional purpose and plays an important role in the rhythmical organization of the poem. Concentrating our attention on the nouns given in the poem (truths, facts, fables, beams, dreams, bibles, legends, plots, poets, religions, temples, lilies , towers, roses, races, neighbours, oceans, lands, captains, voyagers, explorers, engineers, architects, machinist) we notice that almost all of them are used in plural. Generally in English grammar the sound s is used to formulate the plural form but in Whitman’s praise , besides this, the formation of the plural has acquired a symbolic value. It has become the author’s appeal – an appeal for unity and solidarity among all nations. Here the concept of equality and the author’s devotion to all peoples and God becomes the vital call of the poem. This basic idea of his governs the concept and form of the poem. There are other kinds of repetitions in the poem worthy of notice. Whitman has

85 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

applied to the repetition of syntactic patterns which are used to strengthen the structure and bind the poem together.

Not you alone, proud truths of the world, Nor you alone, ye facts of modern science…

O you temples fairer than lilies, pour’d over by the rising sun! O you fables, spurning the known, eluding the hold of the known, mounting to heaven…

This grammatical pattern creates an energy that is endlessly creative and open. This kind of structure is very typical of Whitman’s style. Another interesting thing that strikes the attention of the reader is the repetition of the ing form.

The far-darting beams of the spirit, the unloos’d dreams, The deep diving bibles and legends, The daring plots of the poets, the elder religion; O you temples fairer than lilies, pour’d over by the rising sun! O you fables, spurning the known, eluding the hold of the known, mounting to heaven! You lofty and dazzling towers, pinnacled, red as roses, burnish’d with gold! Towers of fables immortal, fashion’d from mortal dreams!

The poet’s view of the world is dominated by its change and fluidity, and this accounts for his frequent use of ing form which is an apparent proof of his criterion. Inner rhyme (darting – diving – daring – rising – spurning – eluding – mounting – dazzling) contributes not only to the rhythmical effect but gives additional emotional nuances as well. Thus, repetition with its different kinds and functions plays an important role in the poem. Whitman has intentionally used it to achieve his purposes. As a brilliant master able to create an emotive atmosphere where the reader is greatly impressed, he well realizes the power of repetition. Whitman’s vocabulary is usually vigorous and often startling. Many of his unusual words surprise the reader by their very simplicity. These are not long and learned words but sturdy ones that reflect his interest in life’s simple pursuits. Whitman’s style remains consistent throughout, however. The poetic structures reflect his democratic ideas. Whitman hopes to give his readers a sympathetic experience. He often uses obscure, foreign, or invented words. Whitman largely avoids rhyme schemes and other traditional poetic devices. He does, however, use meter in masterful and innovative ways, often to mimic natural speech. In these ways he demonstrates that he has mastered traditional poetry but is no longer subservient to it.

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Notes:

1. In poetry there are multiple reasons for choosing and placing words. There is not one single pattern in a poem but rather a multiplicity of patterns all of which ideal- ly interlock in wider and larger designs (Wolosky 2001). 2. See Gasparian S.K, Matevosian A.I. English Style In Action (2008) Yerevan: Lusakn. 3. Free verse poetry, rhymed or unrhymed is composed without attention to conventional rules of meter. Free verse was first written and labeled “free verse” (“vers libre”) by a group of 19th century French poets. Their purpose was to deliver French poetry from the restrictions of formal metrical patterns and to re-create instead the free rhythms of natural speech. They wrote lines of varying length and cadence, usually not rhymed. The emotional content or meaning of the work was expressed through its rhythm. Free verse has been characteristic of the work of many modern American poets including Walt Whitman. (http://sandyshorespoetry.tripod.com/id22.htm) 4. The latter is repetition of identical or similar vowel sounds, especially in stressed syllables, with changes in the intervening consonants, as in the phrase tilting at windmills. 5. Poetic voice is often assumed, in the lyric, to mean the voice of the poet. It is rather a pure, single or personal voice and can be complex with a range of different representations, different viewpoints for a variety of purposes. It also involves diction which can help define a poem’s speaker, whether in the role of the author or the characters who may be quoted or introduced as other speakers in the text, almost in the mode of reported or represented speech. The complexity of poetic voice is most obvious in poems that are quite explicitly structured through a speaker who is not the poet. In such a poem, the speaker is specifically defined or presented as an invented character and is often presented as if speaking to an invented addressee. This form is called a dramatic monologue, a poem which seems to be a speech taken from some dramatic encounter between an imagined character and the one addressed (Wolosky 2001). 6. Poetry is often separated into lines on a page. These lines may be based on the number of metrical feet, or may emphasize a rhyming pattern at the ends of lines. Lines may serve other functions, particularly where the poem is not written in a formal metrical pattern. Lines can separate, compare or contrast thoughts expressed in different units, or can highlight a change in tone. Lines of poems are often organized into stanzas, which are denominated by the number of lines included. These lines may or may not relate to each other by rhyme or rhythm (Wikipedia).

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References:

1. Asselineau, R. (1962) The Evolution of Walt Whitman: The Creation of a Book. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2. Chukovski K.I. (1968) Visokoye iskustvo. M.: Sov. Pisatel Publishers. 3. Gasparov, M.L. (1997) Izbranniye trudi. O stikhakh. Vol. 2. M.: Progress. 4. Gasparian, S.K., Matevosian, A.I. (2008) English Style in Action. Yerevan: Asoghik Publishers. 5. Harutyunyan, A. (2000) Yntrani amerikean u angliakan poeziayi. Yerevan: Apolon. 6. Martinez, E.E. (1969) Walt Whitman: Homage to Walt Whitman. Alabama: University of Alabama Press. 7. Wilson, A.G., Bradley, S. (1955) The Collected Writings of Walt Whitman’s Poems: Selections with Critical Aids. New York: New York University Press. 8. Wolosky, Sh. (2001) The Art of Poetry. USA: Oxford University Press.

Literature:

1. Whitman, W. (1982) Complete Poetry and Selected Prose of Walt Whitman. Justin Kaplan (Ed). New York: The Library of America.

ÎñÏÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ àõáÉÃ àõÇÃÙ»ÝÇ ‘‘A Passage to India’’ μ³Ý³ëï»ÕÍáõÃÛáõÝáõÙ

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ Û³Ý ÝÛáõÃ ¿ ¹³ñ Ó»É ÏñÏÝáõÃ ÛáõÝ á ×³ Ï³Ý ÑÝ³ ñÁ, á ñÁ à õÇÃ Ù» ÝÇ åá» ½Ç³ ÛáõÙ ³ é³Ýó ù³ ÛÇÝ Ýß³ Ý³ ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ áõ ÝÇ: ²ÛÝ Ýå³ë - ïáõÙ ¿ áã ÙÇ³ÛÝ éÇÃ ÙÇ áõ Ý»ñ ¹³ß Ý¹³ ÏáõÃ Û³Ý ¹ñë ¨áñ Ù³ ÝÁ, ³ÛÉ¨ ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Û ïáõÙ ¿ ³ í» ÉÇ μ³ñÓñ μ³ ñá Û³ Ï³Ý ³ñ Å»ù Ý»ñ` Ç Ù³ë ïáõÃ ÛáõÝ, μ³ ñá Û³ Ëá ëáõÃ ÛáõÝ, Ù³ñ¹ - Ï³ ÛÇÝ ³ Ù» Ý³ ï³ñ μ»ñ Ñá ·» íÇ ×³Ï Ý»ñ áõ ïñ³ Ù³¹ ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñ: à õÇÃ Ù» ÝÇ åá» ½Ç³ - ÛáõÙ ÏñÏÝáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ Çñ É³ÛÝ ¹ñë ¨á ñáõÙ Ý» ñáí, μ³ ó³ éÇÏ Ûáõ ñ³ Ñ³ï ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ ¿, ³ é³Ýó á ñÇ ³ÝÑ Ý³ñ ¿ å³ï Ï» ñ³ó Ý»É à õÇÃ Ù»Ý μ³ Ý³ë ï»Õ ÍÇÝ Çñ ßù»Õ Ëáë ù³ñ í»ë ïáí: ²Ý ï³ ñ³ ÏáõÛë, Ýñ³ åá» ½Ç³Ý ÏñÏÝáõÃ Û³Ý ³ñ í»ë ïÇ μ³ñÓ ñ³ Ï»ïÝ ¿:

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Foreign Words and Phrases in Newspaper Film Reviews

Foreign words and phrases shouldn’t become a bête noire, but, ceteris paribus, English sentences should be in English… Jack Lynch

hroughout its history, English has been shaped and Tenriched by words and phrases of French, Scandinavian, Italian, Latin, Greek and German origin. When cultures come into contact with one another, borrowing takes place primarily in the realm of lexical terms (Anderson 1973). As A. I. Smirnitsky points out, a foreign word is a shapeless piece of material, which gains its shape Irina Vardanyan only by means and in the system of the new language (Smirnitski 1954). Many words of foreign origin have been in English for so long that they have been freely integrated and can no longer be distinguished from English words and may not trigger a sense of “foreignisms”. However, there are cases, when the word is not assimilated and retains its foreign language spelling, pronunciation as well as connotation. Such cases are perceived as “organic inclusions” (Smirnitski 1954). Depending on the degree of adaptation of an originally “alien” word to its new linguistic surroundings, linguists distinguish between foreign words and loanwords. However, the borderline between them is blurred and a concise classification is not always an easy task. In this article the word foreign is used for those borrowed words which have not been accepted by the English as “part and parcel” of the language, or in other words, had not been naturalized yet (Lindgren 1943:240). The use of foreign words and word combinations in film reviews has direct connection with the peculiarity of the newspaper style. Along with informing the reader about the film, they gain the readers’ attention and make an impression on him. Being aware of their expressive power, the reviewer uses a number of foreign words and phrases in the text. These units can be perceived as elegant and educated, and they are likely to show up in the writing of individuals who seek to give a special elevated touch to their work. It is worth mentioning, that this means of expression is more productive when it does not arouse extra difficulties in understanding the whole text. For this purpose, the reporter should take into account both the educational and social status of his reader. He should be aware of the background knowledge of his reader to successfully establish contact with the latter. The use of foreign words and word combinations in film reviews perform both expressive and informative functions. It is possible to show how the relationship between these two functions changes depending on the role of foreign words and phrases in the text of film reviews. A comparison of film reviews published at the same period of time

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on the same film but in newspapers of different social orientation will help to show how the choice between a foreign word and its functional English equivalent depends on the readers’ social and educational status. The usage of foreign words and word combinations is considered to be marked, as they reveal not only the reader’s, but also the reviewer’s social status. However, this phenomenon is not always socially marked. The admixture of foreign words is one of the distinguishing peculiarities of newspaper style. It should be noted that some foreign words as vanilla, visa, blitz, etc., are so commonly or long used in newspapers in general and film reviews in particular that they have become totally familiar to the reader and there is no need to print them in italics. On the other hand, a number of loanwords, such as cliché, coup de theatre, etc., keep their original spelling, Foreign words and word combinations of this type are also widely used both in quality and mass newspapers. Below are some examples of foreignisms, the use of which is not limited to the social and educational status: they are found in both quality and mass newspapers.

Film bible Variety says: ‘The indisputable raison d’etre for About Schmidt is to showcase Jack Nicholson giving a master class in the art of screen acting. The Daily Mail, January 22, 2005

The sequence was, above all, a remarkable tour de force of editing, but its emotional effect depended on the identification the viewer brought earlier in the film to the sympathetic and vulnerable figure that Leigh presented. The Guardian, October 5, 2004

The performance is extraordinary tour de force. Her company Gravity & Levity has been launched with an ambitious programme of live performance and film that tours until June 25. The Daily Express, June 1, 2005

The coincidence of sound and meaning of such words with homonymous English words improves understanding. In the last example, the reviewer successfully matches the French phrase tour de force with the English word tour, thus adding to the better understanding of the whole text. As seen from the examples in both quality and mass newspapers the foreign word is introduced without any explanation. The absence of any comment is explained by the fact that such units do not have an important role in the understanding of the whole text. Their function is to draw the reader’s attention to the text of some particular review. To foreignisms also belong a number of terms of foreign origin relating to arts: paint- ing, music, theater, etc., such as premiere, denouement, leitmotiv, etc. However some of them have a restricted use, mainly restricted to the educational level. E.g.

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More recently there was , the knockabout 70s heist romp written by TV veterans Clement and La Frenais that attracted large numbers of Americans to a story involving Princess Margaret and a denouement at Paddington station (and which, together with the now-cancelled US version of Life on Mars may have helped nudge the door open for Peace’s altogether more hellish vision of the same era). Sunday Telegraph, June 29, 2008

Aycborn leitmotiv abound: male obtuseness provoking female despera- tion. The Financial Times, December 20, 2009

The frequency of foreign word usage varies between newspapers aimed at different audiences. It is common knowledge that compared with mass newspapers, the quality ones frequently contain a higher proportion of foreign words and phrases. Reporters like to use foreign words when they mention foreign films in an attempt to arouse their readers’ interest or to express the connotations of the words more prope rly. E.g. Inside, designer Paul Wills lays on an impressive coup de theatre for the torture chambers in the Ministry of Love. The Daily Mail, March 5, 2010

Columbia Studios gave him carte blanche, and Clouzot went ahead with Serge Regianni and Romy Schneider starring and three full camera crews. The Observer, November 8, 2009

The most original thing about Peter Sollett’s film about teenage angst is its title, taken from Rachel Cohn and David Levithan’s novel of the same name. Evening Standard January 1, 2009

As it is seen from the examples adduced above, foreign words are introduced to the text differently, depending on the author’s intention and the readers’ background knowledge. In the given examples foreign words are used without any explanation and comment since they are known to the reader. The reviewer gives explanations to the foreign words in case the reader lacks some particular background information to understand House word. The purpose is to avoid misunderstanding of the whole context. Sometimes the writer, who likes to avail himself of a foreign word, either to make a genuine point or to show that he has the gift of tongues, uses literal translation instead of the actual word not to keep his less favored readers in the dark.

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On 4 October 1976, the strip was launched. Woody, the pen-and-ink protagonist, was angst-ridden: flawed, fearful, insecure, inadequate, pes- simistic, urban, single, lustful, rejected by women. The Guardian, October 19, 2009

It should be noted that the English equivalents of the German word angst cannot be considered pure translation as they have different shades of meaning and the former has additional emotional-expressive-evaluative connotations due to its foreign origin. Thus, despite the fact, that the word angst is freely used by the English, it still retains some of its sociolinguistic connotations peculiar to German. Foreign words and word combinations are getting to be freely interspersed through English. Many of them retain their original pronunciation in order to add some extra coloring to the whole text. The reviewer takes particular care to linguistically liven up his text, to describe the scenes more authentically by adding local coloring to his speech. The foreign words introduced in the text without any explanation, help the author to achieve some stylistic effect. In this case, there is no need to understand the meaning of the word as only the foreign word form is relevant here. When reading a review readers feel they are closer to the reality of the film characters and their language. In the following example in order to vividly transmit the local coloring of the film the reviewer uses the French word directrice which is well known to the broad public:

One laughs as Madame Dubonnet, directrice of a Nice finishing school, is reunited with the English millionaire. Sunday Telegraph, June 22, 2004

The journalist usually acts in his own interest to provide optimal stylistic effectiveness for the reader. He aims at evoking interest, understanding or reacting to the feelings in the audience. On the other hand, foreignisms are conspicuous when embedded in English sentences, and thereby catch the readers’ attention (Pfitzner 1978:122). Foreignisms are also used for emphasis, to achieve intensification of expression in particular.

It’s done with relish and syle, much helped by Robin’s set: the plage and the terrasse of the Cafe Pataplon. Standard, June2, 2004

Here the reviewer prefers the French word plage to its neutral English equivalent beach, and uses terrasse as he intends to transfer to his reader the local atmosphere of a fashonable and luxurious rest house. However, when using a foreign word the reviewer always takes into consideration his readers’ background knowledge, social and educational status. Otherwise he can lead the reader to misunderstanding, as the reader can fail to understand the whole passage

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because of a foreign word. Reporters writing for quality papers are relatively free in introducing foreign elements in the text only when they are sure that the reader will not only understand the meaning of the foreign word, but also highly appreciate the stylistic effect brought in by the foreign word. It should be noted that if there exists a more or less adequate English equivalent for the foreign word, the reviewer of mass newspapers tends to use the native equivalent, whereas in quality papers the foreign equivalents are preferred. This can be well illustrated in the following examples, where the same film is reviewed in newspapers of different social orientation.

The period is the 19th century. With a happy sense of fun, the King of Navarre and his three cronies are seen as pompous highbrows in gradu- ate’s gowns… Daily Telegraph, December 10, 2006

We are in the turn-of-the century France. Daily Express, November 27, 2006

Mr. Kyle sets the action in the period of the early belle epoque. The Guardian, November10, 2006

It is clearly seen from the examples that only in the last passage printed in the Guardian, the author describes the period of settled and comfortable life preceding the war of 1914-1918 by a French phrase belle époque. This contextually and syntactically important expression is not commented upon, as it is well known to the reader of the Guardian. There is no doubt that compared with such natural expressions as the period is the 19 th century or the turn-of-the century France the French phrase implies more emotional-expressive connotations due to its foreign origin. It can be said that in the given examples the foreign words perform both informative and expressive functions. Thus, it can be concluded that foreign elements imply additional local colouring to the text of the review. Generally spoken, the adoption of foreign words is motivated by potential profit, be it need or prestige. Moreover, there is a wide spread opinion that the use of foreign words belong to a more “educated” register. Indeed, by virtue of its being foreign, a word attains greater saliency and acquires greater expressive power.

References:

1. Anderson, M.H. (2002) Engelsk I Dansk. // Sprogholding I. Denmark. Kopenhavn: Kopenhavn Universitet. 2. Lindgren, H.C. (1942) The Relationship Between Foreign Language Courses of Study and Foreign Words in Newspaper English. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

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3. Pfitser, J. (1978) Der Anglicismus in Deuchen. Vol. 51. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuch handlung. 4. Smirnitsky, A.I. (1954) Obyektivnost sushchestvovaniya yazika. // Materialy k kur- sam yazikoznaniya. V.A. Zveginceva (Ed). M: MGU.

úï³ñ μ³é»ñÝ áõ μ³é³Ï³å³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ÏÇÝá·ñ³ËáëáõÃÛ³Ý ï»ùëïáõÙ

Ðá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ Ñ³Ý ·³ Ù³ Ýá ñ»Ý í»ñ ÉáõÍ íáõÙ ¿ û ï³ñ μ³ é» ñÇ ¨ μ³ é³ Ï³ å³Ï óáõÃ - ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇ ¹» ñÁ ÏÇ Ýá· ñ³ Ëá ëáõÃ Û³Ý ï»ùë ïáõÙ: ¸ñ³Ýù ÏÇ Ýá· ñ³ Ëá ëáõÃ Û³Ý ï»ùë - ïÇÝ Ñ³ Õáñ ¹áõÙ »Ý ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Ûï ã³ Ï³ ÝáõÃ ÛáõÝ` ³ÛÝ ¹³ñÓ Ý» Éáí ³ é³ í»É ïå³ íá - ñÇã: ú ï³ñ μ³ é»ñÝ áõ μ³ é³ Ï³ å³Ï óáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñÝ Ç ñ³ Ï³ Ý³ó ÝáõÙ »Ý Ñ³ Õáñ¹ Ù³Ý ¨ Ý»ñ ·áñÍ Ù³Ý ·áñ Í³ éáõÛÃ Ý»ñ: ¸ñ³Ýó ·áñ Í³ ÍáõÃ Û³Ý ³ë ïÇ ×³ ÝÁ å³Û Ù³ Ý³ íáñ - í³Í ¿ ÁÝ Ã»ñ óá ÕÇ ëá óÇ³ É³ Ï³Ý ¨ ÏñÃí³ ÍáõÃ Û³Ý Ù³ Ï³ñ ¹³Ï Ý» ñáí:

94 Linguistics Armenian Folia Anglistika

Stylistic Peculiarities of Contextual Hyperbole in Sherwood Anderson’s “The Book of the Grotesque” and “Godliness”

he study of hyperbole in Sherwood Anderson’s short Tstories is of great importance as hyperbole is a very powerful stylistic means which favors the formation of the writer’s individual style at the same time emphasizing its peculiarities. It is a trope which consists of a deliberate and intentional exaggeration of an action, feature or quality which is accompanied by a specific prosodic pattern. As any other trope it allows to say more than is readily seen on the surface. 1 Hyperbole is a means through which literary personages are created. It helps to make the world of literature “colorful”, becoming one of the most powerful and effective Ani Kojoyan means of impact, stirring the reader’s imagination and mind. Hyperbole is not only a way of writing but also speaking. It makes the speech sound more exciting, more dangerous, better or worse than it really is (Hornby 2005:63). It is the result of a kind of intoxication by emotions which prevents a person from seeing things in their true dimensions. If the reader or the listener is not carried away by the emotion of the writer or the speaker, hyperbole becomes a mere lie. In this connection V.V. Vinogradov adds that hyperbole is the law of art which brings phenomena of life, diffused as they are, to the point of maximum clarity and conciseness (Vinogradov 1953:74). Hyperbole is an irreplaceable stylistic means through which the most ridiculous, negative and sarcastic sides of life are expressed, hence it is often used for humorous or ironic effect. It is also one of the best stylistic means for describing characters and their individuality. The creative use of hyperbole in verbal art requires careful study and artistic effort. The choice of Sherwood Anderson’s short stories for evaluating hyperbole is not accidental: his literary prose abounds in different stylistic means, among which hyperbole has its peculiar place. A literary text is considered a totality in which different stylistic means and allusive elements are embraced. Because of this the reader has to go into the depth of the text, observe its imagery thoroughly, find out those elements which are taken from another text, in this way assimilating the two texts together. The choice of Sherwood Anderson’s short stories is attractive in this sense too. Anderson’s literary prose is important for its stylistic value, and as Anderson’s stories mostly reflect biblical elements, it is possible to observe the intertextual links through biblical allusion. What we have especially focused on in the present paper by applying the notions of background knowledge and vertical context is the stylistic peculiarities of contextual hyperbole and its types in Anderson’s short stories, particularly in “The Book of the

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Grotesque” and “Godliness” and, in the case of allusive hyperbole, the cognitive and aesthetic significance of the phenomenon. Observing instances, when hyperbole is combined with other stylistic devices in the context of Anderson’s short stories, the following types have been distinguished: mixed hyperbole (hyperbole combined with other stylistic means, shaped as instances of simile, pun, antonomasia, irony, personification, etc.), non-mixed hyperbole (hyperbole which is not combined with any other stylistic device) and biblical allusive hyperbole. Anderson’s renowned novel “Winesburg, Ohio” was written in an old house in Chicago in a couple of months. While reading the short stories, readers can find glimpses of truth about rural American life. Through the stories Anderson expresses his disappointment with town life. His stories and what he describes in them are all grotesque and extravagant. He employs grotesque notions very nicely and skillfully, while his material is freighted with a sense of reality. The grotesques are those people whose humanity has been outraged and who had to suppress their wishes to love in order to survive in Winesburg. Anderson himself mentions that all the characters of “Winesburg, Ohio” are grotesques themselves. He defines “grotesque” in this way: “Truths are beautiful but when truths become fixed in people’s lives they turn people into grotesques – lonely, isolated distortions of people” (Anderson 1981). Hence, grotesqueness implies both deformity and failure of dreams and emotions. The use of grotesque as a method by Anderson is not accidental. The opening story entitled “The Book of the Grotesque” is somehow symbolic in the sense that all the other stories are centered around it. It serves as a key to understanding the other stories because the latter are the thematic continuation of the former, i.e. the opening story. Giving the story such a title Anderson points to the possibility that all the ideas in his book should be interpreted in terms of grotesque and exaggeration. “The Book of the Grotesque” is about an old writer, his feelings, emotions and thoughts. One of the central thoughts of his book is:

In the beginning when the world was young there were a great many thoughts but not such thing as a truth. Man made the truths himself and each truth was a composite of a great many vague thoughts. All about in the world were the truths and they were all beautiful… There was the truth of virginity and the truth of passion, the truth of wealth and of poverty, of thrift and of profligacy, of carelessness and abandon. Hundreds and hundreds were the truths and they were all beautiful. And then people came along. Each as he appeared snatched up one of the truths and some who were quite strong snatched up a dozen of them. (Anderson 27)

Here the whole extract bears an allegorical meaning, but in addition to this, the underlined part expresses hyperbolic meaning as well. 2 The word truth is an abstract and uncountable noun on the semantic level (in the meaning of the quality or state of being based on fact), while on the metasemiotic level; in the context of the present story, being used in the plural form, it becomes countable. Still retaining its abstract character it

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acquires additional overtones: the truth is only one but when each person creates his own truth, the so-called subjective truth, the truth stops to be a general notion, it rather indicates falsehood, which is not truth at all. So, the use of an uncountable noun in the plural form brings about an obvious intentional exaggeration, which, in its turn, has an aesthetic impact on the reader. Moreover, in the word-combination a dozen of truths we have not only exaggeration but also contrast because the word dozen indicates a group of twelve of the same things, while in the context a group of different things is presented. Thus, for instance: there was the truth of virginity, the truth of passion, the truth of wealth and poverty, the truth of thrift and profligacy, of carelessness and abandon. So, it is here that not only hyperbolic shades, but also the author’s ironical attitude become even more obvious. In the following sentence – Who were quite strong snatched up a dozen of them – the hyperbole becomes more effective; the primary meaning of the verb snatch is itself very expressive: “to take something quickly and often rudely and roughly, by force” (Hornby 2005). In fact truth is not visible and because of this it cannot be taken. So, at this level the metaphoric and hyperbolic meanings are merged, combined with each other. In another sentence we read: Man made the truths. The verb made is used in the meaning of “create”, whereas the truth cannot be made or created and a man, correspondingly, cannot be a truth-maker. This usage enhances the metaphorical and ironical aspect of the utterance. Considering that in the context the truths created by men are vicious, the word truth has acquired its opposite meaning, that of untruth or falsehood. The use of hyperbole interpreted in terms of irony helps to understand the whole meaning of the story; through the use of hyperbole and irony Anderson expresses his disappointment with the town and people living in it. In the following extract taken from the same story, another example of hyperbole is found. It is formed in a very peculiar way – by bringing together words which are not semantic synonyms, but rather function as contextual synonyms:

In his bed the writer rolled over on his side and lay quite still. For years he had been beset with notions concerning his heart. He was a hard smoker and his heart fluttered. The idea had got into his mind that he would some time die unexpectedly and always when he got into bed he thought of that. It did not alarm him. The effect in fact was quite a special thing and not easily explained. It made him more alive, there in bed, than at any other time. Perfectly still he lay and his body was old and not of much use any more but something inside him was altogether young. He was like a pregnant woman, only that the thing inside him was not a baby but a youth. No, it wasn’t a youth; it was a woman, young, wearing a coat of male like a knight. It is absurd, you see, to try to tell what was inside the old writer as he lay on his high bed and listened to the fluttering of his heart. The thing to get at is what the writer, or the young thing within the writer, was thinking about. (Anderson 1981:25)

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Here we have an example of simile based on hyperbole. The old writer is beset with different kinds of notions and thoughts which disturb him all the time. To show the writer’s excited emotional state the hyperbole emphasizes the troubling condition in which the writer is. The contrast between the sick and old writer’s physical state and his young spirit is revealed through the notion of young thing – youth expressed by the lexical units baby, youth and young woman. The exaggeration is formed by the change of the word baby into the word youth, and the word youth into the word woman, which, in fact, turns into synonymic condensation. The word baby means a very young child. We also know that briskness, liveliness, quick- ness and vivacity are typical features of babies, as well as of young men and women. The word youth indicates the time of life when a person is young, especially the time before a child becomes an adult. As if trying to find the right definition of his inner state, his ego, the writer finally, through gradation, arrives at the notion of a young woman wearing a coat of male like a knight. Interestingly, the writer chooses young woman instead of young man, thus pointing to another contrast in the image (male person with a female soul), and enhancing the hyperbolic simile – he was like a pregnant woman. On the other hand, the three words baby, youth, and the word woman in combination with the adjective young become synonyms on the metasemiotic level as all of them are contrasted to the notion of old dying man. The synonymic condensation gives not only extra emphasis, a kind of meta-effect to the utterance, but also secures the gradual formation of hyperbole. An example of hyperbole combined with another trope may be observed in the following sentence:

Winesburg had forgotten the old man, but in Doctor Reefy there were the seeds of something very fine. (Anderson 1981:33)

This is an example of antonomasia plus an exaggerative meaning. Instead of saying people living in Winesburg had forgotten the old man the writer uses the place name Winesburg but, of course, he does not mean the town itself. Through the name of the place he refers to its people. On the other hand, however, we should take into consideration that not all the people living there had forgotten the old man, but perhaps only a part of them, and this is where hyperbole lies. Moreover, this example of hyperbole may also be regarded as a case of metonymy based on some kind of association connecting the two concepts: people and Winesbug. Additionally, there is an element of personification: the human quality of forgetting is ascribed to a city which is an inanimate object and is deprived of such a quality. The following extract presents an example of a non-mixed hyperbole:

On that night when he had run through the fields crying for a son he became excited to the edge of insanity. (Anderson 1981:62)

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The edge of insanity is a hyperbole. The dictionary definition for the word edge is: “the outside limit of an object” (Hornby 2005). As for the word insanity, it is “the state of being mad” (Hornby 2005). The nominal phrase edge of insanity acquires adjectival meaning in the context, denoting the ultimate degree of madness. So, the noun edge gives exaggerative overtones to the word-combination and shows Jesse’s inner and tense mental emotional state. One of the stories entitled “Godliness” presents many interesting examples of allusive hyperbole and here is one of them:

I am a new kind of man come into possession of these fields,” he declared. “Look upon me, O God, and look Thou also upon my neighbors and all the man who have gone before me here! O God, create in me another Jesse, like that one of old, to rule over men and to be the father of sons who shall be rulers! (Anderson 1981:52)

The proper noun Jesse is a biblical allusive name. It is the name of a biblical king – David’s father who was the king of Israel. According to the Bible, God orders Samuel to anoint David as king of Israel. The name of the biblical prototype is used in a complex way. Firstly, it coincides with the protagonist’s name. Secondly, it indicates antonomasia: create in me another Jesse. In this way the proper name Jesse becomes a common noun. Anderson’s Jesse begs God to create in him the biblical Jesse, through whom to rule on earth. The selection of the name Jesse creates a contrast between the two Jesses. And by this contrast Anderson not only shows his ironical attitude but also secures the interpretation of irony. Moreover, the fictional Jesse obviously exaggerates his role, seeing himself as a patriarch. Jesse works tirelessly on his farm and he also makes his employees, including his delicate wife, Katherine work all day long even when they are not able to bear it any more. But at the same time he is afraid that someone like Philistine Goliath will take his lands from him. He strongly believes he is chosen by God and it is God’s work that he has come to the land. He wants God to notice and to talk to him. Jesse also asks God to send him a son to be called David who will help him to pluck all of his lands out of the hands of the Philistines. He compares all people around him with Goliath. The above narration of the story embraces a sarcastic tone and is interpreted as irony, simultaneously being combined with hyperbole. The hyperbolic meaning is expressed when the contrast between the two Jesses – the biblical Jesse and the fictional one becomes obvious. Moreover, Jesse’s farm is not comparable to the biblical Valley of Elah, however earnest- ly he desires it to be. It is obvious that without sufficient background knowledge the biblical allusions and respectively the story could be misunderstood and misinterpreted. The following passage also includes biblical allusive elements with hyperbolic shades:

A fantastic impulse half fear, half greediness, took possession of Jesse Bentley. He remembered how in the old Bible story the Lord had appeared to that other Jesse and told him to send his son David to where Saul and the men of

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Israel were fighting the Philistines in the Valley of Elah. Into Jesse’s mind came the conviction that all of the Ohio farmers who owned land in the valley of Wine Creek were Philistines and enemies of God. “Suppose,” he whis- pered to himself, “there should come from among them one who, like Goliath, the Philistine of Gath, could defeat me and take from me my possessions. Jehovah of Hosts,” cried he, “send to me a son. Let thy grace alight upon me. Send me a son called David who shall help me to pluck at last all of these lands out of the hands of the Philistines and turn them to Thy service and to the building of Thy kingdom on earth. (Anderson 1981:54)

Anderson’s irony toward his character Jesse (Jesse is sure that he is the only person chosen by Lord) is expressed through Jesse’s exaggerated self-respect, egotism and self- esteem. Hyperbole and irony are created through the introduction of the two controversial characters and hence, the grotesqueness of the situation. The identification with the biblical episodes continues in the next two parts of the story, where Jesse wants to sacrifice a lamb – a similar episode is found in the Bible when God orders Abraham to sacrifice his only son – Isaac, in order to test Abraham loyalty to Him. Abraham obeys, and when he wants to sacrifice Isaac, the angel stops him and says that God is pleased with him and that now He ascertains that Abraham is faithful to Him. Instead of Isaac Abraham sacrifices a lamb that was sent by God.

After the feeling of exaltation that had come to the farmer as a result of his successful year, another mood had taken possession of him. For a long time he had been going about feeling very humble and prayful. Again he walked alone at night thinking of God and as he walked he again connected his own figure with the figures of old days. Under the stars he knelt on the wet grass and rose up his voice in prayer. Now he had decided that like the men whose stories filled the pages of the Bible, he would make a sacrifice to God. (Anderson 1981:73)

In the passage taken from the story there is a hyperbole based on simile: like the men whose stories filled the pages of the Bible. The following biblical allusion combined with two other stylistic means – hyperbole and simile, is a means of characterization. The obvious hyperbole is; Jesse identifies himself with the biblical character but evidently he is not, and particularly he is not chosen by God. Interestingly enough, when Jesse wants to sacrifice a lamb, he destroys his relations with the grandson while in the original (in the Bible) Abraham who is going to sacrifice his son, sacrifices a lamb, in this way keeping and re-establishing his relations with the son. So, this fact once more intensifies the contradiction and contrast between the episodes of the story and the Bible. Thus, taking into consideration the study of the theoretical material and the results of the analysis of the above examples we may conclude that the use of hyperbole by Sherwood

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Anderson in his short stories serves as a means of characterization of his complex images and personages. Moreover, it is directly connected with the author’s interpretation of the grotesque and the aesthetic. Besides, in the context of Sherwood Anderson’s short stories hyperbole is often fused with other stylistic devices: simile, irony, personification, pun, etc. And finally, the notions of background knowledge and vertical context are essential for the stylistic evaluation of hyperbole based on allusion, namely biblical allusion.

Notes:

1. Hyperbole is a device that is used to evoke strong feelings or to create a strong impression and emphasis. 2. The linguostylistic study of the hyperbole ensures a correct interpretation of the general semantic content and connotative meanings. Thus the study goes both along the lines of semantic and metasemiotic levels of investigation. The latter allows to evaluate all the additional overtones that the linguistic units have acquired in the context.

References:

1. Delahaunty, A. (2001) Oxford Dictionary of Allusions. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2. Hornby, A.S. (2005) Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 3. Pucci, J. (1998) The Full-Knowing Reader. Allusion and the Power of the Reader in the Western Literary Tradition. USA: Yale University Press. 4. Vinogradov, V.V. (1953) Voprosy yazikoznaniya. M.: MGU Publishers.

Literature:

1. Anderson, Sh. (1981) Selected Short Stories. M.: Progress Publishers.

Ð³Ù³ï»ùëï³ÛÇÝ ã³÷³½³ÝóáõÃÛ³Ý á×³Ï³Ý ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ

Ðá¹í³ ÍÇ Ýå³ ï³ÏÝ ¿ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñ»É ã³ ÷³ ½³Ý óáõÃ Û³Ý á ×³ Ï³Ý ³ é³ÝÓÝ³ - Ñ³ï ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÁ Þ. ²Ý ¹»ñ ëá ÝÇ å³ïÙ í³Íù Ý» ñÇ Ñ³ Ù³ ï»ùë ïáõÙ: îíÛ³É ÝÛáõ ÃÇ ï» ë³ Ï³Ý Ù³ ëÇ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ Û³Ý, ÇÝã å»ë Ý³¨ û ñÇ Ý³Ï Ý» ñÇ í»ñ Éáõ ÍáõÃ Û³Ý ßÝáñ ÑÇí ÑÝ³ ñ³ íáñ ¿ ¹³é ÝáõÙ å³ïÙ í³Íù Ý» ñáõÙ ³é³ÝÓ Ý³ó Ý»É Ñ³ Ù³ ï»ùë ï³ - ÛÇÝ ã³ ÷³ ½³Ý óáõÃ Û³Ý » ñ»ù ÑÇ Ý³ Ï³Ý ï» ë³Ï: ¸ñ³Ýù »Ýª §Ë³ éÁ ã³ ÷³ ½³Ý óáõÃ- ÛáõÝ¦, §áã Ë³ éÁ ã³ ÷³ ½³Ý óáõÃ ÛáõÝ¦ ¨ §·ñ³ Ï³Ý ³Ý¹ ñ³ ¹³ñÓ Ñ³Ý ¹Ç ë³ óáÕ ã³ - ÷³ ½³Ý óáõÃ ÛáõÝ¦ ï» ë³Ï Ý» ñÁ:

101 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

Emotions in Linguistic Behaviour

When dealing with people, remember you are not dealing with creatures of logic, but creatures of emotion. Dale Carnegie

eing humans we always experience some sort of Bemotion or feeling. Moreover, our emotional state varies throughout the day depending on what happens to us and on the stimuli that we perceive. However, we may not always be conscious of it; we may not know or express with Anna Rostomyan clarity which emotion we are experiencing in a given moment. The experience and expression of emotions comprise a routine, yet extraordinarily complex and influential facet of the human experience, particularly in the realm of interpersonal communication. V.J. Wukmir states that emotion is an immediate answer of the organism that informs about the degree of favourability of the perceived situation. 1 If it seems to favour its survival, the living being experiences both positive (happiness, satisfaction, peace, etc.) and negative (grief, sorrow, horror, etc.) emotions when the situation seems to be unfavourable for its survival. All living beings have this mechanism of emotion which guides them all the time, acting as a compass, to find favourable situations to survive (those which produce positive emotions) and to move away from those which are thought to be unfavourable for survival (which produce negative emotions). This emotional appraisal is carried out by means of many diverse physico-chemical mechanisms depending on the complexity of the organism. The elaboration of the emotions is an involuntary process, of which one can only be partially conscious. It is true that we often speak about emotional control or about controlling the emotions as a necessary ability for successful social relationships. Nevertheless, it should be mentioned that we do not have control about the emotion itself and we can just control its external manifestation (Wukmir 1967). Based on the overall findings of our study on emotions, we have come to think that, although the list of feelings and reactions we include under the term emotion is almost infinite, generally the great variety of emotions in our emotional repertoire can be classified into two opposite poles: positive vs. negative, which are reflected respectively in our everyday speech. In their book “Principles of Communication and Emotion in Social Interaction” Andersen and Guerrero assert that although there may be slight differences in how positive or negative emotions are viewed in particular situations, they generally tend to have either positive or negative reputations (Andersen and Guerrero 1998). 2 We have revealed that the problem of emotion involves a number of important issues: perception, processing and evaluation of emotions and emotional states; verbal and non- verbal means of expressing emotion. Facial expressions, together with bodily movements

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form non-verbal means of communicating the emotional state of the speaker. Since emotions find their verbalization in our everyday speech, they are reflected consequently in speech acts having positive or negative implications. It is true that emotions are very complex experiences and when expressing them, we use a great variety of words and word combinations to express them. Nonetheless, we could use all the words of a dictionary to express different emotions and still lack the ability of expressing the actually felt emotion in an accurate way. Therefore, due to the infinite extension of emotional phenomena, it is impossible to make a full description of all the emotions that we can experience. The complexity of the phenomenon makes the impression that we always lack words to describe our emotions accurately. But under this complexity, there is a common factor typical of all emotions: each emotion expresses a quantity or magnitude on a positive/negative scale. In this way, we experience positive and negative emotions in different degrees and with diverse intensity. We can experience abrupt or gradual changes of emotional intensity, towards either the positive or negative side. That is to say, all emotions represent a magnitude or measurement along a continuum that can take positive or negative values. In everyday language we express our emotions with a positive/negative scale and in variable magnitudes with the help of different means of emotive emphasis, such as I feel quite well, I feel well, I feel very well (showing degrees for positive emotions) or I feel quite bad, I feel bad, I feel very bad (showing degrees for negative emotions). According to the situation in which a certain emotion is aroused, we choose words such as love, friendship, fear, uncertainty, respect, etc., that, at the same time, show the emotional sign (positive or negative). And according to the intensity of the emotion we choose words like quite, awfully, enough, very, etc., and, in this way, we compose the description of emotions. We say, for example, I feel very well understood (positive) or I feel a little depressed (negative). As a result, we can recognize two well differentiated components in all emotions. On the one hand, there is a qualitative component that is expressed by means of the word that we use to describe the emotion (love, friendship, fear, insecurity, etc.) determining the “positiveness” or “negativeness” of the emotional sign. On the other hand, all emotions possess a quantitative component that is expressed by means of words of magnitude (little, quite, enough, a lot, great, some, much, etc.). It is generally believed that emotion plays the role we expect it to, i.e. communicating information about our internal states, feelings, beliefs and desires (Goleman 1995; Murray 1964). However, in some circumstances we observe that emotions are not demonstrated so explicitly in speech or just vice verse: sometimes people tend to sound more emotional so that to have an impact on the interlocutors and thus to achieve their desired communicative goal. Besides, when undergoing very strong emotions the speakers are not able to control them or to try to minimize the degree of the felt emotion, and consequently, the experienced emotions are being manifested in speech. In fact the linguistic expression of emotions has to do with pragmalinguistic approach to language phenomena since the conveyance of emotions is necessarily linked with the perlocutionary level. Hence, in order to analyze the role of emotions in speech, expressive speech acts should be taken into consideration since expressives are those kinds of speech acts that

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state what the speaker feels: apologizing, thanking, congratulating, condoling, welcom- ing, deploring, and objecting. They express psychological states and can be statements of pleasure, pain, joy, sorrow, etc. Thus, we see that the emotional state of the speaker plays an irreplaceable and important role which is undoubtedly reflected in his or her speech (Yule 1996:53-54). As we know, spoken language is not a ready-made or artificially created unit; it is something natural, created spontaneously so that to some degree it truly reflects our emotional world. Actually, in everyday communication the speakers not only exchange ideas, code and decode information, urge the hearer to do something but also convey via language means their feelings and emotions which, as it follows from our earlier discussions, are very complicated. The investigation of the expression of emotions is not a very easy task. In everyday communication all of us, to some extent, make use of different relevant parameters in order to make our speech more expressive: e.g. pitch, amplitude, voice quality, pause, etc. Prosody is the main constitutive cue of emphatic speech-style, alongside lexical devices, such as intensifying lexical items and syntactic devices. In fact people try to make their speech expressive so that to have a better impact on the audience, to gain a better opportunity to achieve their desired positive or negative perlocutionary effect. For this very reason, they often make use of diverse function words, called intensifiers, which amplify the meaning of a whole sentence or only some part of it, and, particularly, the emotional content. Actually, normal English conversation abounds in a number of intensifiers which may be expressed by various parts of speech. Intensifiers constitute a large group of words belonging to different parts of speech, mostly adverbs, sometimes adjectives and particles homonymous with adverbs. They usually modify or intensify the word (or sometimes a phrase) immediately following them and serve to emphasize or restrict the meaning of this word (or phrase) (Buzarov 1998:316). The list is fairly long, and we create new intensifiers frequently, especially as slang. The common intensifiers are very, quite, really, pretty, too, fairly, more, rather, most, still, even, much, somewhat, not so, ever so, as well as many others. For instance, He’s too awful, She’s awfully attractive, It’s pretty late. Belonging to the nonstandard language are the intensifying adjectives awful and real and the like, (I’ve got an awful bad cold, She was real nice to us). There exists yet another class of intensifiers, slang intensifiers, which are used by students and are constantly renewable. The intensifier wicked was in vogue a short time ago on many campuses (That was a wicked bad exam). Another intensifier which is also being heavily overworked these days is the intensifying adjective outstanding (She has an outstanding new car). And it should also be mentioned that as time passes, with the development of technology or due to some other extra-linguistic factors, new intensifiers (particularly when talking about colloquial language) come into being, whereas some older ones tend to fade away. In addition, sometimes intensifiers may be combined, so that to express much more reinforced meaning as damn a lot, an awful lot, very much and so on. Let us examine a case of positive intensification achieved by the combination of two intensifiers:

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“I know what you mean,” said Anne Elizabeth, ruffling up his hair. “You’re an artist, Dick, and I love you very much ... you’re my poet, Dick.” (John Dos Passos “U.S.A.”, Part 2, 1960:325)

In this passage Anne Elizabeth expresses her positive emotions, i.e. love, caring, warmth, tenderness, etc., towards her beloved person. To give extra emotive emphasis to her expressive speech act, she uses the intensifying adverb very, followed by the other adverb much. In the next example by means of combining several intensifiers reinforced negative meaning is implied:

“You sick?” a man asked Fuselli. “Naw, I’m not sick; but Sarge sent me to get some stuff for some guys that’s too sick to move.” “An awful lot o’ sickness on this boat.” (John Dos Passos “Three Soldiers”, 1921:47)

The example well demonstrates a case of negative emotive emphasis used in conversational English. The speakers are worried about the health of people on board. As we know during war time people experience negative emotions connected with a lot of factors, mainly with the health state of the soldiers; consequently those very negative emotions are actually expressed in speech. The second speaker reinforces the meaning of sick by attaching the intensifier too to it. The last speaker by combining different intensifying means, i.e. awful + a lot of, gives extra emotive emphasis to his representative speech act, which also implies negative emotions showing worry and concern. Generally, the implications of this speech event are negative.

Positive Intensification Achieved via Intensifiers Having Negative Connotations There is a curious pattern of intensification that uses negative words to intensify positive ones. This class of intensifiers includes such adverbs as: awfully, dreadfully, fearful- ly, terribly, crazily, ridiculously, insanely, horribly, hideously, etc. Thus, for instance:

She is dreadfully beautiful. What an insanely good idea!

What actually is happening here is that many strong emotions are negative, so when using them in a positive context the intensity of emotion, though being negative, shows that the real meaning is positive, i.e. an additional effect achieved through combining negative and positive words in the same sentence, creates confusion. The disclosure of the meaning greatly depends on the context, the extralinguistic reality, the relationship between the speakers, as well as some other extralinguistic factors. Let us consider the following examples:

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He interrupted her by starting to play again. As he played without looking at her, he felt that her eyes were fixed on him, that she was standing tense- ly behind him. Her hand touched his shoulder. He stopped playing. “Oh, I am dreadfully sorry,” she said. “Nothing. I am finished.” (John Dos Passos “Three Soldiers”, 1921:346)

We may guess that in this speech event the young lady feels a bit embarrassed, timid, and guilty for disturbing the person who was playing the piano. This implies that she experiences negative emotions. The intensifying adverb dreadfully modifies the word sorry giving negative emotive emphasis to the act of apologizing. Accordingly, the phrase to be dreadfully sorry is equal to the phrase to be sorry very much which itself is an intensified expression owing to very much. In the next example we witness positive evaluation achieved via a word which itself bears a negative meaning:

She stepped over and took his arm. “Let’s go in,” she said. “The surf scares me, but it’s terribly beautiful…” (John Dos Passos “U.S.A.”, Part 3, 1960:70)

Here the character performs an expressive speech act on her evaluation of the surf. We observe a clash of two opposite poles which in result, creates confusion. On the one hand she feels scared but on the other hand she admires the beauty of the surf. It is this very clash of meanings that generates the actual intensified positive meaning. In fact, the adverb terribly intensifies the meaning of the adjective beautiful. In the next example we may detect another case of intensification achieved via the adverb crazily used to express positive emotions:

She sat down rather stiffly in the straight-backed armchair beside the fire. “How pretty the fire is,” she said. “Jeanne, I think I’m crazily in love with you,” said Andrews in an excited voice. (John Dos Passos “Three Soldiers”, 1921:360)

Here, as it can obviously be guessed, the speakers are experiencing positive emotions like love, care, affection and the like. Thus, the speaker uses the intensifying adverb crazily to reinforce the actual positive implication of the statement and to stress the state of being in love. Sometimes intensification is done deliberately but with the opposite intent. This use of sarcasm may be done against another person or may be used in a more ironic sense about this or that particular situation. For example, Oh, very clever! (actually meaning rather stupid) is equal to the imperative sentence How clever! that can also be used in negative sense.

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As a generalization we can state that people when undergoing very strong emotions do not manage to control the felt emotion or minimize its degree and consequently express those very emotions in speech. Moreover, they often tend to look for ways to emphasize how special the subject under discussion is. So they make use of different intensifiers and sometimes even exaggerate the display of their emotions on purpose to be able to change the listeners’ opinion via their utterances, in other words, to have an emotive impact on the audience. Actually, with the help of intensifiers one may suggest to the listeners what emotions they should feel. When we speak emotionally, the other person has to consider the expressed emotions and hence, begins to feel them. In the same way, intensifiers may be used to reduce the natural emotional content of a sentence or some part of it. For this very purpose different structural means can be used (de-intensification, intensification, approval of the statements, etc.). Thus, while performing expressive speech acts people use different ways of intensifying the meaning of the whole sentence or some part of it, particularly the emotional content. Consequently we come to think that the role of emotions in speech should not be underestimated, since far too much of what happens in the process of communication occurs on the emotional level.

Notes:

1. The Arousal of Emotion (Edward J. Murray 1964: 51-56) maintains that emotions are aroused by a variety of innate stimulus patterns, learned stimuli and social situations. Firstly, he speaks about innate emotional arousal. For example, the emotion of fear can be produced in an animal, a child, or an adult by nearly any sudden and intense stimulus innately. Secondly, he claims that growing up both humans and animals may be afraid of much more things. A large part of the introduction of new fears and the elimination of old ones depends on learning. Murray states that this phenomenon is known in psychology as learned emotional arousal. According to him, another important factor in the arousal of emotion is one’s personal threat. In this case emotional arousal depends on some of sort of personal evaluation of the threat, on a threat to something of personal importance. 2. Andersen and Guerrero (1998) divide their book on emotions into “The ‘Dark Side’ of Emotions” (e.g., embarrassment, hurt, jealousy, anger, etc.) and “The ‘Bright Side’ of Emotions” (e.g., comforting, support, warmth, loving, etc.).

References:

1. Andersen, P.A., Guerrero, L.K. (1998) Principles of Communication and Emotion in Social Interaction. // Handbook of Communication and Emotion. San Diego: Academic Press. 2. Austin, J.L. (1962) How to Do Things with Words. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 3. Buzarov, V.V. (1998) Essentials of Conversational English Syntax. M.: Crone-press.

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4. Gilbert, M.A. (1999) Language, Words and Expressive Speech Acts. // Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference of the International Society for the Study of Argumentation. www.yorku.ca/gilbert/argthry/argthry/arg-papers/mag1999-lang- wds.pdf 5. Goleman, D. (1995) Emotional Intelligence. New York, Toronto, London, Sydney, Auckland: Bantam Books. 6. Grice, H.P. (1969) Utterer’s Meaning and Intentions. // Philosophical Review. New York: Academic Press. 7. Leech, G.N. (1983) Principles of Pragmalinguistics. London: Longman. 8. Levinson, S.C. (1983) Pragmalinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 9. Murray, E.J. (1964) Motivation and Emotion. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. 10. Volf, E.M. (1985) Funkcianalnaya Semantika Otsenki. M.: Nauka. 11. Wukmir, V.J. (1967) Emoción y Sufrimiento. Barcelona: Labor. 12. Yule, G. (1996) Pragmalinguistics. // Oxford Introductions to Language Study. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.

Sources of data:

1. Dos Passos, J. (1921) Three Soldiers. New York: Modern Library. 2. Dos Passos, J. (1960) U.S.A. Trilogy. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

ÐáõÛ½»ñÇ ¹»ñÁ ËáëùáõÙ

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹ í³ ÍÁ ÝíÇñ í³Í ¿ ÑáõÛ ½» ñÇ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇ ñáõÃ Û³ ÝÁ Ëáë ùáõÙ: Ø³ñ ¹ÇÏ Ñ³ ×³Ë ÷áñ ÓáõÙ »Ý Ç ñ»Ýó Ëáë ùÁ ¹³ñÓ Ý»É ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Û ïÇã` Ëá ë³ ÏÇó Ý» ñÇ íñ³ ³ - í» ÉÇ É³í Ý»ñ ·áñ ÍáõÃ ÛáõÝ áõÝ» Ý³ Éáõ, Ç ñ»Ýó ó³Ý Ï³ ó³Í Ëá ëá Õ³ Ï³Ý-Ý»ñ ·áñ Í³ - Ï³Ý ³ñ¹ ÛáõÝ ùÇÝ ³ í» ÉÇ Ñ»ß ïáõÃ Û³Ùμ Ñ³ë Ý» Éáõ Ñ³ Ù³ñ: ²Û¹ ÇëÏ å³ï ×³ éáí Ýñ³Ýù ·áñ Í³ ÍáõÙ »Ý ½³ Ý³ ½³Ý ë³ëï Ï³ Ï³Ý μ³ é»ñ, á ñáÝù áõÅ· Ý³ó ÝáõÙ »Ý áÕç Ý³ Ë³ ¹³ ëáõÃ Û³Ý Ï³Ù ¹ñ³ áñ¨Ç ó» ³Ý ¹³ ÙÇ Ç Ù³ë ïÁ: ø³ ÝÇ áñ ÑáõÛ ½» ñÇ É»½ í³ - Ï³Ý ³ñ ï³ Ñ³Û ïáõÙÝ áõ í»ñ Í³ ÝáõÙÝ ³Ý å³Û Ù³ Ýá ñ»Ý Ï³å í³Í »Ý Ëá ëá Õ³ Ï³Ý- Ý»ñ ·áñ Í³ Ï³Ý Ù³ Ï³ñ ¹³ ÏÇ Ñ»ï, ËÝ¹ñÇ Éáõ Íáõ ÙÁ å³ Ñ³Ý çáõÙ ¿ ·áñ Í³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý Ùá ï» óáõÙ:

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Text Interpretation: Intention or Convention?

ny utterance performed in a certain situation is a unit Aof communicative act between the one who produces it as a message to be sent to someone who receives it. The communicative intention in utterance is of great importance and, if the latter is correctly performed by the one who “sends” this message, it will be hereby recognized by the one who receives it. So the language media must be selected and arranged in such a way, that the intention becomes recognizable in the situation where the communicative act is taking place. You may ask, whether it is really so important for the Gayane Gasparyan intention to be recognized. And the answer will be, yes indeed, especially if the message is uttered orally, as it needs a certain reaction on the part of the one who is to receive it. In this case if the intention is recognized by your commu- nicant the reaction will be correctly performed and you will achieve the desirable effect. This is the so called reflexive intention, characterized by H.P. Grice (Grice 1989) as a leading parameter in communicative act when the fulfillment of an intention consists in its recognition. Though, the partisans of J.L. Austin’s theory (Austin 1962) would try to argue confirming you that the speakers’ intentions and the hearers’ inferences do not occupy the central position in communicative act, the success of which is achieved by the matter of convention and not intention. On the other hand, another group of scholars led by P.F. Strawson (Strawson 1964) would argue J.L. Austin’s attempts to force convention into a leading position within the act of communication considering this type of utterances to be a special case that affect institutional states, which should not be generalized in any case, as for J.L. Austin whatever the speaker is doing is creating social realities within certain social contexts. They would state that these acts would be successfully performed in certain conventionally designated circumstances and by people in certain positions that certain utterances can have the force they do. According to J. Searle whatever people talk or write to each other, they are performing illocutionary acts, which in their turn are performed with intentionality, and this act may be communicatively successful if the illocutionary intention is recognized and achieves some perlocutionary effect (Searle 1969). J. Searle believes that the number of things which can be done with language is limited, whereas the potential propositional content is limitless. This is how different approaches towards speech acts may be briefly defined. Anyhow, if a literary text is viewed as a certain type of utterance it becomes a unit of communication and may be defined within the terms of speech act theory and therefore acquires the qualitative features of the latter. The leading among them is considered to be intentionality which any text contains as its integral component, including besides the linguistic information a system of communicative presumptions and certain contextual circumstances for mutual understanding. The communicative act hereby will become successful in case the intention is recognized by the reader.

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Let the process of recognition of the intention be termed as interpretation which in its turn may be defined as a certain type of cognitive activity very much depending upon the ability of both communicants (the author and the reader) to perceive, reconstruct and reproduce the reality itself (Gasparyan 2007). It is a two-sided process and two types of interpretation take place within this specific communicative act. First the author of the text perceives the reality as he/she only can do it, reconstructs and then reproduces it according to his/her specific manner of interpreting this reality. Whenever the text starts its extra-textual (out-of-text) circulation the same process is taking place on the reader’s part. First the out-of-text reality is perceived and reconstructed by the reader then the inside-the-text reality is interpreted according to his/her ability to find the so-called “global” coherence of both inside and outside situations. Anyway, if the author-reader propositional content coincides, the intention becomes recognizable and the pragmatic efforts of the author are crowned by a correct interpretation. Again you may ask: what would happen if the author-reader propositional content does not coincide, and the answer will be: it happens very often, when the pragmatic directives do not stimulate the desirable image, then the intention becomes unrecogniz- able. It happens especially when the author-reader cognitive environment does not coincide. In this case the cognitive process of the reader’s/author’s perception, reconstruction and interpretation of the reality itself will not coincide, and the reader’s interpretation of the inside-the-text reality will deviate from that of the author’s one. Though, if another cognitive activity on the reader’s part and that is recognizing because of certain knowledge, comes into force the result will be apparent. If the reader has a certain portion of background information about the context in its broadest sense where, how and why the text was created as a means of communicative act, then its interpretation will be more or less adequate and the intention will become recognizable. In this case the communicative act may be considered successful and will contain mutual understanding as a result. The certain knowledge of background information is very much important especially if the text represents a vivid picture of nationally oriented phenomena. In this case the cultural principles of text interpretation will come to be used. If the background knowledge includes all the necessary information about the author, his/her culture and the cognitive environment this culture creates, it will make the author’s intention recognizable. Thus, to interpret the title of W. Saroyan’s story “Antranik of Armenia” correctly one should be able to grasp the deeper layers of its semantic and syntactical structure. To do that the reader is forced to collect a certain portion of information about the two chief elements of the title - Antranik and Armenia, if he/she is not of course an Armenian. He/she is to know first what Armenia is to be able to distinguish whether it is a country, a city, a village, or whatever else. As soon as the reader gets the necessary information about this element of the title he/she goes further to find out what Antranik is, as it is the first element of the title (hence written with a capital letter) and a number of non- Armenian people who may know what it really is reduces to a minimum. The name is not a biblical one like Joseph, Moses or Jacob, having their equivalents in all the languages of the Christian world. Hence the fact that Antranik is an Armenian name becomes of even more importance because the author of course does not mean any Antranik of

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Armenian origin. Here the syntactical structure of the title comes to help the reader (even if he/she does not know who Antranik is) to guess, as soon as the origin of the name has been ascertained, that he is someone merely significant for Armenia and the Armenians. And this is determined by the preposition of in the title. Expressing the sense of posses- siveness it determines the cognitive situation where the image itself becomes something belonging to the country and not coming from it (Antranik from Armenia). Thus, the author’s intention will be recognized only after the necessary background information is collected for its proper interpretation. In any case the communicative act between the author and the reader will be successful if communicative context/situation is obviously clear for both communicants otherwise it will be incomplete as the intention encoded in this specific type of utterance will not be recognized. Nonetheless it should be mentioned that in case with the analyzed title the recognition is not absolute because for a non-Armenian reader the image of General Antranik is not of the same value as it is for an Armenian reader that knows who Antranik is and what for he has become a legend and belongs to Armenia. He/she does not need any additional information to read correctly the title and grasp the author’s intention to actualize the image of an Armenian legendary hero. Thus, the cognitive environment is closely interdependent with the image manifestation which comes to establish a certain type of relations and mutual understanding between the author and the reader belonging to the same culture and the same range of image recognition. So the recognition of the author’s intention may be complete when the cognitive environment is similar for both the author and the reader as the reality they perceive, reconstruct and reproduce or interpret is one and the same for both of them. Some of you would probably argue calling for Austin’s viewpoint concerning the matter of convention in communicative act. Of course conventionality is also of great importance in communicative situation because as soon as the communicants appear in conventionally designated circumstances they act and react according to certain rules determined by the situation. In literary communication these circumstances are designated by social, national, cultural, area and other conditions. In case with General Antranik neither the selection of language media nor its proper arrangement creates the matter of convention when the reader is a non-Armenian. Conventionality appears only when the reader is an Armenian. It means that even if the intention may be recognized by a non- Armenian reader (due to the background knowledge), the convention cannot be manifested because of deviation in image production and image perception.

References:

1. Grice, H.P. (1989) Studies in the Way of Words. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 2. Austin, J.L. (1962) How to do things with Words. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 3. Strawson, P.F. (1964) Intention and Convention in Speech acts. // Philosophical Review. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

111 Armenian Folia Anglistika Linguistics

4. Searle, J. (1969) Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press. 5. Gasparyan, G. R. (2007) Text and Discourse: Units of Speech and Communicative Activity. // Armenian Folia Anglistika, International Journal of English Studies, 2 (4). Yerevan: Lusakn Publishers.

î»ùëïÇ Ù»ÏÝáõÃÛáõÝ` Ùï³¹ñáõÃÛáõÝ Ã»± Ñ³Ù³Ó³ÛÝáõÃÛáõÝ

Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ ÷áñÓ ¿ Ï³ï³ñíáõÙ ¹Çï³ñÏ»É ï»ùëïÇ Ù»ÏÝáõÃÛ³Ý ·áñÍÁÝÃ³óÁ ËáëáÕ³Ï³Ý ³Ïï»ñÁ μÝáõÃ³·ñáÕ »ñÏáõ »ñ¨áõÛÃÇ ÉáõÛëÇ Ý»ñùá` Ùï³¹ñáõÃÛ³Ý ¨ Ñ³Ù³Ó³ÛÝáõÃÛ³Ý: ä³ñ½íáõÙ ¿, áñ ãÝ³Û³Í ï»ùëïÇ Ù»ÏÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ³Ù³ñ »ñÏáõëÝ ¿É ß³ï Ï³ñ¨áñ »Ý, ³ÛÝáõ³Ù»Ý³ÛÝÇí Ýñ³Ýù ï³ñμ»ñ ¹Çñù»ñáõÙ »Ý Ñ³Ý¹»ë ·³ÉÇë ³½·³ ÛÇÝ ¨ áã ³½·³ ÛÇÝ ÁÝÃ»ñóáÕÇ ¹»åùáõÙ:

112 Methodology Armenian Folia Anglistika

Benefits of Implementing Group Work into the EFL Classroom

roup work is an effective technique for teaching and Glearning and is a key factor to sustain interaction in a language classroom. Group work in the EFL classroom has largely been accepted as an effective strategy in the development of students’ communicative proficiency in English (Chen & Hird 2006). It has become an integral part of English teacher’s repertoire of approaches and strategies. Group work (also called cooperative learning, collaborative learning, collective learning, group study, etc.) covers a variety of techniques in which two or more students are Syuzi Hovhannissyan assigned to do a single task together (Brown 2001). It developed as an active strategy with its proper characteristics and practical implications. A characteristic proper to group work is that communication is established at two levels: the vertical level (communication between the teacher and the learners), and the horizontal level (communication between the learners themselves). This results in intensive communication and interaction between the classroom members, leading to a rich source of feedback for both the teacher and the learners. In general, the advantages of group work can be classified into three types: cognitive, psychological and social. In terms of cognitive advantages learning in groups is a Lili Karapetyan kind of training for logical and creative thinking and for the development of the learners’ learning strategies and abilities as they are working collectively and co-operatively to achieve specific tasks. When students have to explain and negotiate their contributions to a group project, it assists them in developing and increasing their meta-cognitive awareness. That is, in “low risk” contexts they begin to realize what they know and what they have yet to learn or find out. The psychological implications concern the affective involvement of the learners as group work facilitates the development of communication and interaction among the classroom members. This would enable the learner to know better his self and try to develop his personal characteristics by adopting positive ones such as the sense of responsibility, a positive self-image and confidence in himself and in other participants. This is because the learner would feel more at ease and less dependent on the teacher when he works collectively with his friends. As far as the social implications of group work are concerned, the latter stimulates the learner’s integration in the group, which can be a means for acknowledging and utilizing individual students’ additional strengths and expertise. Through communication

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and interaction, group members gradually become familiar with each other (Harrison & Carroll 1991). The quality of relationship with the other group members is a major factor in the overall success of the group, so it is important to spend time getting to their friends. Thus, it can foster the development of good social attitudes and moral values such as the spirit of co-operation and help, mutual respect, receptivity and openness to others, to their opinions and ideas. One difficulty with group work is that you can’t work as quickly as you can by yourself. Patience, communication skills and commitment are all required to make the most of the contributions of all group members. Consequently, effective group work requires each member to focus on the process rather than just the product. In class activity students are involved to actively participate, cooperate, share experiences, work together, analyze, summarize and reflect on their activities. The teaching-learning process is more student oriented, while the role of the teacher is to be a facilitator. Doing the assignments in groups will create communicative positive atmosphere in which students are able to exchange their thoughts, ideas and learn to negotiate with one another. Vygotsky stated that students need an opportunity to express their verbal ability. By involving students to speak, they will internalize what they had told to be a thought and evaluate their weaknesses and strengths (Vygotsky 1978). In line with the above point of view, Vernon A. Magnesen claimed that people learned 90% from what they said and did. Piaget is also convinced that students learn through concrete experience by reflecting their experience. Working together in groups also gives students the opportunity to learn from and teach each other. Classroom research has shown that students often learn better form each other than they do from a teacher (Kelas 2008). Studies have also shown that a group can be highly effective when individual members’ goals are linked to the group goal (Martocchio & Frink 1994). Brown, Davis and Long show that students learn more and memorize better when they work in small groups, rather than when they work individually. In order to have successful peer-group work, students must have common understanding of the goal of the task and come to one conclusion: what they are willing to achieve (Brown 2001; Davis 1993; Long 1985). There are three general types of group work: informal learning groups, formal learning groups and study teams. Informal groups are formed by just randomly clus- tering students within a single class period. Formal groups are established to fulfill a specific task with an outcome, such as writing a report or, for example, preparing a career paper, etc. To set up formal learning groups teachers are suggested to discuss and use the following steps: a) plan each stage of group work, b) explain the objectives of groups, c) make the group work relevant to the students’ skills and abilities, d) divide the work equally among all group members. Study teams, unlike informal learning groups, are long term groups whose members remain the same through a whole term or so. Their role is to provide members with support, encouragement, and assistance in completing course assignments and requirements (Davis 1993).

114 Methodology Armenian Folia Anglistika

Pedagogical Arguments for Group Work

There are many pedagogical arguments for group work introduced by different authors. According to them group work may: • Increase the language practice opportunities. Long and Corden argue that group work generates student talk; they get to talk more than they do during a whole class activity. Thus, the time for practising the new language increases (Long 1985; Corden 2001). • Improve the quality of student talk. Because group is a natural setting for a conversation, students feel secure and out of public display, this way the quality of their talk improves, they do not have teachers “at hand” to correct them right away. • Individualize instruction. As Long, Richards, Rodger and Davis argue, group work helps to assign individual students different assignments and responsibilities, in this way each of them will be responsible for their portion. So, having different skills and abilities students will get assignments which will be equivalent to their skills and abilities (Long 1985; Richards & Rodgers 2001; Davis 1993). • Provide a “positive affective climate” (Brown 2001). In small groups students feel more secure, even those students who talk rarely in the classroom get motivated to talk in small groups. Thus, small groups provide a more supportive climate to express oneself (Long 1985). In small groups students are less vulnerable and less criticized. Even not talkative students become active and cooperate with their peers (Brown 2001). • Motivate learners. Dornyei and Long argue that group work motivates learners to speak freely. They highlight two aspects of group dynamics, i.e. group cohesiveness and group norms. The cohesive group is the one where all the students feel the strength of “we”, they are happy to be a part of “we”. This way they stick to each other, and the commitment to excellence is more obvious. These positive relations serve as keystones to motivate each other, to “pull each other along” and create an enjoyable atmosphere for themselves. On the other hand, if the group establishes effective norms for learning, group motivation increases greatly (Dornyei 2001; Long 1985). However, methodologists are not unanimous as to how many participants a group should involve. Richards & Rodgers and Davis claim that group size should not be too large, i.e. maximum five people should be engaged in one group. But they also state that it depends on the tasks the learners will carry out, as well as on the time limits they will have. Groups should be small in order to allow each student to express himself/herself. In this case they will also have more time to communicate (Richards & Rodgers 2001; Davis 1993).

Student Behavior in Small Groups

A lot of research has been done to discover how students behave while learning in small groups. The research by Muller shows that children in autocratically led groups seem to be discontented, often aggressive and there is a lack of motivation. Whereas in

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democratically led groups they are far more productive and complete tasks successfully. Sometimes student behavior depends not only on their personalities but also who they are working with. In her study Muller shows empirical evidence of 6 groups working together; some groups were successful, while the others were not, mostly because they coul dn’t find common understanding of the task (Muller 2001). Group work is a keystone for sustaining interaction in a big classroom and for moti- vating learners to practice their language. However equal time should be provided to the students to participate and cooperate in small group discussions. This way they all get turns to share their ideas with each other as well as to the audience they will be exposed to later. Group work promotes learners to be responsible, it encourages taking risks and helps to overcome difficulties with an impressive ease.

Implementing Group Work into the Armenian Educational Setting

Despite the above mentioned benefits of group work it is hardly ever used in the Armenian formal educational setting where the whole studying process is teacher-centered rather than learning-centered. The majority of learners undergo the process of learning through traditional educational methods in which they are not likely to experience a student-centered learning environment in terms of group work. Most of the language teaching and learning processes in classrooms do not develop contextual communication atmosphere whereas students cannot use contextually fixed expressions in communicating with one another. In real classroom situations teachers just ask students to arrange a dialogue, memorize the dialogue, then perform it. On the other hand, teaching and learning activity is often disturbed by several factors i.e. the thought that English is difficult to learn, has complex grammar and strange pronunciation, etc. These make students speak less. In learning activity, students seldom get an opportunity to express ideas, opinions, and thoughts, the activities often seem monotonous, there is less interaction between teachers and students on the one hand, and students to students on the other hand. Whereas, as Kelas states “teaching English as a foreign language should be directed to be a lively communicative process” (Kelas 2008). We strongly believe that implementing group work into the Armenian educational establishments will stimulate effective learning and teaching, active involvement of learners who will find more opportunities to express themselves and feel less anxious and more capable to communicate with the teacher and even with each other in the group. Group work will provide Armenian EFL students with opportunities for developing skills like organization, negotiation, team work and co-operation which Armenian students very often lack.

References:

1. Brown, H. D. (2001) Teaching by Principles: An Interactive Approach to Language Pedagogy. NY: Pearson Education.

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2. Chen, B., Hird, B. (2006) Group Work in the EFL Classroom in China: A Closer Look. // RELC Journal, Vol. 37(1). www.relc.org. 3. Corden, R. (2001) Group Discussion and the Importance of a Shared Perspective: Learning from Collaborative Research. RELC Journal, 1(3). www.relc.org. 4. Davis, B. G. (1993) Collaborative Learning: Group Work and Study Teams. Retrieved October 23, 2009, from http://teaching.berkeley.edu/bgd/collaborative.html. 5. Dornyei, Z. (2001) Motivational Strategies in the Language Classroom. UK: Cambridge University Press. 6. Harrison and Carrol, (1991) The Dynamics of Cultural Influence Networks. // Administrative Science Quarterly (43). California: California University Press. 7. Long, M. H. (1985) Group Work, Interlanguage Talk, and Second Language Acquisition. TESOL Quarterly, 19(2). California: California University Press. 8. Martocchio, P. (1994) A Review of the Influence of Group Goals on Group Performance. // Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 37(5). Texas: Texas University Press. 9. Muller, A., Fleming, T. (2001) Cooperative Learning: Listening to How Children Work at School. // Journal of Educational Research, 94(5). Penssylvania: Penssylvania State University. 10. Richards, J.C., Rodgers, T.S. (2001) Approaches and Methods in Language Teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 11. Vygotsky, L.S. (1978) Mind in Society: The Development of Higher Psychological Processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

ÊÙμ³ÛÇÝ ³ßË³ï³ÝùÇ Ý»ñÙáõÍÙ³Ý ³é³í»ÉáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ` áñå»ë ûï³ñ É»½íÇ ¹³ë³í³Ý¹Ù³Ý ·áñÍÁÝÃ³óáõÙ

êáõÛÝ Ñá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ Ï³ñ¨áñ íáõÙ ¿ ËÙμ³ ÛÇÝ ³ß Ë³ ï³Ý ùÇ Ý»ñ ÙáõÍ Ù³Ý ¹» ñÁ ³Ý· - É» ñ» ÝÇ` áñ å»ë û ï³ñ É»½ íÇ ¹³ ë³ í³Ý¹ Ù³Ý Ù»ç, ù³ ÝÇ áñ ³ÛÝ ³ñ¹ Ûáõ Ý³ í»ï ÙÇ çáó ¿ ½³ñ ·³ó Ý» Éáõ û ï³ñ É» ½áõ ëá íá ñáÕ Ý» ñÇ í»ñ Éáõ Í³ Ï³Ý Ùï³ Íá ÕáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ, ÇÝã å»ë Ý³¨ Ýñ³Ýó Ñ³ Õáñ ¹³Ï ó³ Ï³Ý ÑÙïáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÁ: ÊÙμ³ ÛÇÝ ³ß Ë³ ï³Ý ùÇ Ý»ñ Ùáõ - Íáõ ÙÁ áõ ÝÇ ×³ Ý³ ãá Õ³ Ï³Ý, Ñá ·» μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ¨ Ñ³ ë³ ñ³ Ï³ Ï³Ý Ýß³ Ý³ ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ: Ð» - ÕÇ Ý³Ï Ý» ñÁ Ñ³ï Ï³ å»ë ³ñÅ¨á ñáõÙ »Ý ËÙμ³ ÛÇÝ ³ß Ë³ ï³Ý ùÇ ÏÇ ñ³ éáõ ÙÁ Ñ³Û Ï³ - Ï³Ý Éë³ ñ³ ÝáõÙ, áñ ï»Õ, Ýñ³Ýó Ï³ñ ÍÇ ùáí, ÝÙ³ Ý³ ïÇå ³ß Ë³ ï³Ýù Ý» ñÁ å³ï - ß³× áõ ß³¹ ñáõÃ Û³Ý ã»Ý ³ñ Å³ Ý³ ÝáõÙ:

117 Armenian Folia Anglistika Methodology

Self-assessment in Foreign Language Teaching

elf-assessment is not an alien concept to human Sbehavior. All human beings are involved, either consciously or subconsciously, in an on-going process of self- evaluation. Until recently, however, the value of this human process was largely ignored in pedagogy. Learners were rarely asked to assess their performance. In the last decade, with the increased attention to learner- centered curricula, needs analysis, and learner autonomy, the topic of self-assessment has become of particular interest in testing and evaluation. It is now being recognized that learners do Arus Markaryan have the ability to provide meaningful input into the assessment of their performance, and that this assessment can be valid. Self-assessment involves students making judgments about their own work. Assessment decisions can be made by students on their own written works (essays, dictations, tests, reports), oral performances, etc. It can be extremely valuable in helping students to critique their own work and make judgments about its strengths and weaknesses. Self-assessment has long been part of the repertoire of teachers abroad. It is recom- mended in many schools and universities that students submit a self-assessment with every major assignment. This is thought to be an important and valid form of assessment as (1) students create something that requires higher level thinking (i.e., they interpret their performance using definite criteria); (2) the task requires disciplined inquiry (i.e., the criteria for appraisal are derived from a specific discipline); (3) the assessment is transparent (i.e., procedures, criteria and standards are public); and (4) student have opportunities for feedback and revision during the task (Coombe 1999). When asked why they include self-assessment in their student assessment repertoires, teachers give a variety of responses. Most frequently heard is the claim that involving students in the assessment of their work, especially giving them opportunities to contribute to the criteria on which that work will be judged, increases student engagement in assessment tasks. Closely related is the argument that this technique contributes to variety in assessment methods, a key factor in maintaining student interest and attention. Some teachers argue that self-assessment is sometimes more effective than other techniques. Still others argue that students learn more when they know that they will share responsibility for the assessment of what they have learned (Ross 2005). Students can become better language learners when they reflect upon what they are learning and how they are learning it. In this kind of reflection, students step back from the learning process to think about their language learning strategies and their progress as language learners. This encourages students to become independent learners and can increase their motivation. Most students prefer self-assessment to assessment by the teacher alone. The reasons they give suggest additional benefits of self-assessment: 1) students say that when using

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this technique they have a better understanding of what they are supposed to do because they are involved in setting the criteria for the assessment; 2) students argue that self- assessment is fairer because it enables them to include important performance dimensions such as effort, that is not usually included in their grade; 3) self-assessment enables them to communicate information about their performance (e.g., their goals and reasoning) that is not otherwise available to their teacher; 4) it gives them information they can use to improve their work (Ross 2005). Even though students prefer self-assessment to teacher appraisal alone, such participation is more work for students. Some may find it boring and argue that it is unfair to ask them to do the teacher’s job. Teachers express concern about the lack of student commitment to the process arguing that self-assessment will not work if students do not put the required effort into it. Only a very small proportion of school and university teachers in our country report using self-assessment, because they have doubts about the value and accuracy of student self-appraisals. The doubts center on the concern that students may have inflated percep- tions of their accomplishments and that they may be motivated by self-interest. Frequently heard is the claim that the “good students” under-estimate their achievement, while others who do not know what successful performance requires or wish to have higher grades, over-estimate their achievements. This may be the reason why self-assessment or rather self-correction, is used for teaching purposes only and the marks the students give themselves do not affect their final grades. No student would ever be asked to assess their mid-term or final tests whose results form their final credits. However, teachers shouldn’t ignore the benefits of self-assessment. It is actually an effective way of correction. Correcting is a waste of time and serves little purpose if it makes no impact, if the students fail to notice and understand the correction. Self-assessment encourages students to focus on their achievements, rather than com- parisons to other students. When students correct and assess their own work their attention focuses on the mistakes they have made. When the teacher assesses their work they focus on their own and their peers’ marks. They are more interested in comparing the results than in analysing and correcting their mistakes and improving their knowledge. An important advantage is that self-assessment reduces the teachers’ workload. To make self-assessment more valid and reliable teachers need to provide their students with distinct assessment criteria, e.g. an answer key to the test, a photocopy of the dictated text, a photocopy of the Teacher’s Book key, etc. It will be more helpful if the students take part in constructing the key. After the students are through with the test, the teacher can discuss it with the class, explain all the items. Meanwhile the students put down the correct answers and thus make up the correction criteria to use them in the assessment of their work. Assessing their own dictation or self-dictation is a useful way for the students to revise and retain spelling rules. Advanced students can assess their essays and reproductions. To gain better results teachers can use a partial correction technique. They can first read the works themselves, underline or circle the parts that contain mistakes, and hand the works back to the stu-

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dents to correct and assess them. To be able to carry out this task the students will have to do a lot of revising and textbook and dictionary consulting, which is undoubtedly ben- eficial to the learning process. It will encourage them to see writing as a process not a product and make them look back at their work and see it as a draft to improve, rather than just a final “product” to be corrected and marked. A good idea might be asking the students “to confess” their mistakes, i.e. to tell their peers what mistakes they have made and in this way prevent themselves and others from repeating them. We hope that when the main concern of students becomes acquiring knowledge rather than high grades, self-assessment can be used more efficiently in high schools, not only for teaching purposes but for evaluation as well.

References:

1. Coombe, C. (1999) Self-Assessment in Language Testing: Reliability and Validity Issues. // Assessment, Research & Evaluation. TESOL Arabia Newsletter, Vol. 7 (1:7-8). www3.telus.net/linguisticsissues/selfassess. 2. Liang, J. (2006) Overview of Self-Assessment in the Second Language Writing Classroom. // Paper presented at the 2006 TESOL Convention. Florida: Tampa. 3. Noonan, B. Duncan, C.R. (2006) Peer and Self-Assessment in High Schools. // Practical Assessment, Research & Evaluation. A peer-reviewed electronic journal. Vol. 10 (17). www.p21.org/route21/index.php?option=com 4. Oskarsson, M. (1980) Approaches to Self-Assessment in Foreign Language Learning. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 5. Ross, J. A. (2005) The Reliability, Validity, and Utility of Self-Assessment. // Practical Assessment, Research & Evaluation. A peer-reviewed electronic journal. Vol. 15 (10). pareonline.net/pdf/v11n10.

ÆÝùÝ³·Ý³Ñ³ïáõÙÁ ûï³ñ É»½íÇ áõëáõóÙ³Ý Ù»ç

ÆÝù Ý³· Ý³ Ñ³ï Ù³Ý Ù» Ãá ¹Á Ï³ ñáÕ ¿ ³ñ¹ Ûáõ Ý³ í»ï Ó ¨áí ÏÇ ñ³é í»É û ï³ñ É»½ - íÇ áõ ëáõó Ù³Ý ·áñ ÍÁÝ Ã³ óáõÙ: ²ÛÝ ³ å³ Ñá íáõÙ ¿ ëïáõ· Ù³Ý ¨ ·Ý³ Ñ³ï Ù³Ý μ³½ - Ù³ ½³ ÝáõÃ ÛáõÝ` áõ ë³ ÝáÕ Ý» ñÇ Ñ» ï³ùñù ñáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ ËÃ³ Ý» Éáõ ÙÇ çá óáí, μ³ñÓ ñ³ó - ÝáõÙ ¿ Ýñ³Ýó å³ ï³ë Ë³ Ý³ï íáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ ë» ÷³ Ï³Ý ³ß Ë³ ï³Ý ùÇ ÝÏ³ï Ù³Ùμ, áõ - ß³ ¹ñáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ Ï»Ýï ñá Ý³ó ÝáõÙ ÃáõÛÉ ïí³Í ëË³É Ý» ñÇ, ³ÛÉ áã Ã» ·Ý³ Ñ³ ï³ Ï³ ÝÇ íñ³: ÖÇßï û· ï³ ·áñÍ Ù³Ý ¹»å ùáõÙ ÇÝù Ý³· Ý³ Ñ³ ïáõ ÙÁ áõ ë³ Ýá ÕÇÝ ÑÝ³ ñ³ íá ñáõ - ÃÛáõÝ ¿ ï³ ÉÇë ¨ë Ù»Ï ³Ý ·³Ù í» ñ³ Ý³ Û»É, ÏñÏÝ»É ³Ý ó³Í ÝÛáõ ÃÁ, ¹³ ë³·ñ ù» ñÇ ¨ μ³ é³ ñ³Ý Ý» ñÇ û· ÝáõÃ Û³Ùμ ÇÝù Ýáõ ñáõÛÝ áõÕ Õ»É Ï³ ï³ ñ³Í ëË³É Ý» ñÁ, Ñ»ï¨³ μ³ñ` ³Ù ñ³ åÝ¹»É ¨ Éñ³ó Ý»É ëá íá ñ³ ÍÁ:

120 Methodology Armenian Folia Anglistika

Views on EFL Testing System

test or an examination is an assessment, often con- A trolled on paper or on the computer, intended to measure the test-takers’ or respondents’ knowledge, skills and aptitudes. Tests are often used in education, professional qualifications, psychology and many other fields. The measurement that is the goal of testing is called a test score, and is “a summary of the evidence contained in an examinee’s responses to the items of a test that are related to constructs being measured” (Thissen 2001:1). Test scores are interpreted with regards to a norm or criterion. The norm may be Naira Avakyan established independently or by statistical analysis of a large number of subjects. A standardized test is one that is admin- istered and scored in a consistent matter to ensure legal defensibility. The earliest known standardized tests including both practical and written works were the Chinese Imperial Examinations which began in 587. In Europe, traditionally school examinations were conducted orally. Students would have to answer questions formulated by teachers in Latin, and teachers would mark them on their answers. The first written exams were held at Cambridge University, England in 1792. The main component of a test is an item stored in an item bank. Items are often col- loquially referred to as “questions”, but not every item is phrased as a question; it may be a true/false statement or a task to be performed. Various item formats are available for test construction: multiple choice, free response, performance, etc. There is no best format to use; the applicability depends on the purpose and content of the test. A common type of test item is a multiple-choice question; the author of the test offers several possible answers (usually four) from which the examinees must choose. There is one right answer represented by only one answer option. Let us view the college/university entrance written exam test in English in Armenia. The test consists of 12 tasks checking the examinee’s ability of text comprehension, the knowledge of grammar, vocabulary, logics and so on. Test authors generally create incorrect response options often referred to as distracters which correspond with likely errors, such as the use of rather/quite/enough, besides/except, despite/in spite of/though, hard/hardly, late/lately, many/much/few/little/a few/a little, so/such, too/either, etc. The stress is also put on common errors, those typical of Armenian learners of English as a foreign language. Here we have structures like remember to do/doing, forget to do/doing, need to do/doing, etc. which are not differentiated in their mother tongue. A positive feature of multiple-choice questions is that they are particularly easy to score. Machines such as the Scantron and software grading of computer-based tests can be performed automatically and directly which is particularly valuable for situations

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where there are not enough graders available to mark a large-scale standardized test. Multiple-choice tests are also valuable when the test sponsor desires to have immediate score reporting available to the examinee; it is impossible to provide a score at the end of the test if the items are not actually scored until several weeks later. This system is not, however, appropriate for assessing all types of skills. Poorly written multiple-choice questions often create an overemphasis on simple memorization and deemphasize processes and comprehension. They also leave no opportunity for disagree- ment or alternate interpretation, making them particularly unsuitable for humanities such as literature and philosophy. Besides, “through specialized training on material and techniques specifically created to suit the test, students can be “coached” on the test to increase their scores without actually significantly increasing knowledge of the subject matter. However, research on the effects of coaching remains inconclusive, and the increase might be simply due to practice effects” (Domino 2006:340). Free response questions evaluate the responses in a different way. Effective scoring involves reading the answer carefully and looking for specific features, such as clarity and logic which the item is designed to assess. Often, the best results are achieved by awarding scores according to explicitly ordered categories which reflect an increasing quality of response. This may involve the construction of marking criteria and support materials such as training materials for markers and samples of work which exemplify categories of responses. Typically, these questions are scored according to a uniform grading rubric for greater consistency and reliability. At the other end of the spectrum, scores may be awarded according to superficial qualities of the response such as the presence of certain important terms. In this case it is easy for the examinees to “fool” scorers by writing a stream of generalizations that include the terms that the scorers are looking for. This, along with other factors that limit their reliability has caused the value of this item type to be questioned. While free-response items have disadvantages, they are able to offer more differentiating power between examinees. However, this might be offset by the length of the item, such as if a free-response item provides twice as much measurement information as a multiple-choice item but takes as long as three multiple-choice items to complete. Neither free-response nor multiple-choice questions can assess the knowledge of “how to do” something. It may be demonstrated only by a performance test. Art, music and language fall into this category, as well as non-academic disciplines such as sports and driving. A practical examination may be controlled by an examiner (a person) or by means of an audio or video recording. It may be checked on its own or in combination with other types of questions. For instance, many driving tests in Armenia include a practical examination as well as a multiple-choice section regarding traffic rules. Tests of the sciences may include laboratory experiments to make sure that the student has learned not only the body of knowledge comprising the science but also the experimental methods through which it has been developed. Again, the use of explicit criteria is generally valuable in marking practical examinations. General aptitude tests are used in certain countries as a basis for entrance into col-

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leges and universities. A criticism associated with this use of such tests is that they do not necessarily assess the accumulated learning of students during their schooling years. However, the goal of these tests is not to assess accumulated learning; they are designed to measure aptitude, not achievement. “Similarly, college entrance exams are criticized for not accurately predicting first- year university grade point average (GPA) as well as high school GPA. However, the intent is for test scores to be used along with other measures in university selection; large-scale test scores are only one aspect of the university selection process. Universities are free to place more emphasis on high school GPA or extracurricular activities. Any criticism might be better directed to a university than the test itself, which most people consider fair” (Domino 2006:342). The content of the exam might not correspond with its intended use or representation. As an extreme and unrealistic example, a mathematics exam may ask only about the names, birthdates, and country of origin of various mathematicians when such knowledge is of little importance in a mathematics program. Back again to college/university entrance exams in Armenia, this time the oral exam in English. The examinee is checked in the ability of text comprehension (Item 1) and communicating skills (Item 2). Item 1 includes an unknown text in the original followed by a number of questions. The examinee is supposed to read the text, translate a passage and answer the questions on the text. Item 2 includes topics like “My family/friend/flat/school/day off,” etc. and some topics on land study (the UK, London and major cites, the USA, etc) for which the examinee has to get ready beforehand trying to memorize some facts, geographical names and historical events. A good memory is very important in this case. Such knowledge is of little importance, like in the above mentioned case with mathematics. Apart from comprehension check there should be free communicative skills check in the form of questions on various topics which the examinee has to answer on the spot without getting ready beforehand. The applicants should prepare for the entrance exams not by getting trained mechanically but by reading books enriching their word-stock. In early 1980s in Armenia the college/university entrance oral exam in English included oral grammar check – sentence analysis. This is the best option for grammar check. Nowadays the knowledge of grammar is checked mainly by multiple-choice questions during the written exam. The test-takers sometimes tick the right answer at random without a deep knowledge of the subject. Another problem with the assessment is the psychological factor. People are variously inclined to stress. Some are practically unaffected and excel on tests, while in extreme cases individuals can become very nervous and forget a substantial part of exam material. To balance this, often teachers and professors don’t mark their students on tests alone paying considerable attention to homework, attendance, in-class discussion activity, and laboratory investigations (where applicable). On the other hand, in some cases anxiety factor stimulates examinees to rise to meet the exam’s high expectations. Finally, the greatest problem with the assessment is the justice factor. Test organizers attempt to prevent injustice and impose strict penalties for it; academic dishonesty can be used to obtain an advantage over other test-takers. On a multiple-choice test lists of

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answers may be obtained beforehand. On a free-response test the questions may be obtained in advance or the examinee may write an answer that creates the illusion of knowledge. If students sit close to one another, they are likely to copy answers off other students. Despite such issues tests are less disposed to cheating than other tools of learning evaluation. Laboratory results can be fabricated and homework can be done by one student and copied mechanically by others. We can guard against cheating by the presence of a responsible test administrator. Thus, considerable steps should be taken to ensure objective assessment.

References:

1. Cangelosi, J. (1990) Designing Tests for Evaluating Student Achievement. NY: Addison-Wesley. 2. Domino, G., Domino, M. (2006) Psychological Testing: An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 3. Douglas, D. (2000) Assessing Languages for Specific Purposes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 4. Haladyna, T. (2004) Developing and Validating Multiple-Choice Test Items. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 5. Thissen, D., Wainer, H. (2001) Test Scoring. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

²Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ` áñå»ë ûï³ñ É»½íÇ Ã»ëï³ÛÇÝ Ñ³Ù³Ï³ñ·Ç ßáõñç

Ðá¹í³ ÍÁ ùÝÝ³ñ ÏáõÙ ¿ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ` áñ å»ë û ï³ñ É»½ íÇ Ã»ë ï³ ÛÇÝ Ñ³ Ù³ Ï³ñ ·Ç »ñ Ïáõ ³ é³ í»É ï³ ñ³Í í³Í Ã»ë ï» ñÇ ï» ë³Ï Ý» ñÁ: ¸ñ³Ýù »Ý` μ³½ Ù³ ÏÇ ÁÝï ñáõÃ - Û³Ý ¨ ³ ½³ï Ñ³ñó áõ å³ ï³ë Ë³ ÝÇ Ã»ë ï» ñÁ: Â»ë ï» ñÇ »ñ Ïáõ ï» ë³Ï Ý»ñÝ ¿É áõ - Ý»Ý ³ é³ í» ÉáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñ ¨ Ã» ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñ: øÝÝ³ Ï³Ý ·áñ ÍÁÝ Ã³ óáõÙ Ï³ñ¨áñ »Ý Ñá - ·» μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ¨ ³ñ ¹³ ñáõÃ Û³Ý ·áñ ÍáÝ Ý» ñÁ: Ðá¹ í³ ÍÁ Ý»ñ Ï³ Û³ó ÝáõÙ ¿ ³Ý· É» ñ» ÝÇ μáõ Ñ³ Ï³Ý ÁÝ ¹áõ Ý» ÉáõÃ Û³Ý μ³ Ý³ íáñ ùÝÝáõÃ Û³ ÝÁ ³éÝã íáÕ Ñ» ÕÇ Ý³ ÏÇ ÏáÕ ÙÇó ³ - é³ ç³ñÏ íáÕ á ñáß μ³ ñ» ÷á ËáõÙ Ý»ñ:

124 Methodology Armenian Folia Anglistika

The Use of Advertisements and Adbusters in the Course of Business English

here are many theoretical and practical reasons to Tcombine media literacy with the course of Business English as it fills the gap between the culture of business and students’ skills in business communication and analytical thinking. It is of great pedagogical importance for students to know how advertisements are formed, decoded, analyzed and evaluated. While planning a Business English course, it is important to take into account not only the content and functional peculiarities of selected texts, but also age-related and psycholog- Karine Mkhitaryan ical features of students, their professional needs as well as the scope of their interests. While selecting professional texts it is very important to take into consideration inter and intra-disciplinary ties, because a foreign language is not only a means of communication with native and native-like speakers and receiving relevant professional and public information, but also a means of developing professional competence. For instance, learning English helps students orient in critical, creative and other similar situations, as well as make relevant decisions. Advertisement texts can play an important role in teaching Business English, as they are directly related to the business sphere and reflect on the main characteristics of Business English. Through ads student-economists get to know and acquire psychological, socio-cultural, professional peculiarities of occupations concerned with the sphere of business. Ads are of great importance in the lives of people. Goods and services are advertised on mass media, advertisement billboards, the Internet, e-mail, etc. As is known, advertisements are aimed at attracting the attention of people of certain age, status and needs to sell certain goods or render certain services. At the same time, the aim of advertisers is to persuade people to buy, give or vote for their specific product or service. The important thing is that advertisements do not usually contain accurate information about the products or services advertised, because of the rough competitiveness in which advertisers are forced to work. The target group for the advertisers is a certain group of people who are classified by their age, sex, race or even social class. Research has shown that people tend to remember the advertisement if the object being advertised is unique, if the advertisement itself is extraordinary or if it is of personal significance. The advertisement language must also be taken into consideration in the process of planning a business course. The language of advertisers mainly represents colloquial (informal) set-expressions, which are simple and full of metaphors, as well as speech patterns which are typical of stereotype thinking. According to Thorne it is important to remember that the primary function of advertisements is to persuade people and its sub-

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ordinate function is to provide information (Thorne 1997:88). As to the functions of ads, there are various types of advertisements, which make use of the same techniques but cause different feedback from the assumed audience. As is mentioned above, an ad must be persuasive if it is based on the principle of selling approach, the aim of which is to persuade the consumer to go and buy that particular product. Advertisements must also be informative. The constructional base for advertisements may be either the product or the audience or its influence. Advertisers must use their variants in texts combined with striking images or emotional references. The knowledge of the content and functional characteristics of ads helps students not only to read and understand English advertisements but also create them. Ads are efficiently used in a Business English course, which is based on the process-genre approach in which students not only plan and revise texts but also meet certain rhetorical and structural requirements based on the audience. In addition, students become more keenly aware of the role of their target audience, they learn how to modify language to communicate through various media (Badger, White 2000:153-160). Advertisers use various advertising techniques for various mass media; however, there are a number of features which are common to both oral and written advertisements. First, it is always necessary to introduce the advertiser (logo, slogan, brand, differentiating colors or images), the target audience (age, sex, social class) and the advertisement function (e.g.: buy this, generously give this, join us, etc.). Thus, the main goal of advertisements is to attract customers by providing high-quality goods and services. People in the sphere of business must be able to create advertisements taking into account the combination of its slogan, image, text and logo. Armenian students have to overcome grammar, lexical and stylistic interference connected with the language of ads. It is important to state that it is difficult to overcome socio-cultural interference typical of Business English such as business-economic realias, terms and notions characteristic of English-speaking countries. From the pragmatic point of view, it is important for students to learn the non-verbal means of communication common for English-speaking business communities: gestures, manners, mimicry. As is known, in stock markets brokers communicate generally using body language. Without knowing this language stock exchange operators, stock brokers, dealers cannot advertise their “goods” or present exchange prices. Even stock jobbers have their own professional body language to advertise. In advertisements of various products and brands, advertisers take into account not only inter-cultural, but also intra-cultural, professional stereotypes, with the account that their target audience may have associations with the advertised product or service. It is not a secret that cultural realias are of great significance to foreign language learners from the point of view of acquiring professional stereotypes and “irrelevant vocabulary”. It is important to study not only cultural realias in general, but also business-economic realias in particular. It is worth noting that teaching a foreign language by means of advertisements pre- supposes knowledge of how to work with self-advertisements and adbusters. Self- advertisement is widely spread and known among students and specialists of various

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spheres as “resume”, which is translated from French as speech, article or other brief writing, short summary, report or conclusion (Andreeva 1997:233). In this context resume is a short autobiography with the description of professional experience and skills. While preparing a resume one must briefly and clearly describe his/her qualifications which are required to occupy the given vacancy or position. According to Gorshkov, when one provides information on oneself, it is necessary that he/she preserves such communicative features of speech as accuracy, chronology, validity, clarity and fluency (Gorshkov 1996:96). As to adbusters, it is a form of media that looks like an advertisement but actually opposes the values and assumptions presented by a corporation through its advertising campaigns.1 With the help of advertisements it is possible to sell not only products, but also ideas. By creating adbusters on the basis of suggested advertisements, students develop their critical thinking. In order to transform an advertisement into an adbuster, students must have relevant professional, practical and linguistic knowledge. Without the above-mentioned knowledge it is impossible to disclose the hidden message of the advertisement, describe codes and conventions used in it, determine the purpose and assumptions of the advertisement, as well as its possible consequences (Media Education Foundation 2005:36). The analysis of hidden messages ensures efficiency of the above mentioned course. Active cooperation between teachers and students becomes important, as it requires brain storming, when they try to underline the central idea of the advertisement. It is also important that students take critical approach to the central and hidden messages of the advertisement. Advertisement splitting is an important technique of learning a professional sublanguage through advertisements (Media Education Foundation 2005:53); and for this, students must possess relevant analytical skills and abilities. When students disclose central ideas and messages of the advertisement as well as the consequences (as a result of using the advertised product), which were untold of, they can determine which idea they are going to oppose in the adbuster. For example, they can study the side effects of smoking on health or the side effects of cars on the environment. It is important that students write their comments at the end of the class. It is very helpful when the teacher prepares special worksheets which are envisaged for certain groups of students. According to Mendonca, it is necessary to develop and use new technologies and strategies with which it will be possible to evaluate the level of a second language acquisition through advertisement texts (Mendonca, Johnson 1994). As Truscott mentioned “Since it has been suggested that written feedback in the form of explicit language error correction may not be effective and, in fact, may have a negative effect on a student’s accuracy, it may be most helpful to supply most comments on structure and writing” (Truscott 2007:255-272). The created adbuster is presented in the final stage of the course, during which students must do the following within 10-15 minutes: • briefly present and describe their original advertisement, • present their paragraphs,

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• present and describe their adbuster, • answer the questions of their classmates. In conclusion, the use of advertisements and adbusters is an effective method of teaching Business English. Future business-related people, for example economists, financial advisers and businessmen understand clearly well that most available advertisements come from Western countries, the USA in particular. It is important to develop skills and abilities of analyzing inter-cultural and intra-cultural sub-texts not only for the creation of advertisements and adbusters, but also for the ongoing development of a professional sublanguage. On the one hand, while creating and analyzing advertisements in English, students create a basis for the development of their professional and practical knowledge. On the other hand, as this activity is rather problematic, goal-oriented, and is based on students’ knowledge and professional requirements and interests, it makes the business English learning process more intensive and efficient. Here we deal with the efficient use of the principle of inter and intra-disciplinary ties. While preparing the business course, the language of advertisements becomes highly important. The language of advertisers mainly consists of colloquial patterns full of metaphors. At the same time, it is very important to take into account professional, geographical and intercultural knowledge of future businessmen. As advertisement texts are short, full of hidden messages and codes, they reflect linguo-stylistic, cultural, psychological, professional knowledge and skills of advertisement creators. It is obvious that in order to understand any idea, hidden message, appeal or order reflected in the advertisement or the adbuster, students must have clear ideas about the countries which create the advertisements/adbusters, their people, morals, stereotypes, cultural, economic, psychological, mental realities and realias. It is impossible to understand and disclose the essence of the advertisement/adbuster only with the help of linguistic knowledge. Due to the globalization processes, students of English as a second language need more than simple language instruction. Foreign language learners merge into this socio- cultural situation much easier. They acquire cultural, business situations and realias more efficiently in creating advertisements, resumes and adbusters. One of the important pre- conditions of using ads and adbusters for teaching/learning purposes is the practical orientation of Business English.

Notes:

1. See http://adbusters.org/spoofads/index.php

References:

1. Andreeva, N.N., Arapova, N.S. et. àl. (1997) Slovar inostrannykh slov: aktualnaya leksika, tolkovaniye, etimologiya. M.: Citadel.

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2. Badger, R., White, G.A. (2000) Process Genre Approach to Teaching Writing. // ELT Journal/OUP, 54 (2). 3. Bartels, N. (2003) Written Peer Response in L2 Writing. // English Teaching Forum 41 (1). 4. Gorshkov, A.I. (1996) Russkaya slovesnost: ot slova k slovesnosti: uchebnoe poso- bie dlya uchashchikhsya 10-11 klassov obsheobrazowatelnykh uchrezhdeniy. M.: Prosveshcheniye. 5. Media Education Foundation. (2005) Deconstructing an Advertisement. (www.mediaed.org/handouts/pdfs/DeconstructinganAd.pdf.) 6. Mendonca, C.O., Johnson, K.E. (1994) Peer Review Negotiations: Revision Activities in ESL Writing Instructions. // TESOL Quarterly, 28 (4). 7. Thorne, S. (1997) Mastering Advanced English Language. New York: PALGRAVE. 8. Truscott, J. (2007) The Effect of Error Correction on Learners’ Ability to Write Accurately. // Journal of Second Language Writing, 16 (4).

¶áí³½¹Ý»ñÇ ¨ Ñ³Ï³·áí³½¹Ý»ñÇ ÏÇñ³éÙ³Ý ³é³ÝÓÝ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ·áñÍ³ñ³ñ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝÇ ¹³ëÁÝÃ³óáõÙ

¶á í³½¹ Ý» ñÇ ¨ Ñ³ Ï³ ·á í³½¹ Ý» ñÇ ÏÇ ñ³ éáõÙÝ ³ñ¹ Ûáõ Ý³ í»ï ÙÇ çáó ¿ ·áñ Í³ - ñ³ñ ³Ý· É» ñ»ÝÇ ¹³ ë³ í³Ý¹ Ù³Ý Å³ Ù³ Ý³Ï, ù³ ÝÇ áñ ³ÛÝ »Ý Ã³¹ ñáõÙ ¿ É»½ íÇ ¨ ÙÇçÙ ß³ Ïáõ Ã³ ÛÇÝ Ç ñ³ íÇ ×³Ï Ý» ñÇ í»ñ Éáõ ÍáõÃ Û³Ý áõ Ý³ ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ, áñÝ ¿É ³ÝÑ ñ³ Å»ßï Ý³ Ë³ å³Û Ù³Ý ¿ áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇñ íáÕ É»½ íáí ·á í³½¹ Ý»ñ ¨ Ñ³ Ï³ ·á í³½¹ Ý»ñ ëï»Õ Í» - Éáõ Ñ³ Ù³ñ: Ð³ñÏ ¿ Ýß»É, áñ û ï³ñ É»½ íÇ ¹³ ë³ í³Ý¹ Ù³Ý ³ñ¹ Ûáõ Ý³ í» ïáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ Ý³Ë ¨ ³ é³ç ³ å³ Ñáí íáõÙ ¿ ³ÛÝ Å³ Ù³ Ý³Ï, »ñμ Ñ³ß íÇ »Ý ³éÝ íáõÙ ÙÇ ç³ é³ñ Ï³ - Û³ Ï³Ý Ï³ å» ñÁ, ³Û ëÇÝùÝ` ³ÛÝ Ï³ å» ñÁ, á ñáÝù ·á ÛáõÃ ÛáõÝ áõ Ý»Ý áõ ëáõÙ Ý³ ëÇñ íáÕ û ï³ñ É»½ íÇ ¨ ³Û¹ áõ ë³ Ýá ÕÇ Ù³ë Ý³ ·Ç ï³ Ï³Ý μÝ³ ·³ í³ éÇ ÙÇç¨: ¶áñ Í³ ñ³ñ á - Éáñ ïÇ ³ å³ ·³ Ù³ë Ý³ ·»ï Ý» ñÁ å»ïù ¿ ïÇ ñ³ å» ï»Ý ·á í³½ ¹Ç, Ñ³ Ï³ ·á í³½ ¹Ç É»½ í³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý, á ×³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ¨ Ñá ·» μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ³ é³ÝÓ Ý³ Ñ³ï ÏáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇÝ: Ø» Ãá ¹³ μ³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ï» ë³ÝÏ Ûáõ ÝÇó Ýñ³Ýù å»ïù ¿ Ï³ ñá Õ³ Ý³Ý ëï»Õ Í»É ·á í³½¹ - Ý»ñ, Ñ³ Ï³ ·á í³½¹ Ý»ñ ¨ ÇÝùÝ³ Ï»Ý ë³· ñ³ Ï³Ý Ý»ñ (é»½ Ûáõ Ù»)` ÏÇ ñ³ é» Éáí Ñ³ Õáñ - ¹³Ï ó³ Ï³Ý ï³ñ μ»ñ Ó¨»ñ áõ Ù» Ãá¹ Ý»ñ:

129 Armenian Folia Anglistika Translation Studies

Limitations of Machine Translation

nder the rapid technical and technological advances Uthroughout the world, Machine Translation, as well as Computer Assisted Translation is becoming widespread nowadays. However, there has been some disappointment regarding this issue and even Chomsky washed his hands of the matter stating that “machine translation seems to be pointless and probably quite hopeless” (Chomsky 1975:40). Indeed, correct, precise and high quality machine translation will hardly be achievable at least in the nearest future. Gayane Shmavonyan Even if the computer were suddenly able to communicate meaning, it would still fall short of what humans do with language in a number of ways. This is because linguists have long been aware that communication of meaning is only one among functions of language. These difficulties would tend to place machine translation outside the limits of solvable problems. For instance, if we compare Text A meaning exactly the same thing as text B, translation would be no problem at all, and no professional translator would be needed. Absolutely anyone able to read would be able to translate any text between these two languages by looking up the number for the words in one language and then substituting the words with the same number in the other language. It would not be necessary to know both languages and, consequently, computer translation in such a case would be easy. 1 But the real truth of the machine translation efforts is that word 60, for example, in language A does not mean exactly what word 60 in language B means. A good experiment of how imperfect computer translation is was carried out by French and English translators, who translated various brief passages. The final results of such a process bore almost no resemblance to the original, however hard technical experts called translators tried. There is at present no evidence suggesting that a computer can turn out High Quality text at a rate faster than a human. Indeed humans may in some cases be faster than the computer. A human translator, for instance, can only handle 200 to 500 words per hour, which is often true, whereas computers can do far better. Many translators report that their non translating colleagues believe it should be perfectly possible for a translator to simply look at a document in language A and just type it out in language B as quickly as though it were the first language. If human beings could do this then there might be some hope for computers to do so as well. But they cannot make the correct choice of the terms in the majority of cases. Computer translation developers prefer to ignore many of the limitations of computer assisted translation. They are convinced that computers with limitless power will be able to perform a number of operations today’s computers are not capable of. They are supposed to provide terminologists with a complete list of possible terms to use. But they

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may not reliably make the correct choice between the terms in most cases. Even in the 1940th prominent linguist L. Bloomfield acknowledged that “there must be some way around all the difficulties connected with computer translation. The only hope for a thorough solution seems to lie with technology” (Bloomfield 1944). Distinction should be made between the two types of translation systems: Machine Translation (MT) and Computer Assisted Translation (CAT). Machine translation performs the use of computer software to translate a text or a speech from one natural language to another. This technique is used for more complex translations such as translation of idioms; it is also effective in places where formal language is used, such as translation of official and legal documents. MT has proven useful as a tool to assist human translators; it produces a rough text for a human translator to revise. In a very limited number of cases it can be used in e.g. weather reports. The translator must interpret and analyze all the features of the text: grammar, semantics, syntax, idioms of the source language. The problem how to program a computer that will “understand” a text as a person does and that will “create” a new text in the target language that “sounds” as if it has been written by a person can be solved in terms of two approaches to Machine translation: Interactive and Interlingua Approaches. An Interactive system prints and displays the text created with no help from the translator, it only consulted with the translator on various words. The so called Interlingua Approach encodes the information as a universal stage enabling translation back and forth between languages. Interlingua machine translation can use a method based on linguistic rules, which means that words will be translated in a linguistic way, the most suitable (orally speaking) words of the target language will replace the ones in the source language. The Interlingua approach to machine translation has advantages and disadvantages. The advantage of multilingual machine translation is that no transfer component has to be created for each language pair. The obvious disadvantage is that the definition of an Interlingua is difficult and maybe even impossible for a wider sphere. The ideal context for Interlingua machine translation is thus multilingual machine translation in a very specific sphere. The machine translation system provides the target text segments that are paired with the source text segments so that the end product is a quality translation. Computer Assisted Translation (CAT) is a form of translation where a human translator translates texts using computer software designed to support and facilitate the translation process. Computer Assisted translation is sometimes called Machine aided translation, where the software is designed to help translators do their work. It is a broad term converting a range of tools, from simple to complicate: spell checkers, grammar checkers, word processing software, database created in a program. Having discussed the types of translation technology, it is important to turn to translation memory. It should be noted that Translation Memory is a multilingual text archive containing multilingual texts, allowing storage and retrieval of aligned multilingual text segments against various search conditions. In other words, ASE (Assisted Stock Exchange) stores source and target language pairs of text segments that can be

131 Armenian Folia Anglistika Translation Studies

retrieved for use with present texts and texts to be translated in the future (Webb 1992). A source text sentence or sentence like unit (heading, title) may be segmented into larger units such as paragraphs or small ones such as clauses. As the translator works through a document, the software displays each source segment in turn and provides a previous translation for reuse if the program finds a matching source in its database. If it does not, the program allows the translator to enter a translation for a new segment. After the translation for a segment is completed, the program stores the new translation and moves into the next segment. Translation memory is a technology, too. It has proven to be useful, especially in technical fields where electronic documents are constantly being updated and revised. Individual translators, translation agencies, clients, and companies with in-house translation divisions can all benefit from this technology. Translation memory saves the user time and money under the appropriate circumstances. The key for success is known when, where and how to use it. Translation memory should be considered one of the many tools of the translation trade. A painter has a brush and palette; a pianist has sheet music. How painters and pianists use their brushes, palettes and sheet music is what counts. The same can be said of translators and translation memory. Unlike the brush, palette and sheet music, however, not everyone recognizes that translation memory is an invaluable tool for the translator and that the translator, like the artist, is the one who must fit all the pieces together to form a work of perfection. The more that is written about this technology, the more translation professionals and their clients will be made aware of its important role in the translation process. How does TM (Translation Memory) differ from MT (Machine Translation)? MT creates automated translations and requires an advanced terminology database that includes all grammatical elements of a language. The MT system uses comprehensive dictionaries to translate the source text while at the same time applying the grammatical rules, or rule sets, from the database in order to produce the resulting grammatically correct target sentences. The technology sounds like an excellent solution. However, there is a catch: the source and resulting target text segments are not stored away in a database for future use. If a similar text (such as an automobile user’s manual for the same model but different year) needs to be translated, the MT system would have to start from scratch. On the other hand, a TM system is used as a translator’s aid, storing a human translator’s text in a database for future use. TM can be used in a few different ways. One way would be to have a translator or a machine translation system translate the original text, using translation memory to store the paired source and target segments. The translator could then reuse the stored texts to create the revised or updated version of the text. Only the segments of the new text that do not match the old one would have to be translated. The alternative would be to use an MT system or a different TM system to translate the original. The new TM system could then be used by a translator to translate the revision or update by aligning the texts produced by the MT system or other TM system and storing them in the TM database for present and future work. The translator could then proceed to translate only the segments of the new text, using TM as described above.

132 Translation Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

What distinguishes TM from other Computer-Assisted Translation (CAT) tools? There are many CAT tools available to assist the translator, such as bilingual and multilingual dictionaries, grammar and spell checkers and terminology software but TM goes one step further by making use of these other CAT tools while at the same time matching up the original source document stored in its database with the updated or revised document through exact matching. Normally, the basic unit of the text in a TM database is a sentence; and the TM user can define what the unit will be. The basic unit might even be a sentence fragment or a paragraph. The translator does not have to retranslate the work he or she has already completed. It is necessary to turn to language as a social phenomenon. How can the computer, a nonhuman, possibly assist the language learning process? Language is very much a part of being human. Despite our best efforts over 50 years, we still can’t teach the computer how to function in human language like a human being does. Despite amazing advances in artificial intelligence and computational linguistics, and promises of products that we see on the market, we will probably always be reliant on humans to negotiate language. This is good news for those of us involved in the language translating business – our job as language translators is certainly secure. No one who knows what he or she is talking about suggests that the computer can take the translator’s place. Perhaps the computer would be a failure as a lan guage translator. So would a translator himself. But both the translator and the computer have valuable contributions to make to the lan guage translation process. According to Jeff Allen, a research linguist and translation lab supervisor at the Center for Machine Translation at Carnegie Mellon University “it is true that many large companies are looking into automated translation solutions; however, this does not necessarily mean that the companies are trying to replace their valuable and experienced translation personnel with computers, but rather that the companies are trying to recon- sider if they are using the time of their translation specialists most effectively and how they can improve it” (Allen 2005). Translators, agencies and corporations will have to adapt to the new technologies and solutions in order to remain competitive over the long term.

Notes:

1. Human translators are often too inconsistent or too slow in choosing the right equivalents of the given words and expressions.

References:

1. Allen, J. (2005) Machine Translation. Pennsylvania Pittsburgh: Carnegie Mellon University Press.

133 Armenian Folia Anglistika Translation Studies

2. Bloomfield, L. (1984) Language. Chicago: Chicago University Press. 3. Chomsky, N. (1975) The Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory. Chicago: Chicago University Press. 4. Gross, A. (1992) Limitations of Computers as Translation Tool. London: London University Press. 5. Garner, D. H. (1996) FAQ s and Fictions about Computers and Language Teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 6. Hackett, Ch. F. (1970) A Leonard Bloomfield Anthology. Bloomington: Bloomington University Press. 7. Webb, L.E. (1992) Advantages and Disadvantages of Translation Memory. San Francisco: San Francisco State University.

Ð³Ù³Ï³ñ·ã³ÛÇÝ Ã³ñ·Ù³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ë³ÑÙ³Ý³÷³ÏáõÙÝ»ñÁ

²Ù μáÕç ³ß Ë³ñ ÑáõÙ ï»Ë Ýá Éá ·Ç³ Ý» ñÇ ½³ñ ·³ó Ù³ ÝÁ ½áõ ·ÁÝ Ã³ó ³ ×áõÙ ¿ Ñ³ - Ù³ Ï³ñ· ã³ ÛÇÝ Ã³ñ· Ù³ ÝáõÃ Û³Ý å³ Ñ³Ý ç³ñ ÏÁ: îÇ ñ³ å» ï» Éáí μ³½ Ù³ ÃÇí áõ μ³½ - Ù³ ½³Ý Ã³ñ· Ù³ Ý³ Ï³Ý ÑÝ³ ñ³ íá ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇ` Ñ³ Ù³ Ï³ñ· ã³ ÛÇÝ Ã³ñ· Ù³ ÝáõÃ - Ûáõ ÝÁ ³Û Ýá õ³ Ù» Ý³Û ÝÇí áõ ÝÇ Çñ Ã» ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñÝ áõ ë³Ñ Ù³ Ý³ ÷³ ÏáõÙ Ý» ñÁ: î»Ë Ýá - Éá ·Ç³ ÛÇ ½³ñ ·³ó Ù³Ý Ý»ñ Ï³ ÛÇë ÷áõ ÉáõÙ Ã³ñ· Ù³Ý ãÇ ÏáÕ ÙÇó Ï³ ï³ñ í³Í Ã³ñ· Ù³ - ÝáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ ³ í» ÉÇ á ñ³Ï Û³É, ³ñ¹ Ûáõ Ý³ í»ï áõ ³ñ Å» ù³ íáñ ÏÉÇ ÝÇ, » Ã» ³ÛÝ Ñ³ Ù³ ï»Õ - íÇ Ñ³ Ù³ Ï³ñ· ã³ ÛÇÝ Ã³ñ· Ù³ ÝáõÃ Û³Ý Ñ»ï:

134 Literature Armenian Folia Anglistika

Modernism and Classics: T. S. Eliot as a Critic of Goethe

he greatest modern English poet and literary critic TT.S. Eliot described himself as “classical in literature, royalist in politics, and Anglo-Catholic in Religion” (Eliot 1928). T.S. Eliot was one of the founders of literary trend “New Criticism” and his critical essays “Sacred Wood” (1920), “The Use of Poetry and Use of Criticism” (1933), “The Social Function of Poetry” (1943), “What is a Classic?” (1944), “Goethe as the Sage” (1955), confirmed his reputation as a great literary critic, offering a theoretical counterpart to the example of his own poetry (Ousby 1974:129). Karlen Matinyan In the present paper we will examine Eliot’s modernistic view on mind and poetry. In particular we will discuss Eliot’s critical outlook on Goethe’s poetry. Analyzing the connection between classical and modern literature, Eliot presents samples of classical heritage of Dante, Shakespeare and Goethe, who created their works beyond the time limits, linking the modern to the classical through Abundance, Amplitude and Unity. The curiosity of poets like Dante, Shakespeare and Goethe is the fundamental Unity. This unity is hard to define except by saying, in Eliot’s words, that what each of them gives us is life itself, the World seen from a particular standpoint of a given European age and a certain man belonging to that time period (Eliot 1957). Eliot confesses that he formerly treated Goethe’s scientific theories as “amiable eccen- tricities” but many years later he came across Ernst Lahr’s “Man or Matter”, in which Goethe views were actually fostered. Pointing to the interconnection between Goethe’s scientific views and his imaginative work, Lahr suggested that the same insight was struggling for outer expression in both cases. Hence, Eliot finds it unreasonable to ignore what “we accept as inspired wisdom in poetry”. After getting familiar with the content of this book, Eliot changed completely his view on “Faust”: if he formerly held the generally accepted opinion that Part I was more accomplished than Part II, he overturned his conclusion. Naturally, such a “transformation” of the stance should have been publicly interpreted by Eliot himself: “Literary criticism is an activity which must constantly define its own boundaries; also it must constantly be going beyond them: the one invariable rule is, that when the literary critic exceeds his frontiers, he should do so in full consciousness of what he is doing” (Eliot, OP cit.:215). In another comment Eliot assumes that in order to understand great poets like Goethe, a literary critic must have a solid storage of knowledge in philosophy, natural science, mythology, history. As for Goethe, one needs wisdom to plunge “into the forbidden territory of science” (Eliot OP cit.:215). Eliot states the opinion that somehow it is easier to translate a great master’s work, because even when much of the original significance is lost, “there is also more saved – for more was there”. This idea refers to the story, its plot and characters. “What cannot

135 Armenian Folia Anglistika Literature

be translated is the incantation, the music of the words, and that part of the meaning which is the music” (Eliot OP cit.:216). In another passage Eliot contradicts himself partly: speaking about Rilke’s poetry he states that the magic of music distracts him from going deep into its sense. Anyhow, there is no doubt that “The notion of appreciation of form without content, or of content ignor- ing form, is an illusion: if we ignore the content of a poem, we fail to appreciate the form; if we ignore the form, we have not grasped the content – for the meaning of a poem exists in the words of the poem and in those words only” (Eliot OP cit.:225). Eliot stresses, that he regards content “as philosophical system”, as “ideas” which can be formulated in other words as a system of ideas to which there is always some possible alternative system for the reason to accept” (Eliot OP cit.:225). Speaking highly of Goethe’s poetic craft, Eliot confirms that poets like Dante, Shakespeare and Goethe can be said to belong to all Europeans. Furthermore, Eliot draws a conclusion that being one of the “greatest representatives” of their own nation, these poets promote a sense of national identity and help other nations “to understand and to accept them”. As for Eliot, it’s rather difficult to define how Goethe or any other great poet is associated with his own epoch and to what extent he represents it. One thing is for sure: “We are interested in Shakespeare and Goethe not only in relation to their own country, language and race, but timelessly and directly”. For the genius is of importance for his own age, and yet of “permanent importance for all subsequent ages”. Moreover, he can be not a typical representative of his time, not only “by being or ahead of his age, but by being above it” (Eliot OP cit.:217-218). Speaking about the universal vein in Goethe’s works, Eliot remarks that the more he studies them, the less he finds it possible to identify Geothe with his age. “I find him sometimes in complete opposition to his age, so complete perhaps as to have been greatly misunderstood” (Eliot OP cit.:218). Anyhow, having discovered great wisdom in Goethe’s art, Eliot makes the following stipulation: “It may be that there are areas of wisdom that he did not penetrate: but I am more interested in trying to understand the wisdom he possessed, than in defining its limitations” (Eliot OP cit.:220). Admittedly, Eliot does not want to draw a distinct borderline between wisdom and poetry: “Wisdom is an essential element in making the poetry; and it is necessary to appre- hend it as poetry in order to profit by it as wisdom. The foreign reader, in absorbing the wisdom, is being affected by the poetry as well. For it is at the wisdom of poetry, which would not be communicated at all, if it were not experienced by the reader as poetry” (Eliot OP cit.:222). Which are the characteristic peculiarities of Goethe’s wisdom, so inadmissible for Eliot in his early critical essays? He came up with the idea that Goethe’s wisdom is more vividly reflected in his sayings, both in prose and in verse. Interestingly enough, in his later essays he concluded that what he took for wisdom was a mere illustration to it. Thus we may conclude that Eloit’s underestimating comes from the faith that he observed Goethe’s philosophy detached from his poetry.

136 Literature Armenian Folia Anglistika

The last passage of his essay gives the fullproof evidence for this thought. “That Goethe was one of the wisest of men I have long admitted; that he was a great lyric poet I have long since come to recognize; but that the wisdom and the poetry are inseparable, in poets of the highest rank, is something I have only come to perceive in becoming a little wiser myself” (Eliot OP cit.:226). These words take on a special importance if we take into account the scrutiny with which Eliot treated the language and the philosophical content of poetry, his perception and evaluation of poetic technique.

References:

1. Eliot, T.S. (1928 ) For Lancelot Andrews: Essays on Style and Order. www.britan- nica.com/ 2. Eliot, T.S. (1957) On Poetry and Poets. London: Faber and Faber. 3. Mikhailov, N.N. (2006) Teoriya khudozhestvennogo teksta. M.: Academia. 4. Ousby, I. (1974) Literature in English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 5. Svasyan, K. (1988) Filosofskoye mirovozreniye Gyote. Yerevan: ASRA Publication.

Øá¹»éÝÇ½Ù ¨ ¹³ë³Ï³ÝÝ»ñ. ¾ÉÇáÃÁ` ¶ÛáÃ»Ç ùÝÝ³¹³ï

Ðá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ ÷áñÓ ¿ ³ñ í³Í í»ñ Éáõ Í»É Ùá ¹»é ÝÇëï ¾ ÉÇá ÃÇ ³ß Ë³ñ Ñ³ Û³ó ùÁ, Å³ - Ù³ Ý³ Ï³ ÏÇó ¨ ¹³ ë³ Ï³Ý ·ñ³ Ï³ ÝáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇ ÙÇç¨ » Õ³Í Ï³ åÁ, ÇÝã å»ë Ý³¨ åá» ï³ Ï³Ý É»½ íÇ ÑÝ³ ñ³ íá ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇ ËÝ¹Ç ñÁ: ¾ ÉÇá ÃÁ ã¿ñ Ï³ ñá Õ³ ó»É » ñÇ ï³ - ë³ñ¹ Ñ³ ë³ ÏáõÙ ³Ù μáÕ çáõÃ Û³Ùμ ÁÝ Ï³ É»É ¶Ûá Ã»Ç ÷Ç ÉÇ ëá ÷³ ÛáõÃ Û³Ý ³Ù μáÕç Ëá - ñáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ, ù³ ÝÇ áñ ¹Ç ï³ñ ÏáõÙ ¿ñ ³ÛÝ í»ñ çÇ ÝÇë åá» ½Ç³ ÛÇó μ³ Å³Ý, Ù» Ïáõ ëÇ: ØÇ³ÛÝ ß³ï ï³ ñÇ Ý»ñ ³Ýó Ý³ » Ï³í ³ÛÝ »½ ñ³ Ñ³Ý· Ù³Ý, áñ Ñ³Ý ×³ ñÇ Ù» ÍáõÃ Ûáõ - ÝÁ Ñ»Ýó Ýñ³ ÝáõÙ ¿, áñ ÷Ç ÉÇ ëá ÷³ Û³ Ï³Ý ÙÇï ùÁ ûñ ·³ Ý³ å»ë ÓáõÉ íáõÙ ¿ åá» ï³ - Ï³Ý É»½ íÇÝ ¨ ¹ñ³ Ýáí ÇëÏ ëï»Õ ÍáõÙ É»½ íÇ Ñ³ Ù³ñ ³Ý ë³Ñ Ù³Ý Ç Ù³ë ï³ ÛÇÝ ÑÝ³ - ñ³ íá ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý»ñ:

137 Armenian Folia Anglistika Armenological Studies

The Word Yeghern and the Semantic Field of Its Equivalence in English

In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. (John 1.1)

he vocabulary of a language is the richest repository, Tin fact, the most reliable criterion of its wealth. It is through words that one gets to know and to explore the surrounding world, that one learns to think, to express one’s thoughts and concerns, emotions and experiences. And since Seda Gasparyan words undergo semantic changes over the centuries, reflecting a variety of social, historical and political impacts as well as that of everyday life, their appropriate choice in speech making acquires utmost importance. In Maupassant’s words, “no matter what you are going to talk about, there is only one word you can express it by, only one adjective you can describe it with, only one verb to animate it with. … thus, one must look for that very noun, that very adjective and that very verb…..” 1 The meaning of a word may broaden as the word becomes richer and richer under the influence of various linguistic and extralinguistic factors, acquiring new semantic meanings and shades of meanings, new expressive-emotional-evaluative overtones. The word may grow in depth and width, and become more capacious both semantically and stylistically, thus expressing “a whole world”. 2 This is clearly evident in speech whenever an “inanimate unit” of language revives, becomes more dynamic and presents the speaker’s emotional attitude in a condensed way. 3 The issues associated with such an intricate unit of language become even more complicated when one tries to reproduce a word adequately using the linguistic means of another language, i.e. to overcome the obstacles posed by multilingualism in the path of mutual recognition and understanding between nations. In our analysis of this question below an attempt will be made to study the semantic field of equivalence of the Armenian word yeghern (»Õ»éÝ) and the problem of its adequate translation into English.

The semantic structure of yeghern (»Õ»éÝ)

As an initial stage in our investigation, however, it is necessary to clarify the semantic structure of the lexical unit in Armenian. The “Fundamental Etymological Dictionary of the Armenian Language” 4 by Hrachia Acharyan presents the opinion of the great linguist Sophus Bugge who claims that the Armenian words yeghern, yegher, yeghuk (»Õ»éÝ, »Õ»ñ, »ÕáõÏ) originate from the root gel in the Indo-European protolanguage.

138 Armenological Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

Comparison with “quelan” in Old High German, “quellian” in Saxon, and “cwelan”—— - kill 5 in Old English makes it quite clear that the underlying meaning of all these words is to kill, to commit a crime. A. Sukiasyan suggests a whole range of synonyms in his “Monolingual Dictionary of Armenian Synonyms” 6: á×Çñ /crime/, á×ñ³·áñÍáõÃÛáõÝ /felony/, »Õ»éÝ³·áñÍáõÃÛáõÝ /villainy, crime/, ã³ñ³·áñÍáõÃÛáõÝ (Ù³ñ¹³ ëå³ Ýáõ - ÃÛáõÝ) /malefaction, murder/, Í³Ýñ Ñ³Ýó³·áñÍáõÃÛáõÝ /grave, serious crime/, ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝ /killing, murder, homicide/, Ïáïáñ³Í /massacre/, ç³ñ¹ /mass killing, massacre/, Ý³Ë×Çñ /carnage/, ëå³Ý¹ /slaughter/, ³ñÛáõÝ/³/Ñ»ÕáõÃÛáõÝ /blood-shed, carnage, massacre/, ëñ³ÍáõÃÛáõÝ /massacre, butchery, slaughter/, Û³Ã³Õ³Ý /killing with a Turkish dagger/, ËáÕËáÕáõÙ /killing cruelly, butchery, slaughter/, »Õ»éÝáõÃÛáõÝ/ÑÝó./ /harm, malice, rascality/, ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝ /genocide/. These are not absolute synonyms, of course, but they all have the semantic constituent to kill (i.e. to commit a crime) in their semantic structure.7 A study of the data presented in Armenian-English dictionaries 8 provides the following explanations of the word yeghern (»Õ»éÝ): crime (á×Çñ), misdemeanor (ã³ñ ÁÝÃ³óù, í³ï³μ³ñáÛáõÃÛáõÝ), offence (³Ý³ñ·³Ýù), rascality (ëïáñáõÃÛáõÝ, ³ÝÁ½·³ÙáõÃÛáõÝ), slaughter (ëå³Ý¹, Ý³Ë×Çñ, Ïáïáñ³Í, ç³ñ¹), carnage (Ý³Ë×Çñ), massacre (Ïáïáñ³Í, ç³ñ¹) and genocide (ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝ). In this comprehensive field of synonyms one can trace similarities as well as obvious differences. For example, the word crime is defined as an act (usu. grave offence) punishable by law; evil act; such acts collectively (COD 9 : 242); an act committed in viola- tion of law forbidding or commanding it, and for which punishment is upon conviction (HINDEL : 313), while the word misdemeanor is used to mean an action, which though being punishable by law, is not so grave or serious as, for instance, stealing or murder (LDCE). The presence of the semantic constituent of crime in the lexical units offence (attacking, aggressive action - COD) and rascality (dishonest behaviour - LDCE), may be said, not to be always obvious. The intention of an offence in the sense of aggression or dishonest behaviour is not necessarily accompanied by murder. While “the modern tendency is to refer to crimes as offences” (ODL, p. 317), and the words offence and rascality carry a negative inherent connotational overtone, this is presented with far less force than in the lexical unit crime. As far as the definitions of the words slaughter (the killing or slaying of people in large numbers - OED), carnage (the slaughter of a great number, esp. of men; butchery, massacre - OED), massacre (the indiscriminate, merci- less killing of a number of human beings - WNWD) are concerned, they are relatively closer in meaning to yeghern (»Õ»éÝ) and the prevalent constituent in their semantic structure is crime (criminal act not conditioned by a lawful necessity). Genocide is a comprehensive term, and its semantic structure is the most inclusive. Among the interpretations suggested by various monolingual English dictionaries, the one proposed by the WTNID seems to be the most complete from the point of view of the semantic globality of the word: the use of deliberate systematic measures /as killing, bodily or mental injury, unlivable conditions, prevention of birth/ calculated to bring about the extermination of a racial, political, or cultural group, or to destroy the language, religion or culture of a group. The fact that this lexical unit was introduced into different

139 Armenian Folia Anglistika Armenological Studies

fields of humanitarian research only after the 1940s is accounted for by the chronology of its occurrence. The word genocide was first coined in 1943 by Raphael Lemkin - a Polish-Jewish lawyer, who, in one of his articles (“Crime of Barbarity”) used the word with reference to the massacre of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire in 1915 and interpreted genocide as a crime against international law. 10 Later he defined genocide as any act which is carried out with the aim of partial or total annihilation of any national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such and, with the encouragement of the United States, he submitted his definition to the UN General Assembly for consideration. Much later, on December 9, 1948, the UN adopted the Convention on “the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide” and Lemkin’s definition served as the basis for Article II of the Convention. 11 The word genocide originates from the Latin gens, gentis (origin, race, gene/biolog/, type) or the Greek genos (with the same meaning) and the Latin lexical unit cidium (cut- ting; killing) which entered the English language through French as cide (the act of killing).

Adequate translation

Coming to the problem of adequacy, terminological dictionaries offer three different definitions of the term translation. 12 At the emic level and in the field of lexicography in particular, translation is defined as the juxtaposition of two or more languages, with the object of tracing semantic similarities between the units of those languages. In other words, translating means finding elements in the target language which are capable of conveying the semantic contents of the source language words adequately. The study of the aforementioned dictionary data shows that the word as a meaningful unit not infrequently presents a complex structure, and since there can almost never be absolute coincidence of the minimal distinctive semantic features operating in the semantic structures of different lexical units, we can never speak of absolute synonymy. Each of the smallest elements making up the content plane of the meaning of a word may be realized through varying applications of the same word depending on the speech situation. It is here that the well-known language/speech dichotomy, 13 which is of fundamental significance in linguistics, should not be underestimated. This proposition makes it possible to regard the problem of adequate translation as a dialectical correlation of equivalence at the level of language, and equivalence at the level of speech. This, however, does not imply at all that the only precondition for finding the equivalent unit is to examine the original context and the speech situation. The first step in this process is to establish those constituent elements of the target language system which, irrespective of the context and the speech situation, are always equivalent to the corresponding units of the source language. In other words, the first step is to achieve semantic equivalence. The basic and most reliable sources of information for language adequacy are, undoubtedly, monolingual dictionaries, and dictionaries of synonyms that are based on the results of study of the semantic constituents of the meanings of words.

140 Armenological Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

In the semantic field of equivalence of the word yeghern (»Õ»éÝ), crime may be viewed as a non-differentiated unit, as the meaning it expresses is general and can be traced in nearly all the units in the field. The variants slaughter (mass killings, execution, massacre), carnage (massacre, bloodshed, butchery), massacre (mass murder, annihilation, huge loss of life following disease) are considerably closer to yeghern (»Õ»éÝ). They nevertheless emphasize different semes contained in the semantic structure of the word in question, while the complete and global picture of the phenomenon is reflected in the word-unit genocide. However, the context plays a highly important role in the adequate choice of the equivalent word. Full equivalence is attained where there is not only semantic, but also functional-stylistic and pragmatic adequacy, i.e. when the target language unit (a word, a sentence, a text, etc.) is equivalent to the source language unit in all the semantic, stylistic and pragmatic values that this carries. And although the semantic constituent is of prime importance, and the basic function of translation, i.e. interlin- gual communication, will not be realized, unless semantic adequacy is achieved, the role of the other constituent elements in achieving the desired adequacy is of no less significance. The reason for this is that it is in a particular context and in a certain speech situation that words, under the influence of various linguistic and extralinguistic factors, take on additional semantic and stylistic overtones and carry diverse pragmatic meanings.

Contextual realizations of the meaning expressed by yeghern (»Õ»éÝ)

An attempt will now be made to look into several different contextual realizations of the meaning expressed by the Armenian word yeghern (»Õ»éÝ).

If nations are allowed to commit genocide with impunity, to hide their guilt in a camouflage of lies and details there is a real danger that othebutal regimes will be encouraged to attempt genocides. Unless we speak of the Armenian genocide and unless the Government recognizes this historical fact, we shall leave this century of unprecedented genocides with this blot on our consciences. Caroline, Baroness Cox House of Lords, 4/1/1999 14

In the extract adduced above the speaker voices a deep concern that by failing to recognize the Armenian Genocide openly we may abet similar atrocities on the part of other regimes. If nations are allowed to commit genocide and get away with it, covering up their sin with a veil of lies and denials, our age may turn into a period of continuing genocides. The passage is rich in a number of units carrying negative connotations (commit genocide, impunity, hide the guilt in a camouflage of lies and denials, danger, brutal regimes, unprecedented genocides, blot), the combination of which in this context reveals the negative attitude of the speaker towards those who turn a blind eye to the Armenian Genocide, let alone perpetrate it or any other genocide. Baroness Cox is con-

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vinced that if the Armenian Genocide fails to be recognized as such, Mankind will always have to bear this blot on its conscience. The application of the word genocide in this small passage more than once is intended to warn the listener against the scale and the disastrous nature (a real danger) of this possible threat to humanity as a whole, to open the eyes of those who play a key role in the discussion of this issue, and to induce them to be honest and just. The next passage is taken from the speech of John Evans, the former US Ambassador to Armenia, addressed to the Armenian community in America.

Today I will call this Armenian genocide. I think that we, the US government, owe you, our fellow citizens, a more straightforward and honest discussion of this problem. I can tell you as a person who has studied this problem – I have no doubts about what happened. I think that it is inappropriate for us, the Americans, to play with words in this case. I believe that we must call a spade a spade. John Evans US Ambassador to Armenia Addressed to American Armenians on February 19, 2005 15

The context of the passage obviously differs from the previous one with respect to its emotional-expressive charge. Stylistically neutral units are dominant here (US government, fellow citizens, straightforward discussion of the problem, tell, a person who has studied this problem, about what happened, etc.). Their presence in the extract indicates that the goal of the speaker is to present to the public the firm belief to which he has come on the basis of his own thorough investigation of the historical evidence, according to which the massacre of the Armenians committed by the Ottoman Empire was nothing but genocide. Here, the speaker does not set out to influence the listener by inflaming his/her wounds, which are still fresh. His speech is based on the truth he has arrived at after his own examination of the historical facts (as a person who has studied this problem). The use of idiom (to call a spade a spade) in this speech is of core importance. On the one hand, it confirms that the word genocide is the most appropriate in the light of evaluation of the events as such, and on the other hand, it implies a plea to leave political considerations aside and to call the phenomenon of the Armenian Genocide by the word that equates to it internationally, i.e. genocide. The text presented below is the appeal of 68 professionals representing various spheres of activity sent to the Swedish Parliament in 2008.

The Armenian Genocide, which also engulfed the Assyrians, Pontic Greeks and other minorities in the Ottoman Empire, began more than nine decades ago in 1915, but this issue gains added urgency the longer that denial of the crime continues. The genocide, or “extermination” as it was labeled by the international media and diplomatic corps, was an estab-

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lished fact for the world community. During the brief postwar period following the defeat of Turkey in 1918 until the rise of the Turkish Nationalist movement led by Mustafa Kemal, the annihilation of the Armenians was discussed openly. Turkish court martial tribunals tried political and military leaders implicated in “war crimes” and “crimes against humanity”. Several of the accused were found guilty and were sentenced to death or given prison terms. Postwar Turkey passed through a phase similar to that of Germany after World War II. During these proceedings the truth about the persecution of the minorities in the Ottoman Empire was brought to light with horrifying details. The process did not last long, however. The rise of the Turkish Nationalist movement ad rejection of the Sultan’s government ultimately led to the disbanding of the tribunals and the release of most of the accused. Almost all of the remaining Christian population – Armenian, Assyrian and Greek – was then cleansed from their homelands of several millennia. Much of the court data and protocols disappeared, and Turkey entered a period of trying to erase all traces of Armenian existence in Anatolia and the historic Armenian plateau to the east. Nine decades later, the once called “forgotten genocide” is no longer forgotten and warrants growing attention among academic and political circles. It is seen as a prototype of mass killing in the twentieth century and can be viewed as one of the most successful campaigns of genocide and ethnic cleansing in all history. The victimization of the Armenians extended to the Assyrian, Greek, Yezidi and even Kurdish population , which was subjected to extensive “social engineering” through forced relocation and resettlement. As it happened, the Turkish beneficiaries of an “Armenia without Armenians” and, despite worldwide pledges and promises to punish the perpetrators, escaped any responsibility for the crime. Today, Turkey implements an active campaign of denial. Silence and passivity on the part of the world community, including Sweden, can only aid an abet this campaign. All the arguments relating to the need to further research or lack of consensus among scholars are spurious. The archives of every major country in Europe leave no doubt about the campaign of annihilation which occurred under the cover of a world conflict. The denialist arguments are all politically motivated and have nothing to do with the historical record. They are more credible than those of Holocaust deniers such as Robert Faurisson, David Irving , Willis Carto, and Ernst Zundel. Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term genocide in the 1940s and was the principal author of the U.N. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, was deeply aware of the Armenian calamity and the failure of the international community to intercede or at least to punish the authors of the genocide. Recent research has demonstrated how deeply he was affected by the absence of effective internation-

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al machinery to intervene at the times. He was also troubled by the persecution and massacres of the Assyrians in Iraq during the 1930s. What is more, newly conducted research at Uppsala University confirms that the Swedish Foreign Department and Government, through the reports of Ambassador Per Gustaf August Cosswa Anckarsvard’s and Military Attache Einar af Wirsen, were well aware of the annihilation that was occurring in the Ottoman Empire. Today Sweden is internationally regarded as a champion of human rights. It is incumbent on the Swedish authorities to live up to this reputation and to reject any compromise with negationism and denial. The Swedish Government should attempt to assist Turkey to become a better democracy by facing its history and acknowledging the truth, not by continuing to stagger in the darkness of self-deception and pretense. Today, the data and information about the Genocide are so extensive that no serious politician can honestly cite insufficient or inconclusive research as an excuse to avoid recognition. Refusal to recognize established fact based on qualitative and quantitative research may be regarded as being tantamount to denial. The researchers have done their job in establishing the reality of the Armenian Genocide. Now, the turn has come for the political leaders to fulfill their responsibility by recognizing this calamity for what it was. The signatories of this letter do not consider there is any doubt that the massacres of Christians and other minorities in the Ottoman Empire during the World War I constituted genocide. Even though research must and will continue, the existing information is compelling and must be acknowledged as such 16.

This appeal, based on documentary data, is meant to voice the firm belief of the signatories that the recognition of the Armenian Genocide is the most honest, just and indeed the only way to avoid the necessity of finding an excuse for turning a blind eye to what the world community now regards without doubt as an established truth. It is also the best way to help Turkey put an end to its decades of self-deception, to evaluate its history as it is and to move more steadily towards democratization. Post-war Turkey witnessed a few attempts at consideration and condemnation of the most dreadful and awesome persecutions, carried out by the Ottoman Empire in ways beyond human imag- ining, labeling them war crimes. However, the process did not last long. With the Turkish Nationalists gaining more power, the courts were closed, many of the convicts were set free and many of the court protocols and documents reflecting the truth disappeared. But are we aware of the fact that Armenians were not the only nation sacrificed on the altar of Turkey? There were also Assyrians, Greeks, Yezidis and even Kurds. Moreover, the truth is that despite the pledges and promises the international community gave to the people of Armenia, the crime remained unpunished. Today Turkey has launched an even stricter campaign of genocide denial. Silence and passivity will only encourage this campaign of lies. And all the arguments about lack of agreement in academic circles and the

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need to continue research in order to clarify the issue, are nothing but false and simulat- ed. The archives piled up in different European countries are sufficient to prove that what is labeled a consequence of war was, in fact, a campaign of extermination of an entire nation. The context of the appeal addressed to the Swedish Parliament is of great interest in the sense that almost all the constituents making up the semantic whole of the word genocide (extermination, crime, ethnic cleansing, cleanse from their homelands of several millennia, victimization, forced relocation and resettlement, campaign of annihilation, mass killing, massacre) are introduced through different linguistic units. Despite its apparent informative, documentary nature from the point of view of pragmatics, the passage is not devoid of certain elements typical of public writing, including units with emotive-expressive-evaluative overtones. This is accounted for by the fact that the speech is designed to win over others to the attitude of the Swedish Parliament, to awaken the international community from the deep sleep of indifference towards human destinies, and to arouse a wish to be just and honest in the approach to the question. Apart from the aforementioned units which are of exceptional interest as objects of our study and all carry an inherent negative connotational value, the passage as a whole is drenched with negative evaluative overtones both in its verbal, horizontal context and in the denial of the historical and political events condensed between the lines (i.e. the vertical context) (accused, guilty, sentenced to death, persecution of the minorities, horrifying details, much of the court data and protocols disappeared, a period of trying to erase all traces of Armenian existence in Anatolia, the victimization of the Armenians extended to Assyrian, Greek, Yezidi and even Kurdish population, “social engineering” through forced relocation and resettlement, Turkish authorities became the beneficiaries of an “Armenia without Armenians”, …. escaped any responsibility for the crime, etc.) The use of the word combination social engineering which also has a terminological value, should be singled out for having no connection with the general context. 17 It creates a kind of stylistic contrast with the help of the trope of enantiosemy and acquires an obvious ironical meaning. The role of inverted commas in the realization of this stylistic device of irony should also be noted. The pragmatic goal of the authors’ intention is made clear through the combination of all these linguostylistic devices, which are intended to present the true picture of the genocide committed at the very start of the 20 th century and to show the abhorrence of such anti-human acts by the progressive peoples of the world. The supporters of the appeal hold to a firm belief that the Swedish Parliament will find a place among those representatives of progressive nations. Surely enough, the Swedish Parliament recognized the Armenian Genocide on March 11, 2010, as well as the act of the annihilation of Assyrians and Pontic Greeks, thereby proving the efficiency of this appeal. The word calamity (³Õ»ï) used in this context may be characterized as a lexical unit with an extremely general and non-differentiated semantic meaning. From a study of the wide array of synonyms of calamity in dictionaries of English synonyms 18 (1. trouble, distress, misfortune, misery, unhappiness, affliction; 2. referring to an instance of what is calamitous: trouble, misfortune, misery, distress, disaster /implying unforeseen

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and adverse forces/, catastrophe /with implications of finality/, blow, scourge /implies severe and continued calamity/; curse/spec./ fatality) the following conclusion may be drawn: although any tragedy or evil, including wars, massacres and devastations may be termed a disaster in the broadest sense, 19 the word calamity appears unable to convey the global meaning of the Armenian Genocide in all its manifestations.

Conclusion: the adequate English equivalent of yeghern (»Õ»éÝ).

The results of the research may be summed up through the following diagram.

massacre victimization forced relocation race murder mass killing (crime) of children and (crime) slaughter (crime) grown ups ethnic cleansing (crime) (crime) (crime)

annihilation of a race racial carnage (crime) extermination (crime) (crime)

destruction destruction of reli- of language gion, culture (crime) genocide (crime) yeghern

Hence, the study of the word yeghern (»Õ»éÝ) in Armenian and the examination of its semantic, stylistic and pragmatic fields of equivalence in English at both language and speech levels reveal that the English equivalent for the Armenian word yeghern is genocide – the only unit acknowledged internationally and used within the scope of international law. 20

Notes:

1. See Guy de Maupassant, Etude prefacant le livre Lettre à George Sand; par Gustave Flaubert. Paris: G. Charpentier et Cie; 1884. http://flaubert.univ.rouen.fr/bovary_ 6/temoins/guy2.html 2. The qualification offered by Toumanian is quite well-known. See R. Ishkhanyan, Arevelahay banasteghtsutyan lezvi patmutyun (The history of the language of Eastern Armenian poetry). Yerevan: Yerevan University Press, 1978. 3. See Paruyr Sevak, Sayat Nova. Yerevan, 1987, p.136. In the poetic speculations of Razmik Davoyan “Gishakerneri, antaghandneri strukn e Bary/ Na Hantcharin e

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miayn havasar” (The word is a slave of beasts, the untalented/ It is equal only to the Genius). R. Davoyan, Bary (The Word)// Meghrahats. Yerevan: Hayastan Press, 1973, p. 15. 4. Hr. Acharyan, Hayeren armatakan bararan (Fundamental Etymological Dictionary of the Armenian Language). Yerevan: Yerevan University Press, 1973, Vol.2, p.17. 5. See A.I. Smirnickij, Khrestomatiya po istorii anglijskogo jazyka. Moscow: Literatury na inostrannykh jazykakh Publ., 1953, p. 160. 6. See A. Suqiasyan, Hayots lezvi homanishneri batsatrakan bararan (Explanatory Dictionary of Armenian Synonyms). 2nd edition, Yerevan, YSU Press, 2009, p. 264. 7. For thorough examination of the word yeghern see P. Meitikhanyan, Yeghern bari lezvakan qnnutyn (Linguistic analysis of the word yeghern), Pan-Armenian journal Vem: Yerevan, 2009, No. 1(26), p. 144-147. 8. See M. Guyumtchean, Yndardzak bararan hayerene angleren (Armenian-English Extended Dictionary). Peyrut: Atlas, also N. Baratyan et al., Armenian-English Dictionary. Yerevan: Macmillan Armenia, 2002. 9. The following explanatory dictionaries have been used in the article: The Concise English Dictionary (COD). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976; The Heritage Illustrated Dictionary of the English Language (HIDEL). New York, 1973; Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (LDCE). G.B.: Longman Group, 1978; The Oxford Dictionary of Law (ODL). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 4th ed., 1997; The Oxford English Dictionary (OED). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961- 1970, V. II; Webster’s New World Dictionary (WNWD). Cleveland & New York: The World Publishing Comp., 1951; Webster’s Third New International Dictionary (WTNID). Springfield, Mass.: Merriam-Webster Inc., 1981. 10. In 1944 the US saw the publication of Axis Rule in Occupied Europe by Lemkin in which the author came up with a thorough and detailed legal analysis of the policy of the Nazi Germany during World War II. The work is also noted for the scrupu- lous examination and further addition to the comments on the term genocide. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genocide 11. In the present convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group as such: a/ killing members of the group; b/ causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; c/ deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; d/ imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; e/ forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. (See Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Article II). 12. See O.S. Akhmanova, Slovar’ lingvisticheskikh terminov. Moscow, Sovetskaya Entsiklopediya Press, 1966. 13. See A. I. Smirnitskij, Ob’yektivnost’ sushchestvovaniya yazika. Moscow, MGU, 1954. 14. www.genocide1915.info/quotes/

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15. http://www.genocide-museum.am/eng/quotations.php 16. itwasgenocide.armenica.org 17. The WTNID English Dictionary interprets the terminological combination of “social engineering” as manipulation of human resources to affect the role and the function human beings have in society. 18. See Webster’s New Dictionary of Synonyms. Springfield, Mass.: Mirriam-Webster Inc. Publishers, 1984; Sturges, Allen, Synonyms and Antonyms. Maud Publication, 1994. 19. See Ed. Aghayan, Ardi hayereni batsatrakan bararan (Explanatory Dictionary of Contemporary Armenian). Yerevan: Hayastan Press, 1976, Vol. 1. 20. The present research allows us to conclude that when uttering the phrase “the Medz Yeghern” in his speech on April 24, 2009, referring to the events carried out in the Ottoman Empire in 1915, the US President Barack Obama was well aware of the equivalence of these units/ http://www,whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/ The logically grounded development of this event, must naturally, be the application of the term genocide which in the domain of international law seems to be the only established term.

ºÕ»éÝ μ³éÇ Ñ³Ù³ñÅ»ùáõÃÛ³Ý ¹³ßïÁ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝáõÙ

Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ ùÝÝáõÃÛ³Ý ¿ ³éÝíáõÙ Ñ³Û»ñ»Ý »Õ»éÝ μ³éÇ Ã³ñ·Ù³Ý³Ï³Ý ³Ý· É» - ñ»Ý ï³ñμ»ñ³ÏÝ»ñÇ ¨ ¹ñ³Ýó ÇÙ³ëï³ ÛÇÝ Ñ³Ù³å³ï³ëË³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ËÝ¹ÇñÁ: ºÉ- Ý»Éáí É»½í³μ³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»ç ÑÇÙÝ³ ñ³ñ ³ñÅ»ù áõÝ»óáÕ É»½áõ/Ëáëù Ñ³Ï³ ¹ñ³ ÙÇ - ³ëÝáõÃÛ³Ý ¹ñáõÛÃÇó` Ñ»ÕÇÝ³ÏÁ ùÝÝáõÙ ¿ ïíÛ³É μ³éÁ ÙÇ ÏáÕÙÇó áñå»ë É»½í³Ï³Ý Ñ³Ù³Ï³ñ·Ç ÙÇ³íáñ, ÙÛáõë ÏáÕÙÇó áñå»ë Ï»Ý¹³ÝÇ Ù³ñ¹Ï³ÛÇÝ ËáëùáõÙ áñáß³ÏÇ ¹ÇÝ³ÙÇ½Ùáí ûÅïí³Í ¨ á×³Ï³Ý áõ ·áñÍ³μ³Ý³Ï³Ý ÇÙ³ëï³ÛÇÝ »ñ³Ý·Ý»ñáí Ñ³ ·»ó³Í ï³ññ: Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ »Õ»éÝ μ³éÇ ùÝÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ É»½íÇ Ù³Ï³ñ¹³ÏáõÙ ÑÇÙÝíáõÙ ¿ μ³½Ù³ÃÇí μ³ó³ïñ³Ï³Ý, ÑáÙ³Ýß³ÛÇÝ ¨ »ñÏÉ»½íÛ³ μ³é³ñ³ÝÝ»ñáõÙ Ý»ñ Ï³Û³óí³Í ïíÛ³ÉÝ»ñÇ íñ³: ²Ûë ÙÇ³íáñÇ ÏÇé³éáõÃÛ³Ý Ëáëù³μ³Ý³Ï³Ý Ûáõñ³Ñ³ïÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ áõëáõÙ - Ý³ ëÇñáõÃÛáõÝÁ ï³ñíáõÙ ¿ 2008 Ãí³Ï³ÝÇÝ ï³ñμ»ñ áÉáñïÝ»ñÇ` Ãíáí 68 Ù³ë Ý³ - ·»ïÝ»ñÇ ÏáÕÙÇó Þí»¹Ç³ÛÇ ËáñÑñ¹³ñ³ÝÇÝ áõÕÕí³Í ÏáãÇ ÑÇÙ³Ý íñ³` ÑáñÇ ½á - Ý³ Ï³Ý ¨ áõÕÕ³ÓÇ· Ñ³Ù³ï»ùëï»ñÇ Ñ³ßí³éáõÙáí: àõëáõÙÝ³ëÇñáõÃÛ³Ùμ Ñ³ëï³ïíáõÙ ¿, áñ ãÝ³Û³Í ³Ûë ÙÇ³íáñÇ É³ÛÝ Ñá Ù³Ýß³ - ÛÇÝ ¹³ßïÇ ³éÏ³ÛáõÃÛ³ÝÁ ÇÝãå»ë Ñ³Û»ñ»ÝáõÙ, ³ÛÝå»ë ¿É ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝáõÙ, »Õ»éÝ μ³ - éÇ Ñ³Ù³å³ï³ëË³Ý Ñ³Ù³ñÅ»ùÝ ³Ý·É»ñ»ÝáõÙ genocide μ³éÝ ¿` 1948 Ãí³Ï³ÝÇó Ç í»ñ ÙÇç³½·³ÛÝáñ»Ý Ñ³ëï³ïí³Í ÙÇ³Ï Ñ³Ù³ñÅ»ù ÙÇ³íáñÁ:

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The Turkification of Toponyms in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey

n August 2009, during his visit to Bitlis, a formerly IArmenian city in the Eastern part of what is now Turkey, Turkish President Abdullah Gul said publicly that the original name of the present-day Gyouroymak province was “Norshin”, which, he claimed, was in Kurdish. 1 This statement should not be considered as a slip of the tongue; it represents traditional Turkish policies of Turkification and Kurdification of original Armenian toponyms. Norshin is purely an Armenian toponym both by its components “Nor”+ “shen”, which mean a new settlement, and its pat- Lusine Sahakyan tern to form place names. All toponyms (villages, settlements, residential areas, etc.) with the component shen are indisputably Armenian as Martunashen, Vasaka shen, Getashen, Vankshen, Hamshen, Verishen and the like. It should be noted that, besides being linguistically stable phenomena, toponyms are valuable also as bearers of historical information. As such, they can have an effect on current ethnopolitical conflicts, if applied with the aim of distorting and manipu- lating the historical evidence. This truly strategic significance of the toponyms has not gone unnoticed: the ruling circles of the Ottoman Empire and those of its successor state, the Republic of Turkey, as once again confirmed by the recent reports in the BBC and the Turkish media, 2 have devised and implemented consistent policies to falsify the origins and appropriate, through various ways and methods, the Armenian toponyms in the territory under their control. The Turkish tribes who settled in various parts of Armenia in the 11-15 th centuries and later the Ottoman authorities were changing ori ginal Armenian place names in several ways. First, they were trans lating their meanings into Turkish such as Tantsout (place with a lot of pear-trees) into Armoudlou, Aghbyurashen (a village of springs) into Kyankendi, Karmrik (based on the word karmir, meaning “red” in Armenian) into Kezelja, Tsaghkadsor (a ravine of flow ers) into Darachichek, etc. Second, some Armenian toponyms, which had already been transformed somewhat from their original shape under the influence of local dialects, were converted to sound like a word with Turkic roots and pronunciation, thus utilizing the principle of contamination. Thus, Armtick (meaning roots in Armenian) was turned to Armoudi, Odzounkhach (a cross+snake) to Ouzounhach, Kyouropaghat (a title which goes back to Latin “curator palatii,” which was given to espe cially Armenian governors by the Byzantine Emperors) to Gyurbaghdi, Karhatavan (settlement where stone in cut) to Karadivan, Jeghopourkents (place with o lot of walnut-trees) to Chopurgentz,3 etc. Third, a widely spread method of distortion was to give new names to old settle-

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ments in an attempt to bury their ethnic affiliation in oblivion.4 Even Christian Armenian sanctuaries were given new names. Thus, the famous Armenian monastery Varagavank was renamed Yedikiliseh (meaning seven churches in Turkish), while the Holy Echmiadzin, the center of Armenian Church, where the Supreme Armenian Catholicos resided, was turned into Ouchkiliseh (three churches). According to our estimates, several dozens of settlements have been named by the word kiliseh or Gharakiliseh (black church) in both Western and Eastern Armenia. Fourth, the attempts to give Turkish etymological explanations to the Armenian toponyms represented yet another method of Turkish appropriation campaign. Such faulty experiments were carried out, in particular, by Evliya Celebi, the Ottoman court historian of the 17 th century, whose interpretations have often served as basis for modern Turkish scholars. Here is an example. In his Book of Travels (Seya hat name), the old Armenian place name Bayberd or Baberd (which through dialectal and foreign lexical influences has undergone sound changes and consequently was pronounced as Baybourd) is ety mo lo gically explained as bay (meaning rich in Turkish) + yourd (settlement in Turkish).5 In fact, this name in cludes two ancient Armenian components Bay + berd, which respectively mean a den or an impregnable shelter and a strong- hold or a fortress. As an ancient fortress, Baberd was mentioned by Movses Khorenatsi as early as in the 5 th century.6 Place names with the ending “berd” have been scattered throughout Armenia, as Tsamakaberd, Amberd, Vzhna berd, Kharberd, Baghaberd, etc.7 Evliya Celebi went further to “reveal” that the original Armenian river name of Jorokh is a distorted form of the Turkish Joui-rouh, which according to him means “the river of the soul”.8 In fact, the name Jorokh originates from the Armenian verb tsorel- tsorogh (flowing) in which the initial ts has been transformed to j through sound interchange, a phenomenon peculiar to the Arme nian language, as in tsanatsel > janachel, and tskhni > jkhni.9 Evliya Chelebi links to the Persians the name of the town Zarishat,10 which was actually built by the Armenian royal dynasty of the Orontids (570 BC – 200 BC). He derives the town name of Akn from the name of a Byzantine princess Egin; 11 however, Akn is a purely Armenian word meaning eye, spring or pit. 12 In the place name of Pertek, which is a dialectal deformation of the original Berdak (a small fortress), Celebi tries to find the Mongolian equivalent for the word eagle.13 It is irrefutable that all the above-mentioned toponyms and others in Armenia have been recorded in historical sources far too earlier than any Turkic or Kurdish elements appeared on the Armenian Highland, which they gradually did only from the 11 th century on wards. The “corrections” introduced by Celebi were by no means innocent etymological verbosities, but pursued the far-reaching goals of Ottomanizing the newly occupied territories. Evliya Chelebi was a state official, who also participated in Ottoman expansionist invasions. Thus, his etimological explanations had clear geopolitical motives. Around the middle of the 19 th century Turkish authorities decided not only to dis-

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tort or change the names of Armenian provinces, regions and villages, but also to eliminate altogether the name Arme nia. This policy was pursued especially after the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878, when the Armenian Question was included into the agenda of international diplomacy and European powers started ex ploiting it to derive various concessions from Turkey. The government of Sultan Abdul Hamid II substituted the name Armenia with such terms as Kurdistan or Anatolia, fallaciously. Starting from 1880 the name Armenia was forbidden to be used in official documents.14 The Sublime Porte thus wanted to make everyone believe that the Armenian Question did not exist: if there was no Armenia, then there was no Armenian Question. The historians are familiar with the plan of solving the Armenian Question with the assistance of England put forward by Kyamil Pa sha, the pro-British Ottoman Grand Vizier and Commander-in-chief during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II:

“If in Europe we have warmed a serpent (i.e. the Balkan peoples – L.S.) in our bosom, we should not do the same in Asian Turkey. Common sense tells us to do away with all these elements that can pose the same threats to us in the future and become the cause and a tool of foreign interference. Now, today, at least Britain’s interests demand that our territories in Asia Minor be safe from foreign med dling and all sources that may give others a pretext to meddle in our affairs. We, as well as the British not only do not recognize the word “Armenia”, but we must smash to smithereens all jaws which dare to pronounce that word. To reach our sacred goal it is therefore imperative and the state law demands [from us] to make any suspi cious elements unfit, sweep forever from the face of the earth this Armenian nation, to annihilate them recklessly and for good” (the empha sis is mine – L.S.).15

By deliberately distorting them, the Ottoman authorities were ascribing Armenian and Greek place names to a Turkish or Kurdish origin. At that stage, the Kurdish ethnic factor was used by the Ottoman rulers, for the Kurds were not yet viewed as a threat to the Otto man Empire. Taking advantage of their religious fanaticism, in the 1890s Sultan Abdul Hamid, who was also known as “the father of the Kurds” (Bavê Kurda),16 organized the Armenian massacres through the Hamidiye regiments formed by Kurdish brigands and the regular Turkish army soldiers. During Abdul Hamid’s reign all Turkish and Kurdish resettlements were given new names, which were the names of nomadic tribes or various Ottoman sultans such as Hamidiye, Reshidiye, Azi ziye, Mahmoudiye, etc. This policy became especially manifested du ring the reign of the Young Turks in 1908-1918. The government of Young Turks also attached great importance to the changing of “non-Muslim” place names. They replaced many toponyms, some named after the Ottoman Sultans, with their own names such as Enveriye, Shevketiye, Mahmoutshevket-Pasha and the like.17 The “Resolution About the Resettlement of

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Refugees” (“Iskân-I Muhacirin Nizamnamesi”), a document adopted on May 13, 1913,18 served the specific Young Turk policy of total Turkification . The next step was made by Enver Pasha, the Young Turks’ Mi nister of War, on January 5, 1916.19 Enver Pasha’s decree sent to the Turkish military-political autho rities demanded that all place names of Armenian, Greek, Bulgarian and other non-Muslim origins in the Ottoman Empire be transformed into Turkish ones.20 Below is the translation of his Decree (Emir name):

DECREE

1. It is important to change into Turkish all names of provin ces, regions, villages, mountains and rivers belonging to Arme nian, Greek, Bulgarian and other non-Muslim peoples. Making use swiftly of this favorable moment, we beseech your help in carrying out this order. 2. Cooperating with military commanders and administrative personnel within the boundaries of your jurisdiction, respective lists of name changes should be formed of provinces, regions, villages, etc. and be forwarded to military headquarters as soon as possible. After being studied and approved, these lists of proposed changes should be sent to the Ministry of the Interior and the Communications Ministry for generalization and implementation. 3. It is imperative that the new names reflect the history of our hard- working, exemplary and praise-worthy military. The glorified events of our present and past war experiences should, by all means, be mentioned. In case this is not possible, names of those who had highly moral principles and who have fallen rendering invaluable services to their country should be remembered; or names should be found that are appropriate to the given area’s specific crop, product, trade or geographical situation. Last but not least, teachers at schools in different parts of our Fatherland should find appropriate topics to teach about the given territory’s glorious history, climate, crop, trade and culture. It should be borne in mind that any sudden change of a conventional name into an inconvenient or improper one may bring about the continuation of using the old name by the population. Therefore, new names should be chosen taking all this into consideration. In case such principles cannot be observed, then Ereghli, for exam - p le, should be turned into Erikli or Erakli, Gallipoli into Veliboli in order to maintain the roots of old names.

Enver, Deputy Commander-in-Chief, 23 Kanun-i Evvel, 1331 [=5 January 1916]

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Inspired by Enver’s decree, the prominent military officer Huse yin Avni (Alparslan) Bey, the author of several articles about the Turkish language and culture, wrote: “If we want to be the owner of our country, then we should turn even the name of the smallest village into Turkish and not leave its Armenian, Greek or Arabic variants. Only in this way can we paint our country with its colors.” 21 As we see, he even goes a step further than his minister by suggesting that Arabic place names also undergo changes. Enver Pasha’s decree mentioned only “Armenian, Greek, Bulgarian and other non-Muslim peoples”. This testifies to the fact that during the Ottoman period, when the Sultan was considered the spiritual head (Caliph) of all Muslims, the Arabic and Kurdish toponyms were not yet regarded as threatening to the authorities. However, it should be remembered that the overwhelming majority of the names of places where the Kurds moved in Western Armenia were Armenian in origin with, at times, some aspects of local dialectal or foreign linguistic influences. After the Armenian Genocide, these toponyms have been attributed to Kurds. During the war, the Armenian, Greek, Bulgarian and Aramaic toponyms were the first to be turned into Turkish.22 A few examples will suffice to illustrate this process: in Bursa, the Antranos caza was turned into Orhanelli, Mikhalich was renamed Karajabey, the village Dimitri into Touran, the Rum village in Chorum into Yeni (new) Chamlejay; in Hamshen, the Armenian toponyms of Yeghnahovit (Elevit) was turned into Yaylakyolu, Vardanots into Gyullyu, Hamshen-i Sufla into Srakoy, Metsahor into Kaptanpasha,23 etc.; in Baberd, Aryutska (from the Armenian aryuts- lion) was renamed Gyokpnar, Ashotka into Gyuvenjirdere, Balahor into Akshar, Tandzut into Bughdayli, Ishkhandzor into Devtash.24 Numerous examples could be added to this list. But a few months later, on June 15, 1916 the Ottoman Military Headquarters disapproved of these changes, arguing that on the new maps these new names were causing confusion in military correspondence.25 Having been deprived of its original population, Western Armenia continues to lose, along with many other historical and cultural values, its centuries-old Armenian place names. They are being de clared as Kurdish or Turkish. Haroun Tuncel, a Turkish historian, has admitted that “One cannot find in Turkey a scientific work that would deal with the origins of ancient toponyms for the simple reason that the person undertaking such an arduous task should be knowledgeable of the local dialects of several languages, including Persian, Arabic, Armenian, Zaza, Kourmanji, Assyrian- Aramaic, Sumerian and Akkadian… for any name considered Kurdish may well be either Sumerian, Akkadian or Turkish and any name considered Turkish may be either Arabic, Armenian or Akkadian in its origin”. 26 In an article, titled “28,000 toponyms were changed. Nobody knows which one comes from which language”, 27 Ş. Türker has included among Kurdish names such indisputably Armenian toponyms as Van, Antep (Aintap),28 Kharpet (Kharberd), Erzingan (Erzinjan

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Kemah (Kamakh), Ispir (Sper), Zaroushat (Zarishat), Artemetan (Artamed), Erdish (Arjesh), Zedkan (Zatkan), Tatos, Egin (Akn), Toukh, Keban (Kapan), Siverek (Sev Averak), Jirmik (Jermik), Sert (Sghert), Erkhvan-Argouvan (Argavan), and even Erzeroum (Erzroum< Erzen-el-Rum

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The Turkish historian Ayse Hyur writes that during the reign of the Democratic Party ugly, humiliating, insulting or derisive names, even if they were Turkish, were subjected to changes. Village names with lexical components meaning red (kizil), bell (çan), church (kilise) were all changed. To do away with “separatist notions”, the Arabic, Persian, Armenian, Kurdish, Georgian, Tatar, Circassian, and Laz village names were also changed.34 From 1981 to 1983, the names of settlements on the Eastern and Western parts of the Black Sea also underwent changes. Bilir, the author of “Let Tunceli Be Named Dersim”, in an article published in the August 19, 2009 issue of “Bir Gun” daily, writes that, besides giving new names to the settlements, the Turkish autho rities altered also the phonetic pronunciations of those old names to make them sound like Turkish words, as, for instance, Chinchiva to Shenyouva. This method of changing a toponym, as has already been mentioned previously, was suggested by Enver Pasha as early as 1916: “…change Ereghli into Erikli or Erakli, Gallipoli into Velipolou in order to maintain the old name roots” 35. This phenome non, however, has deeper roots. Similar cases of Ottomanization- Turkification of Armenian toponyms were present in the 16 th century Ottoman Geographical Registers.36 It is ironic to note that in the ongoing process of turning the so called Kurdish toponyms into Turkish ones some toponyms have been restored to their imaginary old Turkish versions, which are actually ancient and medieval Armenian place names. Thus Pertag (Berd+ak) has been renamed Pertek, al leged ly its old Turkish name, Esper (Sper)>Ispir, Erdekhan >Arda han, Shakh>Shatakh, Kers>Kars, Zedkan>Elishkirt, which is the phone tically deformed variant of Alashkert Keghi, in both of which we have the word Gyugh-Gegh me an ing village, Guimguim>Vardo, etc.37 Gul’s statement in Bitlis about Norshin 38 had controversial reper cussions among the country’s various political parties. Devlet Bahçeli, the leader of the opposition National Movement Party in parti cular, criticized Gul for it. Prime Minister Erdogan responded reminding Bahçeli that Manazkert, for example, was an Armenian toponym. “Are you more patriotic than Alparslan? Mustafa Kemal didn’t change the name Ankara when he made it the capital of the country. The name Ankara is of Latin origin. Are you saying you are more patriotic than Mustafa Kemal?” asked Erdogan.39 We believe this admission by Turkey’s Prime Minister should be attributed to the Turkish authorities’ desire to evade an awkward situation and show the world that they are democratic and open-minded. Besides, the statement might have been made to deter the Kurdish territorial claims. Modern Turkish historiography has greatly contributed and supported this systematic program of changing, distorting and appropriating “non-Muslim” toponyms in Turkey. Upon the publication of the works of chroniclers and archival materials of the earlier period of the Ottoman Era, Turkish historians have made use of their rich stock of falsifications and have distorted Armenian toponyms en masse.40 Armenia or Ermenistan have been coarsely and retroactively replaced by Eastern Anatolia. The following highlights one such example. In his “Jihan Numa” Kyatib Celebi, a famous Ottoman chronicler of the 17th century, had a special chapter, titled

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“About the Country Called Armenia”. When, however, this book was repub lished in 1957 its modern Turkish editor H. Selen changed this title into “Eastern Anatolia”.41 The fact, however, is that Armenia together with its boundaries was unequivocally mentioned in the works of Ottoman historians and chroniclers. An excerpt from the said chapter of Kyatib Celebi’s Jihan Numa illustrates clearly the falsifications of modern Turkish historians:

Hamdullah says. The Armenia vilayet consists of two parts – Greater and Lesser. ...Greater Armenia extends well into Iran and is known by the name of Touman Akhlat. It borders the Lesser Armenia, Rum, Diarbekir, Kurdistan, Azarbaijan 42 and Aran. Its length covers the area from Erzen- el-Rum (Erzurum) to Salmas, while its width – from Aran to the end of Akhlat vilayet. Its capital is Akhlat. In my opinion Greater Armenia at present consists of the Van and Erzurum vilayets, while Lesser Armenia – of Adana and Marash eyalets. In the Takvim-el-Bouldan,43 the following cities are mentioned in Armenia: Elbistan,44 Adana, Arjesh, Azarbaijan, Bitlis, Barda, Bilekan, Tiflis, Akhlat, Debil, Sultaniye, Sis, Tarsus, Malatia, Van, Vostan, Moush, Erzen-el-Rum and Malazkert.45

While Celebi mentioned only part of the territory of Armenia,46 the fact that the Ottoman historian admitted the existence of Armenia as a country speaks for itself. Armenia is referred to by other Ottoman authors of the 17 th century as well. The official court historian Evliya Celebi mentions it as Armenistan. 47 Munejjim Basi,48 another Turkish historian of the same century, also wrote about the vast country of Armenia, includ ing into it the cities of Kherd Bert (i.e. Kharberd – L.S.), Erzinkan, Moush, Egin (Akn), Melazjerd (i.e. Manazkert), Bitlis, Akhlat, Arjesh, Vostan, Shirvan and the capital Debil (i.e. Dvin).49 From the descrip tions of these historians, it becomes evident that in the 17 th cen tury official Ottoman historiography recognized the exis tence of the occupied Greater Armenia, and acknowledged it by its interna- tionn ally accepted name of Armenia (Ermenistan), while Ci li cia with its Adana and Marash eyalets was recognized by them as Lesser Armenia. Thus, in the 17 th century when the Armenian Question was not as yet included into the agenda of international diplo ma cy, the terms Anatolia or Eastern Anatolia were never used to indicate Ar me - nia. Furthermore, the “Islamic World Map” of the 16 th cen tury 50 and other Ottoman maps of the 18 th and 19 th centuries have clearly indicated Armenia (Ermenistan) on a specific territory as well as its cities.51 are clearly differentiated in the map ( لوطانا) and Anatolia (ناتسنمرا) Armenia published in Istanbul in 1803-1804 (see Map 1).52 The Ottoman authors were using the term Armenia till the end of the 19 th century. One example is Osman Nuri, the historian of the second half of the 19 th century, who mentions Armenia repeatedly in his three-volume “Abdul Hamid and the Period of His Reign.” 53 It is more than obvious that the Ottoman historians and chroniclers in contrast to

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the modern Turkish ones, knew very well Armenia’s location and did not “confuse” it with Anatolia (see Map 2). The word Anatolia means sunrise or east in Greek. This name was given to the Asia Minor peninsula approximately in the 5 th or 4 th centuries B.C. During the Ottoman era the term Anadolou included the north-western vilayet of Asia Minor with Kyotahia as its center. 54 The numerous European, Ottoman, Armenian, Russian, Per- sian, Arabic, Georgian and other primary sources did not confuse the term Armenia with Anatolia. This testifies, inter alia, to the fact that even after the loss of its state- hood the Armenian nation still constituted a majority in its homeland, which was recognized by Ottoman occupiers as well. Therefore, it is very sad to witness today certain Armenian historians of the Diaspora and even diplomats and analysts in Armenia, who have started to substitute the term Western Armenia with that of the ersatz Eastern Anatolia. These people have willingly and submissively undertaken the task of enacting Abdul Hamid’s decree of 1880. Incredibly, some Diasporan historians are even using the term Anatolia to indicate the entire Armenian Highland.55 Even if this ersatz term of Eastern Anatolia has somehow been put into circulation in Western scientific circles under the influence of systematic Turkish lobbying and falsifications and at times also due to the lack of knowledge, it is unacceptable for us, because the substitution of Western Armenia with the term Eastern Anatolia would mean voluntary renunciation of our homeland, rejection of our centuries-old historical and cultural heritage, denial of the Armenian Genocide, burial into oblivion of its consequences and, last but not least, rendering support to the Turkish negationist position towards the rights of the Armenian nation to Western Armenia.56

Conclusion

The Turkish authorities realize that Armenian toponyms are the product of a civilization spanning several millenia civilization and vivid witnesses of the indigenous presence of Armenians in Western Armenia. The extermination of the native population, however, did not stop with the Armenian Genocide; it was followed by the destruction of Armenian historical and cultural heritage, including the Armenian toponyms. The policy of Turkification of toponyms in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey has gone through several stages: 1. Up to the end of the 19 th century, Turkish officials and historians – although they were were appropriating and changing the place names of occupied territories – they still continued to use the names Armenia or Ermenistan. 2. After the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878, when the Armenian Question became an international issue, the Turkification of Armenian as well as other Christian toponyms has been carried out more consistently. 3. This process intensified during the Young Turks and the Kemalist regimes, when a full-scale Turkification policy of toponyms targeted all non-Turkic nations.

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4. Finally, during the present fourth stage, decades after eliminating Western Armenia of its native Armenian population, the Turkish authorities, fearing the potential threat posed by the Kurdish factor, have started to reshape their policy by partially restoring the original Armenian names of certain settlements in order to coun ter their Kurdish variants. However, they try to ascribe Turkish roots to these Armenian toponyms. All this demonstrates that falsification of toponyms has been and still remains an important constituent part of Turkish demographic policies. Toponyms are not only linguistic facts, but also accurate and objective historical evidence. The ancient Armenian place names are explicit and emphatic linguistic evidence, which reveal the entire truth about the true native owners of the Armenian Highland. This is why the protection, maintenance and restoration of Armenian toponyms have invaluable strategic significance today.

Notes:

1. Kadir Konuksever, “Kürt açılımı ve Kürt isimleri”, BBC Türkçe, 12 Ağustos, 2009 (www.bbc.co.uk/turkce/haberler/2009/08/090812_ kurdish_names.shtml). 2. Muradoğlu A., Ahi Mesut ve Norşin.., Yeni şafak, 11.08.2009. Enver Alper Güvelin, Norşin: Psikolojik eşiğin aşılması, Yeni şafak, 16.08.2009. 3. For more details refer to L. Sahakyan’s The Toponyms and Demography of Bardzr Hayk Provinces of Baberd, Sper and Derjan in the 16th century Ottoman Register Books [Bardzr Hayki Baberd, Sper, Derjan gavarneri teghanunnern u zhoghovrda- grutyune XVI dari osmanyan ashkharhagir matyanne¬rum] published by “Lousakn” Publishers, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 235-237, 250, 251, 259, 261. 4. Sahakyan L., Toponyms and Demography, op. cit., pp. 83-84. 5. Celebi, Evliya: Foreign Sources about Armenia and Armenians, Vol. 4, Turkish Sources, Vol. 3, [Otar akhbyurnere Hayastani yev hayeri masin, h. 4, Turkakan aghbyurner, Evliya Celebi] translated into Armenian from the original with a foreword and commentaries by A.Kh. Safrastyan, published by the Arm SSR. Academy of Sciences, 1967, p.127. 6. Movses Khorenatzi, The History of Armenia [Hayots patmutyun], Yerevan, 1999, p. 104. 7. For a detailed etimological analysis of Baberd, see L. Sahakyan’ s above mentioned monograph, pp.130-131. 8. Celebi, Evliya: Foreign Sources… [Otar aghbyurnere…], Vol. 4, p. 127. 9. Ajaryan, H.: Armenian Etymological Dictionary [Hayeren armatakan bararan], Vol. 2, Yerevan, 1973, p. 469. See also New Wordbook of the Haykazyan Language [Nor bargirk haykazean lezvi], Vol. 1, Yerevan, 1981, State University Publ. House, p.1026. 10. Celebi, Evliya: Foreign Sources… [Otar akhbyurnere], Vol. 3, p. 120. 11. Ibid, p.155.

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12. Ajaryan, H. Armenian Etymological Dictionary [Hayeren armatakan bara¬ran], Vol. 1, Yerevan, 1971, State University Publ. Housep. 106-108. 13. Celebi, Evliya: Foreign Sources …[Otar akhbyurnere …], Vol. 4, p. 157. 14. Modern History of Armenia in the Works of Foreign Authors [Novaya istoriya Armenii v trudax sovremennix zarubezhnix avtorov], edited by R. Sahakyan, Yerevan, 1993, p. 15 (in Russian). 15. Tserents, National Survey: The Ottoman Monarchy, Turkish Armenians and Russian Armenians [Azgayin tesutyun, Osmanyan Inknakalutyun, tachkahayk yev rusa- hayk], Pordz, Tpkhis, 1897, N VII-VIII, pp. 204-205. Modern History of Armenia in the Works of Foreign Authors, p.17 (in Russian). 16. Frat N., Vulpes Vulpes Kurdistanica, Günlük, 17.8.2009, (www.gunluk gazetesi.com). 17. Frat N., Ibid. 18. Ayşe Hür, Tez zamanda yer isimleri değiştirile, Taraf , 01.03.2009. 19. Modern Turkish historian Aishe Hyur, writes that the measures taken to systematically change non-Turkish names were sped up during World War I (Bin Yerin İsmi Değişti, Hangi İsim Hangi Dile ait? www. kenthaber. com/Haber/Genel/ Dosya/gun- dem/28-bin- yerin-ismi-değişti). 20. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, Dâhiliye Nezâreti, İUM, nr. 48/17, lef: 2. M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, Enver Paşa, DIA, XI, İstanbul, 1995, ss. 261-264. A. Yüksel, Doğu Karadeniz Araştırmaları, İstanbul, 2005, ss. 21-22. 21. Tirebolulu H. [Huseyin Avni] Alparslan, Trabzon İli Lâz mı? Türk mü?, Giresun, 1339. s. 17. 22. Aramaic Toponyms in Turkey – A Demand of the Aramaean Diaspora, Open Letter to Mr. Beşir Atalay, Interior Minister of Turkey, made public by J. Messo, President of the Syriac Universal Alliance, Stockholm, 18 May, 2009, http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/103515; The Turkification of Cyprus and the Orging of History, www.kypros.org/CyprusPanel/cyprus/ Cproblem.html. 23. Hoşoğlu K., Köylerin Eski İsimleri, Eski İsimler Hakkında bilgiler, Rize Halk Eğitim Yayınları, 2001. 24. Sahakyan L., Toponyms and Demography, op. cit., pp. 136-272. 25. Aktar A, “Yer isimlerini Turkleştirmek…”, Taraf , 23 Ekim, 2009. 26. Türker Ş., 28 bin yerin ismi değişti, Hangi ismin hangi dile ait olduğu bilinmiyor!, Vatan, 16.08.2009, www.esoyle.com/2009/08/30/28-bin-yerin-is¬mi-değişti. 27. Türker Ş., op. cit. 28. The original toponyms are given in parentheses. 29. Türker Ş., op. cit. 30. Soviet Armenian Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, [Haykakan sovetakan hanragitaran], Yerevan, 1974, p. 373. Also A Concise Armenian Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, [Haykakan hamarot hanragitaran], Yerevan, 1990, pp. 192-193. 31. Bilir O., Tunceli, Dersim Olsun Tekilfini Ekimde yeniden, Bir Gün, 2009, 19 Agustos. Refer also to www.birgun.net 32. Bilir O., Ibid

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33. Tunçel H., Türkiye’de İsmi Değiştirilen Köyler, Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, Firat Universitesi, 2000, cilt 10, sayı 2. 34. Türker S., 28 bin yerin ismi değişti..., Vatan, 16 Agustos, 2009. 35. See Yuksel A., Doğu Karadeniz Arastırmaları, İstanbul, 2005, s. 21-22. 36. For the details, see Lusine Sahakyan, Toponyms and Demography of Bardzer Hayk Provinces of Baberd, Sper and Derjan in the 16th century Ottoman Register Books [Bardzr Hayki Baberd. Sper, Derjan gavarneri tekhanunnern u zhokhovrdagrutyune XVI dari osmanyan ashkharhagir matyannerum], pp. 77-108. 37. Bilir O., Tunceli, Dersim Olsun Tekilfini Ekimde yeniden, Bir Gün, 19 Agustos 2009. Refer also to www.birgun.net. 38. Muradoğlu A., A. Mesut ve Norşin.., Yeni Şafak, 11.Ağustos, 2009. Enver Alper Güvelin, Norşin: Psikolojik eşiğin aşılması, Yeni Şafak, 16.08.2009. 39. Erdoğan Bahçeli’ye yeni sert sözlerle yüklendi, Hürriyet, 10 Kasım, 2009. 40. See Sahakyan L., Toponyms and Demography, op. cit., pp. 71-108, 130-135. 41. For details refer to A. Papazyan’s Turkish Documents about Armenia and Armenians (XVI-XIX cc) [Turkakan vaveragrere Hayastani yev hayeri masin (16- 19-rd darer)], Yerevan, 1999, p. 125. 42. Azerbaijan – Atrpatakan, a province of Iran. 43. Takvim-al-Buldan” is the Statistical Data-book of Abul Fida, an Arab historiograph- er and geographer. It served as a source book for Kyatib Celebi (Turkish Sources about Armenia, Armenians and Other Trans-Caucasian Peoples [Turkakan aghbyurnere Hayastani, hayeri yev Andrkovkasi myus zhoghovurdneri masin,, vol. 2, Yerevan, 1964, p. 258). 44. Elbistan-Albistan, a town in Cilicia in the Zeytun caza of the Marash province. 45. Turkish Sources…[Turkakan aghbyurnere…], Vol. 2; Kyatib Celebi, Jihan Nyuma, pp. 29-30. 46. Refer also to A. Papazyan’s Turkish Documents about Armenia and Armenians (XVI-XIX cc) [Turkakan vaveragreri Hayastani yev hayeri masin (16-19-rd dare], pp.112-114, 121-122. 47. Evliya Celebi, Kniga puteshestviya. Predislovie A. P. Grigoreva. Primechania i komentarii A. Grigoreva, A. D. Jeltyakova. Vypusk 2., Izd. Nauka, Moskva, 1979, p. 102 (in Russian). 48. Refer to Munejjim Basi: [Turkish Sources…], vol. 2, p.183. 49. Ibid., pp. 199-200. In Arabic and Turkish sources the toponym Dvin has been distorted and written in various ways like Debil (refer to Vol. 2 of Dictionary of Toponyms of Armenia and the Adjacent Regions, Yerevan, 1988, p. 68) Douin, Dabil, Adabin and Douviy (refer to S. Vardanyan’s The Capitals of Armenia [Hayastani mayrakaghaknere], Yerevan, 1995, p. 109.) 50. The Islamic World Map was drawn in the 1570s. Its diameter is 28.5 cm, and it is kept in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, manusc. Var.317 f9v-10r (Refer to R. Galchian’s Armenia in World Cartography, Yerevan, 2005, p.148. 51. The Second Map of the Mediterranean Region (reprinted in R. Galchian, ibid., p. 228).

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52. Asian Turkey was printed in 1803/1804. Size: 72x54 cm, British Library, London- OIOC 14999, vol. 2 (2), f.18. The second map in The Mediterranean Region, size: 80x58 cm, British Library, London-OIOC 14999, V. 2 (2), f. 5.,”The Ottoman Country”, published in 1867, size: 42x29 cm, The British Library, London-Maps 42.d.1, f.2 (Refer to R. Galchian’s monograph, ibid. pp. 226, 246). 53. The Turkish Sources [Turkakan aghbyurner]. Vol. 4. Transl. from the original by A. Kh. Safrastyan and G. H. Santurjyan. Yerevan, 1972, pp. 126, 131, 133, 136, 165, 167, 172, 175, 180, 184, 188, 190. 54. Soviet Armenian Encyclopedia [Haykakan sovetakan hanragitaran], vol.1, Yerevan, 1974, p. 373. For details about Turkish attempts to change the place name of “Western Armenia” with that of “Eastern Anatolia” see Zograbyan L.N., [Orfografia Armyanskogo Nagoriya], Yerevan, 1979, p. 14-15. See also E. Danielyan’s article titled Issues of Ancient Armenian History in Historiology [Hin Hayastane pat- mutyan hayetsakargayin himnahartsere patmagrutyan mej], published in Patma- banasirakan Handes (Historico-Philological Magazine), 2003, N3, pp. 30-37, as well as his article titled Armenia and Armenian Geographical Names: A Scientific Assignment to Protect the Armenian Natural and Historical Environment [Hayastann u haykakan teghanunnere, hayots bnapatmakan mijavayri pashtpanutyan gitakan ara- jadrank], published in VEM, Yerevan, 2009, N1, pp. 13-15. 55. Ronald Grigor Suny, Looking Toward Ararat: Armenia in Modern History, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1993. The Armenian People from Ancient to Modern Times, Vol. 1, New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1997, pp. 22, 26, 37. Ayvazyan A.: The History of Armenia as Presented in American Historiography, a critical survey, Yerevan, 1998, pp. 37-40. 56. Refer to Armen Ayvazyan’s Western Armenia vs. Eastern Anatolia, Europe and Orient (Journal of the Institute Tchobanian, Paris), No. 4, 2007.

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êáõÛÝ Ñá¹í³ÍÇ ßñç³Ý³ÏáõÙ ùÝÝáõÃÛ³Ý ¿ »ÝÃ³ñÏíáõÙ úëÙ³ÝÛ³Ý Ï³Ûñáõ- ÃÛáõÝáõÙ ¨ Ð³Ýñ³å»ï³Ï³Ý ÂáõñùÇ³ÛáõÙ áã Ù³ÑÙ»¹³ Ï³Ýï»Õ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ãáõñù³óÙ³Ý ù³Õ³ù³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ù»Ãá¹Ý»ñÁ, ÷áõÉ»ñÁ: î»Õ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÁ, ÉÇÝ»Éáí É»½í³Ï³Ý Ï³ÛáõÝ ÷³ëï»ñ, ³ñÅ»ù³íáñ ÝÛáõÃ »Ý Ù³ïáõóáõÙ ï»Õ³Ýí³Ý³·Ç- ïáõÃÛ³ÝÁ, μ³ñμ³ é³·ÇïáõÃÛ³ÝÁ, ³½ ·³· ñáõÃÛ³ÝÁ, å³ïÙáõÃÛ³ÝÝ áõ ³ßË³ñ- Ñ³·ñáõÃÛ³ÝÁ: î»Õ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÁ Ý³¨ Ï³ñ¨áñ É»½í³Ï³Ý ÷³ëï»ñ »Ý ïíÛ³É μÝ³- Ï³í³ÛñÇ ³½ ·³ ÛÇÝ å³ïÏ³Ý»ÉÇáõÃÛáõÝÁ, ÅáÕáíñ¹³· ñáõÃÛáõÝÁ Ñ³ëï³ï»Éáõ Ñ³Ù³ñ: àõëïÇ, Ãáõñù³Ï³Ý μáÉáñ Å³Ù³Ý³ÏÝ»ñÇ ÇßË³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ß³ï É³í Ñ³ëÏ³Ý³Éáí ï»Õ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÇ é³½Ù³í³ñ³Ï³Ý ³ñÅ»ùÁª Ñ³Ù³Ï³ñ·í³Í Ó¨áí ÷áË»É, ³Õ³í³Õ»É, Ï³Ùμ³Õ³ñÏáõÃÛ³Ý¨ Ã³ñ·Ù³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ÙÇçáóÝ»ñáí ÷áñÓ»É »Ý Ûáõñ³óÝ»É Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý, ÑáõÝ³Ï³Ý, ³ëáñ³Ï³Ý, É³½³Ï³Ýï»Õ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÁª ¹ñ³Ýó í»ñ³·ñ»Éáí Ãáõñù³Ï³Ý, »ñμ»ÙÝ ¿Éª ùñ¹³Ï³Ý Í³·áõÙ: Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ ³ é³-

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çÇÝ ³Ý·³Ù ûëÙ³Ý»ñ»ÝÇó Ã³ñ·Ù³Ý³μ³ñ Ý»ñ³Ï³Û³óíáõÙ ¿ 1916Ã. ÑáõÝí³ñÇ 5-ÇÝ ¾Ýí»ñ ÷³ ß³ÛÇª ï»Õ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ãáõñù³óÙ³Ý Ù³ëÇÝ Ññ³Ù³Ý³·ÇñÁ, áñÁ Ð³Ûáó ó»Õ³ëå³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý Ñ»ïù»ñÁ í»ñ³óÝ»ÉáõÝ áõÕÕí³Í ÙÇ ÷³ ï³ÃáõÕÃ ¿: Ðá¹í³ÍáõÙ Ý³¨ ùÝÝáõÃÛ³Ý ¿ »ÝÃ³ñÏí»É Ãáõñù³Ï³Ý ÇßË³ÝáõÃÛáõÝ»ñÇ ÏáÕÙÇó ²ñ¨ÙïÛ³Ý Ð³Û³ëï³ÝÁ Ùï³ó³ÍÇÝ ²ñ¨»ÉÛ³Ý ² Ý³ïáÉÇ³ »½ ñáí ÷áË³ñÇÝ»Éáõ ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý Ýå³ï³ÏÝ»ñÁ, Ù»½ Ñ³Ù³ñ ³Û¹ ï»ñÙÇÝÇ ÏÇñ³éÙ³Ý íï³Ý·³ íáñ Ñ»ï¨³ÝùÝ»ñÁ: ì³ÕÝç³Ï³Ý Å³Ù³Ý³ÏÝ»ñÇó ÑÇßíáÕ Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý ï»Õ³ÝáõÝÝ»- ñÁ ëáëÏ É»½í³Ï³Ý ÷³ëï»ñ ã»Ý, ³ÛÉ ³ Ý³ã³é å³ïÙ³·Çï³Ï³Ý ³ å³óáõÛóÝ»ñ, áñáÝù μ³ ó³Ñ³ÛïáõÙ »Ý áÕç ×ßÙ³ñïáõÃÛáõÝÁ Ð³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý É»éÝ³ßË³ñÑÇ μÝÇÏ ï»ñ»ñÇ Ù³ëÇÝ: àõñ»ÙÝª Ý»ñÏ³ÛáõÙë Ñ³ÛÏ³Ï³Ý ï»Õ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñÇ å³ßïå³Ýáõ- ÃÛ³Ý, å³Ñå³ÝÙ³Ý ¨ í»ñ³Ï³Ý·ÝÙ³Ý ËÝ¹ÇñÁ Ù»½ Ñ³Ù³ñ áõÝÇ é³½Ù³í³ñ³- Ï³Ý ³Ý·Ý³Ñ³ï»ÉÇ Ýß³Ý³ÏáõÃÛáõÝ:

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Grigor Narekatsi in the Scope of Levon Shant’s Scientific Interests

reat is the service of Nikol Aghbalian and Levon GShant in the noble cause of investigating and sys- tematizing old and medieval Armenian literature. During his lectures N.Aghbalyan studied and circulated a great number of manuscripts and colophons to meet the demands of his listeners interested in medieval Armenian literature (Aghbalian 1970:9-12). Meantime, after finishing his studies in Germany, L.Shant returned home. Most probably influenced by aesthetic and philosophical theories of Schopenhauer and Nietzsche and traditions of romanticism Shant created his Sargis Mkhitarian two famous works – “Ancient Gods” and “The Chained” which became reflections of Armenian Renaissance con- joined with the abundant West Armenian pagan tendencies of early 20 th century. But the range of professional interests of the artist was beyond these issues. In complex political contexts he touched upon such topics concerning Cilician Armenian medieval developments as Armenia-Byzantine knotty and intricate relations. The historical dramas “The Princess of the Fallen Castle”, “The Emperor”, “Oshin Payl” refer to this period. The works raised a number of pressing questions and testify to Shant’s great command of the time (Shant 1946:198). Written in 1943-1946 Shant’s “A Glimpse of Armenian Folklore” (Shant 1946:464) is a versatile and profound study of rather the history of Armenian literature than the study of Armenian folklore. The author states that the history of twenty-seven centuries of Armenian survival may be divided into seven main periods. The fourth epoch (mid 7 th- 11th centuries) is characterized by the Arab domination and “the rule of a new religion, persecutions and violence” which originated in the South. It was also the period when some noble families (the Bagratids and the Ardzrunis) managed to set up kingdoms which “had to struggle both against the constantly renewed religious demands and political claims of the Byzantine empire” (Shant 1946:12-13). This was the very period when the medieval genius Saint Grigor Narekatsi (950-1003 AD) created his masterpieces. According to V.Oshakan “From greatest conquerors to humblest tyrants in the East revered this wise man [Narekatsi] and didn’t dare to revile his interference” (Oshakan 1942:34). It is on Christian ideology that the great hermit Narekatsi built the edifice of his thoughts and feelings. It is on Christianity that Shant expresses the following opinion, “Even after becoming gentle and noble, being a kind captain, a provident, merciful and kind father – did the Christian-propagated monothe- ism remain to be complex, difficult, continuously dispute-provoking. Unity and Holy Trinity, human and God – to these are the idea of birth, the image of human indisposi- tion, tortuous explanations, doctrines and sectarianism related” (Shant 1946:110). Then Shant comes to a most important conclusion: “The great value of Christianity lies in its

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requirement for human psychological evolution and a still higher social collectivism and organization. It propagates altruism versus the radically narrow-minded selfishness of the prehistoric man…. On the other hand, looking down upon secular values and wealth and striving for spiritual and divine heights it will enhance human inner dignity and pride” (Shant 1946:110). Such an evaluation reveals the essence of a religion which is daring and autocratic and advocates egalitarianism. And it is the human striving for eternity, as well as the idea of being God’s exceptional minion that induce humans to protest. In the following way Shant formulates the human exalting idea that he will belong to heaven if his wearied soul strives for it: “He wants to be a truly divine being but on earth, he wants to be like his Christ who was God in human body” (Shant 1946:111). Interestingly enough Shant considers that the public “ideal” is something unreal, something that exists “only in books and on paper” (111). The powerlessness of man contradicts to the cherished desire to achieve his ideals. “The antagonism between this inde- feasible reality and the abstract striving of the human soul gives birth to an unimaginably sweeping trauma for the truly Christian souls” (111). Such emotions were typical of almost all great figures. For example Grigor Narekatsi is a classical example of “exactly that kind” of religious fathers who “lived and created in a small monastery situated in front of Lake Van under the protection of his cleric relative Anania Narekatsi” (112). The poet Narekatsi led a solitary and contemplative life. He read a lot to fill up his religious knowledge. According to Shant “He is a talented person endowed with subtle senses, deep feelings and a lively speech” (112). His poems are religious songs but “very often they go beyond such limits and turn into images of reality or fine exuberant descriptions of nature” (112). Such poems as “The Small Cart” and “Vardavar” would be enough to consider Narekatsi an author with a great sense of taste and individuality, “the best among many”(112). Shant considers “The Book of Lamentations” the most significant one among Narekatsi’s works. All of a sudden “the strivings and sufferings of the Christian hermit encircled in subtle and deep wisdom flow out, he feels the skyward flight of his soul and will, he proudly determines to reveal subtleties and greatnesses, things that exceptional individuals are required to do”(112). M.Mkryan points out the great aesthetic value of Narekatsi’s songs considering them wonderful descriptions of the 10 th century reality, nature and humanity (Mkryan 1976:474-477). It is first and foremost the specific form of Narekatsi’s masterpiece that attracts Shant’s attention. On the one hand the poet is a human being, a mortal; a fact that he isn’t able to conciliate with and constantly focuses on. On the other hand we face “the inaccessible height and the almighty power” of the writer (Shant 1946:113). Although the series of his prayers is also called “Narek” or “Book of Prayers”, in fact “they are prayers neither in essence, nor in form and spirit…. “Narek” presents the deep agitation of the human soul…, the striving and soaring of the waters to the sky” (Shant 1946:113). Beyond the form there lies another world, the mysterious and imaginative otherworld which is verbally difficult to describe.

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And here are lines formulating the essence of the poem: “A genuine work of art is the true reflection of spiritual emotion” (Shant 1946:113). As to the clarification of the aesthetic interpretation of the work, Shant claims that faithfulness towards spiritual imagery is the basis of the aesthetical. The greater the reflection of public emotion is, the bigger admiration and interest towards a works of art will be. “Narek” is an exclusive work of art, simple, yet deep and spontaneous. It is not only the most mysterious and valuable expression of medieval Armenian Christian literature but is also “a unique and strong belch of universal Christian spirituality”(114). It is worth mentioning that the above evalu ation of the now world famous “The Book of Lamentations” is not only truthful but is also precise, especially at a time when the book was not so famous in the world. Shant has come to a surprising conclusion as to the type of Narekatsi’s poetry. In addition to considering Narekatsi a Christian poet because he is an adherent of Christian faith, a bearer of Christian mindset and education, Shant thinks that the poet “has pagan inclinations and a pagan talent” (114). Probably this was the way paganism found an out- ward expression in the poet’s time. And this was because Early Christian thought itself was greatly influenced by Egyptian theology (Manandyan 1956:287-322). What we think at this point is that pagan thinking is incoherent, in some sense incompatible with Narekatsi’s essence. He may be willing to reestablish some pagan traditions but cannot be regarded as pagan himself. A very strange approach to Armenian history and literature emerged in the late 19 th century and predominated over the whole of the 20 th century. The approach was based on academically groundless and incorrect opinion that Armenian historiographers and writers falsified both history and literature. This viewpoint, reconsidering many traditional approaches, misrepresented and distorted knowledge of our historiography and literature. Since the 70-90-ies (19 th c.) western scientists have drawn a groundless conclusion that M. Khorenatsi, Eghishe and other Armenian historiographers presented false versions of our history (Abeghyan 1968:282-283). On this very basis and under its influence Shant and some diaspora armenologists claimed that “Christianity dislikes individuality, it likes the ecumenic” (Shant 1946:115). Then he concludes: “Christian prayers and psalms don’t accept the ‘self’, the vast majority of them points to plurality – ‘we’, ‘our’, etc.” (115) Likewise, the 20 th century distinguished armenologist R.Thomson states that Armenian historiographers distort the reality and Armenian poets are deprived of their own self. The same opinion concerning Narekatsi is expressed by Anne and Jean-Pierre Mahes. The opposite opinion is expressed by Armenian historian H.Mirzoyan who states: 1.“The Book” is not simply a prayer book. It is “The Book of Lamentations”. It is how the author called it considering its generic peculiarities.” 2. “It’s at least strange that on the one hand researchers of Narekatsi claim that “The Book” is an exclusive species of world and Armenian literature, on the other hand they state that it lacks the author’s biographical data and his self is not expressed in the book (Mirzoyan 2004:71-81; 2008:6-7). According to Shant God is the “self” while “all the believers together are a single whole before the God” (Shant 1946:115). Fortunately he realizes the incorrectness of this point at least towards Narekatsi and states: “Narekatsi is alone in his prayers, as a per-

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son, as an individual who speaks to Christ about himself and his soul without focusing on others” (Shant 1946:115). This results in personal sufferings, psychological drama, struggle between the divine and human beings and the human finds his way out of the collective submissive state. A global cataclysm takes place. “In the songs [Narekatsi’s] and in the prayers” is the poet’s proud spirit that struggles against the pressure of the Almighty claiming his human rights and questing for freedom of his being. “When going deep into Narek’s poetry we see that it is not a bewail, it’s rather a protest…, it’s not downfall, it’s rather the flight of a powerful human spirit to the sky…. It will be strange to look upon those songs and speculations as simple prayers of a Christian believer” (116). This means Narekatsi’s poems are not simply prayers, but deeply individualized lyrics where the ego of the hero is entirely accentuated. Not to be mistaken, he formulates his speech to God on behalf of his own “self” and to prove the truth, veracity and frankness of his words and person he confirms the main ideas with “Amen”. Such a great conflict between the human and the divine “resembles the pagan image of the struggle between Prometheus and Zeus” (117). Shant considers “The Book” a strange prayer in the sense that it is not quite natural for the author to ask Almighty to live within his physical being. A thing that is impossible. “What a prayer it is if you are turning to your beloved and professed God and saying … ‘You have kept all the matters of honour and high positions for yourself and have placed the bad and heavy burdens on my shoulders’.... This is no prayer and glorification, this is a struggle, a demand for human rights” (116). In this particular case the human revolts against God who cares for his own “self”, not “for people”. This point is very important not in the sense that worthy is the human inducement to protest (typical of Renaissance) but in the sense that what is revealed is God’s “self love”. And not only that. Why not God’s rigor despite his being a source of boon. Perhaps it’s a matter of speculation moved forward by the evil spirit, the one who accuses God of concealing boon from people. The medieval philosophers declare that there was no reason for God to hide the forbidden fruit from Adam as soon- er or later he would learn the life-and-death truth himself. There was really no need to conceal anything from His beloved one – the first human. Narekatsi realizes that he is in struggle with God, yet knowing that he is the loser. Therefore, he acknowledges his defeat. The essence of Narekatsi’s preoccupation, according to Shant, is “his soul, his essence, his individuality, his present and future, and the mortal man” (117). Of course, this approach should not be misinterpreted as individualistic or egocentric. Vice versa, the poet is a selfless individual whose interests lie beyond the world of matter. He strives to find out (for himself and as a result for everybody else) whether a person can quest for salvation. It’s very important for him to penetrate this divine mystery. Shant considers that the poet’s spiritual anxiety is caused by contradiction and uncertainty to find his way out. Narekatsi has problems “but no solutions to them as Christianity and paganism, individualism and collectivism, the hermit and the protestant, the saint and the sinful, Christ and Satan are all mixed up in his soul and he desperately tries to discern the destination of his shabby life cart. This is a human soul placed before us; naked but full of art”(120).

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It is for possessing a contradictory and sorrowful human soul that Shant regards Narekatsi as “the Bard of Christianity” and one of the greatest figures of Renaissance, thus rejecting the Armenian Diaspora approach that the notion of similarity between Narekatsi and the representatives of Italian Renaissance is put forward by armenologists of Soviet era (Pltyan 2001:31-32). It should be noted here that the Armenian Renaissance as part of globalization of world culture started in the late 10 th century (Mkhitaryan 2007:115). The following well-aimed observation of Shant is also worth mentioning: “Narekatsi is great also because his soul darts out of Medieval Christianity into the tribulations of the new era” (Shant 1946:118). One of the most important aspects of Narekatsi’s poetry is the author’s love and vivid depiction of nature. It symbolizes the poet’s struggle for being and remaining humane. And finally Shant concludes: “Narekatsi’s song-prayers, created many years before the Renaissance, sound like a longing for a new era, for human physical and spiritual freedom still to come, for the voice and spirit of the future Renaissance. And this is a testi- mony of a creative and profound Armenian spirit” (Shant 1946:120). This estimation of Shant, a true researcher who graduated from several European universities, an erudite thinker and a talented scientist of Renaissance (Davtyan, Lalayan 1986:28) is not incidental. Shant is well aware of the great ideological and aesthetical value of the “The Book” and pays special attention to the significant poetic and spiritual achievements of Narekatsi. It is an undeniable fact that Shant is greatly interested not only in the medieval genius Narekatsi but also in issues concerning early Armenian Renaissance.

References:

1. Aghbalean, N. (1970) Patmutyun hay grakanutyan. Vol. 4. Peyrut: La-photo-bress Publishers. 2. Abeghian, M. (1968) Yerker. Yerevan: ASRA Publishers. 3. Davtian, H., Lalayan, E. (1986) Narekatsu ashkharhayatske. Yerevan: YSU Publishers. 4. Hayuni, M. (2001) Narekean voronumner. Beirut: Sipan Press. 5. Manandian, H. (1956) Hermeay yerametsi ar askghepios sahmank. // Banber Matenadarani. Vol.3. Yerevan. 6. Mkrian, M. (1976) Hay hin grakanutyan patmutyun (5 – 10th cc). Yerevan: YSU Publishers. 7. Mirzoyan, H. (2004) Aghotagirk te matyan voghbergutyan? // Grakan tert. N3, Yerevan. 8. Mirzoyan, H. (2008) Ardyok matyanum chka banasteghtsi yesy? // Grakan tert. N27, Yerevan. 9. Mkhitaryan, S. (2007) Ardi mijnadaragitutyuny yev haykakan veratsnutyan khndiry. // Patmabanasirakan Handes. Yerevan. 10. Oshakan, H. (1942) Aghachem zanpopokheli. N 1-2, Sion.

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11. Pltean, G. (2001) Gorts arkanel. Verstin Grigor Narekatsi. Montreal: H. A. Surb Hakob Mayr Yekeghetsi Press. 12. Shant, L. (1989) Yerker. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh. 13. Shant, L. (1946) Endhanur aknarkner hay banasirutyan vray. Peyrut: Tparan hay tchemarani.

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Ðá¹ í³ ÍáõÙ í»ñ ÉáõÍ íáõÙ »Ý È ¨áÝ Þ³Ý ÃÇ` Ñ³Û ÙÇç Ý³ ¹³ñ Û³Ý Ñ³Ý ×³ñ ¶ñÇ ·áñ Ü³ ñ» Ï³ óáõ ëï»Õ Í³ ·áñ ÍáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÇ ·» Õ³ñ í»ë ï³ Ï³Ý ¨ ·³ Õ³ ÷³ ñ³ Ï³Ý ³ñ - Å» ùÁ Ï³ñ¨á ñáÕ Ù»Ï Ý³ μ³ ÝáõÃ ÛáõÝ Ý» ñÁ: Þ³Ý ÃÁ ³ é³ í»É Ù»Í áõ ß³¹ ñáõÃ ÛáõÝ ¿ ¹³ñÓ ñ»É Ü³ ñ» Ï³ óáõ μ³ Ý³ë ï»Õ Í³ Ï³Ý ³ñ í»ë ïÇ ¨ Ñá·¨áñ Ó»éù μ» ñáõÙ Ý» ñÇ íñ³` ¹ñ³Ýù Ñ³ Ù³ ñ» Éáí ³ é³ í»É Ýß³ Ý³ Ï³ ÉÇ: âÇ Ï³ ñ» ÉÇ ³Ý ï» ë»É ³ÛÝ Ù»Í Ñ» - ï³ùñù ñáõÃ Ûáõ ÝÁ, áñ Þ³ÝÃÝ áõ ÝÇ áã ÙÇ³ÛÝ Ü³ ñ» Ï³ óáõ, ³ÛÉ¨ Ñ³Û Ï³ Ï³Ý í³Õ ì» - ñ³Í ÝáõÃ Û³Ý ÑÇÙ Ý³ËÝ ¹Çñ Ý» ñÇ Ñ³Ý ¹»å:

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Metrical Relations Between Siamanto’s Poetry and Medieval Armenian Verse

t is an undeniable fact that the poetry of great IArmenian poet Siamanto (Atom Yarjanian) in its constructional form is tuned according to the new poetical system of free verse that was widespread in the literature at the beginning of the 20 th century. Siamanto’s poetry, however, is also based on a variety of metrical forms typical of old and medieval Armenian verse. Creating his poetry in accordance with the main constructional norms of free verse, the author combined poetical meters of Armenian medieval lyrics with numerous stylistic elements of modern poetry. Karina Asatryan In Armenian literature the first free version texts are found in historiography, many pages of which look like rhythmical-musical poems. Such artistic-descriptive fragments of the 5 th century Armenian historiography can be described as having a rhythm of free verse. “Histories of Armenia” by Agathangelos, Pavstos Buzand, M. Khorenatsi testify to this fact. The same can be said about the style of exposition and poetical images that we find in “Sebeos’s history” of the 7 th century. The texts of Armenian spiritual songs – sharakans which have become an important and indispensable part of Armenian spiritual literature since the 5 th century also possess a free construction. Over the centuries the already created sharakans underwent certain modifications, and new ones were created. Still later, these texts served as a basis for separate literary poetic works. The construction of spiritual verses is closely connected with their content, namely, with the so-called “universal plots” of the Bible and spiritual music. Due to this connection the spiritual verses are constructed according to definite structural regularities. Sharakans as a form of ecclesiastic music don’t refer to rhyme in which the rhythmic aspect becomes an uneven arrangement of syllables and emphasizes certain accents, i.e. their construction is rhythmically free. In later centuries (following the birth of sharakans) ecclesiastical spiritual lyricism gradually inherited the easiness of form typical of Armenian national mindset and men- tality and artistic taste. It also made wide use of constructional potentialities of the so- called “secular poetry”. Many constructional peculiarities of Armenian folklore served as a source for not only Armenian ecclesiastical lyrics but Siamanto’s poetry as well. Siamanto’s poems may be conditionally divided into two groups. The first one includes those poems that don’t adhere to any constructional canons (“Heroically”, “Armenian Children”). The second group of poems remains within boundaries of creative free style, at the same time containing lines of metrical verse (“Torches of Spiritual Behavior and Hope”, “Bloody News from My Friend”, “The Homeland’s Invitation”, “Saint Mesrop”). The latter poems belong to blank verse and present metrical canons of Armenian syllabic verse. The blank verse of Siamanto, unlike the Armenian medieval poetry, isn’t rhymed. However, internal rhyming (assonance and consonance so typical

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of medieval spiritual and secular lyricism) is evident in some of his verses. Siamanto’s poetry is so spontaneous that it may need no rhyming at all although his selective rhyming adds to the beauty of his poems. His thoughts are completed and summed up by rhyming in general and paragraphing in particular, which, although mean- ingfully important, sometimes give way to the “imaginative set”, i.e. the imaginative environment. What is more, the melodiousness of lines is abundantly charged with the author’s thoughts and boundless and tempestuous flow of emotions thus giving tribute to the modern literary flow – symbolism, at the same time adopting the poetical metrical form typical of Armenian ecclesiastical lyrics (Hayrenik 1955:21). Speaking about the metrical relations of Armenian epical verse and the verse of Siamanto we should mark that the majority of his poems have identical features with the “historical songs” – the heritage of M. Khorenatsi. These songs first of all present epical images which are put in motion or action by plot structure. The epical verse is abundant with other imaginative details in which the rhythm of lines is constructed with and by means of impetuous and, on the contrary, slow action of the images. Parallel to emo- tionality and imaginativeness of epical verse, Siamanto’s poetical images are endowed with additional psychological and dramatic tensions. Some fragments of his epical verse are constructed and presented in the form of a complete syntactical unit – sentence, in which pauses are marked in accordance with the wholeness and intonational-pronuncia- tional divisions of combinations of words and phrases. The expressiveness of poetical speech is signified by phonetic iteration which in ancient poetry, especially in the medieval Armenian poetry, had a particular role. Owing to rhythmical vibration of phonetic iteration the speech develops in a more dynamic way. Besides expressiveness, the harmony of phonetic iteration is also achieved through musical images in some big fragments of verse.1 In Siamanto’s poetry phonetic repetition is a means through which to underline rhythmical vibration and associate different shades of meaning of words. Siamanto not only used poetical meter typical of medieval Armenian poetry but also developed it according to his creative style. This is especially evident in his poems created in early 20 th century. His poetical prose, his voluminous verse presented the bloody, dramatic facts and events of the epoch of Armenian tragedy through a profound analysis of the psychological emotions of the author (“Bloody News from My Friend”). As all his other creations, the free verse poetry of this period displays peculiarities of Armenian canonical verse combined with new structural forms of contemporary poetry. We mean, in particular, the poems “Bloody News from My Friend”, “Torches of Spiritual Behavior and Hope”, “The Homeland’s Invitation”, “Saint Mesrop”.2 Here is “The Prayer of Navasart for Goddess Anahid”:3

ÎÑ³í³ï³Ù »ë Ç ø»½: ´³·ñ»õ³Ý¹Û³Ý μÉáõñÝ»ñáõÝ íñ³ Ï³Ý·áõÝ, ºë μ³½Ù³¹³ñÛ³Ý ¹Çó³å³ßï »õ ÝÇ½³Ï³½»Ý ùáõ áñ¹Ç¹, Æμñ ³é³ùÛ³É »õ ËÝ¹ñ³ñÏáõ ø»½Ç Ïáõ·³Ù í»Ñáñ»Ý,- Èë»° ÇÝÍÇ, Ð³ÛÏÛ³Ý μ³ÙμÇéë ¶áÕÃ³Ý ÑáÕ»Ý ¿ ÍÝ»ñ...: àõËïÇ Ïáõ·³Ù: øÕ³ÙÇ¹ ÙÁ Ñ³ë³Ï»»ë í³ñ »õ μ³ñë³ÙáõÝùÇ ¹³É³ñ áëï»ñ Ç Ó»éÇë,

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²Ñ³í³ëÇÏ ³ñÍ³Ã óÝóáõÕ ÙÁ í³ñ¹³ÑÛáõÃáí` ëïÇÝùÝ»ñ¹ ûÍ»Éáõ.... ²Ñ³í³ëÇÏ ËÝÏ³Ù³Ý ÙÁ ë³÷áñ³Ó»õ, áõñ ÏáñÍ³ÝáõÙ¹ ÇÙ ³ñóáõÝùá¯íë »ë Éí³óÇ.... ºí ëïí»ñÇë Ñ»ï»õáÕ »ÕÝÇÏÝ»ñáí ÝíÇñ³Ï³Ý` ø»½ Ïù³É»Ù...:

I believe in You. Standing firm on the hills of Bakrevant, I, a pagan of many centuries and your son armed with arrows, As a messenger and implorer I come to You grandly, Hear me, my Haigian castanets were born from the Koltan earth... I come as a pilgrim. Wearing a chlamys longer than my height and green twigs in my hand as wands, Here is a silver pot with rose essence to anoint your breasts... Here is an urn-shaped incense dish where I cried for your ruin with my tears... I walk toward You with precious roes following my shadow...

Considering versifcational relations between the poetry of Siamanto and medieval Armenian poems, namely the poetical meters abundant in sharakans, it can be stated that the iambic sixteen-syllabic form (4+4+4+4) is common for both. According to E.Jrbashian Armenian versification “is an important realization of the concept of compound two-feet close foot” (Jrbashian 1973:308). Two iambic feet consist of one compound foot. The iambic sixteen-syllabic form is four compound feet. This form is found in such poems by Siamanto as “The Song of the Knight”, “Expiation”, “Brother to His Brother”, “The Young Wife’s Dream”, “Entreaty of the Armenian Fields”, “The prayer of Navasart for Goddess Anahid”. The same form is observed in medieval Armenian poems of N.Shnorhali, H.Pluz, K.Erznkatsi, H.Tlkurantsi. For example:

Siamanto Èë»° ÇÝÍÇ, àëÏ»Õ»Ý Ù³Ûñ, ùá°õÛñ ³ñ·³í³Ý¹, ùá°õÛñ μ³ñáõÃÛ³Ý… (4+4+4+4) Hear me, Golden mother, fertile sister, sister of goodness...

G. Narekatsi ¶»Õ»óÇÏ å³ïÙáõ×³Ý³õÁÝ ½³ñ¹³ñ»³É ¿ñ, Æ Ï³åáõïáÛ, Ç ÍÇñ³ÝáÛ, Ç μ»Ñ»½áÛ, Ç Ûáñ¹³Ý¿… (4+4+4+4)

N. Shnorhali Æ Ñáï ³Ýáõß áÕç³ÏÇ½»³É Ù³ïáõó³Ý¿ñ ½ÇÝùÝ Ýáõ¿ñ… (4+4+4+4) ºÏ»Õ»óÇù Ð³Û³ëï³Ý»³Ûó å³ÛÍ³é³å¿ë ½³ñ¹³ñ»ó³Ý… (4+4+4+4) H. Tlkurantsi ÂáÕ ½Çë ¿ñ»Ý ï³é³ÛåáõÉáí, áñ ÇÙ ëÁñïÇë μáóÁÝ ·áé³Û… (4+4+4+4) Î»ñ³Ïñ»ó³ù Ç ÙÇ ë»Õ³Ý áõ ËÁÙ»ó³ù Ç ÙÇ ÏÁÃË³Û… (4+4+4+4)

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Similarly, the source of the iambic twelve-syllabic form 4+4+4 used by Siamanto is the Armenian traditional versification. This form is equally typical of Siamanto’s “A Handful of Ash” and “Saint Mesrop”, P.Khapantsi’s (a medieval author) poems and sharakan. For example:

Sharakan àñ Û³ÝùÝÁÝÇÝ ÍáóáÛ Ñûñ ËáÝ³ñÑ»³É áñ¹Ç »ñ»õ»ó³ñ Ç Ù»ç »ñÏáõó Ï»Ý¹³Ý»³óÝ… (4+4+4)

Siamanto ºë Ññ»Õ»Ý Ñ³óÇ¹ Ï³ñá¯ï óáñ»Ý³ù³Õ… I, reaper of wheat longing for your fiery bread... (4+4+4) ²ñÛ³Ý ÑÝáó, ³ÝáõñçÝ»ñáõ ³ÝμÇÍ Í³í³É… (4+4+4) Furnace of blood, spotless expansion of visions...

Moreover, in “Saint Mesrop” Siamanto used a variation of the above mentioned form – two compound feet with 7+5, 5+7 constructions, which are found in sharakans and in some medieval poets’ works.4 Two other poetical forms used in Armenian medieval poetry and then inherited by Siamanto and representatives of contemporary literature are iambic fifteen-syllabic form (four compound feet) with one anapest, 4+4+4+3 and iambic fourteen-syllabic form (four compound feet) with two anapests, 4+3+4+3. These forms are observed in Siamanto’s “The Vintage” and “The Song of the Knight”. The traditional form most frequently used by Siamanto in different positions in “The Homeland’s Invitation” and “Saint Mesrop” is the iambic eleven-syllabic form (three compound feet) with one anapest, 4+4+3. With parallel frequency this form is present in the poem-songs of medieval authors G.Narekatsi, K.Erznkatsi, G.Akhtamaretsi, N.Hovnatan. The two other types of eleven-syllabic form used in “Saint Mesrop” are 6+5, 5+6. The same types with nearly the same arrangement of feet are found in medieval poems of N.Hovnatan and P.Dpir. For example:

N. Hovnatan à°ã ¹³ñ¹ë ·Çï»ë, á°ã Ñ³Éë ÏÇÙ³Ý³ë (5+6) à°ã ÇÝë³ý Ï³Ý»ë, á°ã »ñ»ëÁ¹ μ³Ý³ë… (5+6)

P. Dpir â³ñ³Ëûë Ù³ñ¹áÛ Ùûï ãÁÝëïÇë μÝ³õ… (6+5) Siamanto ºë Ïáïñ³Í Ï³ÝÃ»Õ »õ å³å³ÏÛ³É å³ïñáõÛ·… (5+6) I, broken lantern and thirsty wick...

In general in all of Siamanto’s works the versificational constructions are conditioned by textual content. In G.Narekatsi’s poems the five-syllabic compound feet is metrically quite free in exposition and is used in works presenting tempest of thought.5 The similar phenomenon is observed in Siamanto’s poems. For example in the five- syllabic compound feet found in the verses of the collection “Bloody News from My Friend” the reality seems to be represented by “a man in agony”.6 The poems are rhyth-

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mical and naturally more imaginative and expressive. As to the twenty-syllabic form (four compound feet) containing both iambic and anapest feet (5+5+5+5) and initially used by G. Narekatsi, in Siamanto’s “The Prayer of Navasart for Goddess Anahid” ,“The Blind” and “The Mulberry tree” it changed into a four-syllabic (five compound feet) 4+4+4+4+4 one with iambic feet and four-syllabic (six compound feet) 4+4+4+4+4+4. In “Saint Mesrop” we come across the ten-syllabic form 2+8 and another type of ten-syllabic form, the 6+4 construction with nearly the same arrangement of feet as in sharakans. The iambic thirteen-syllabic form (three compound feet) with one anapest (4+4+5, 5+4+4) is still another Armenian medieval versificational form used by Siamanto. For example:

G. Narekatsi Î»ñå ³Ýå³ïÏ³é, ¹¿Ùù ³Ý³ÙûÃ, »ñ»ë Éåñß»³É (4+4+5)

Siamanto ºë »ÕÏ»ÉÇ Ù³ÑÏ³Ý³óáõ, »ë ¹Å·áõÛÝ ïÝï»ë…. (4+4+5) I, pitiful mortal, I, pale steward... ºõ ÍÝ³Í ûñ»¹ »õ ³ñ»õ»¹ ÙÇÝã»õ ³Ûëûñ…. (5+4+4) And from the day you were born, and from your sun until today...

The thirteen-syllabic forms 5+3+5 and 5+5+3 is a characteristic feature of both medieval poems and “Saint Mesrop”. For example:

Siamanto ºë ³Ý×³é³·³ÛÃ ³Õç³ÙáõÕç »ë` ³ÝÉ³ñ ùÝ³ñ... (5+3+5) I, ray-less dusk, wire-less lyre... ºë ³ÝÑáÕ³·áñÍ ¹³ßïáñ³, ßï»Ù³ñ³Ý Ã³÷áõñ... (5+3+5) I, non-farming field man, wine-distributing warehouse...

Last but not the least nine (5+4, 4+5), eight (5+3, 4+4) and seven (4+3) syllabic forms (two compound feet) are usages in Siamanto’s poetry. These forms make certain fragments of the poem more dynamic. For example:

Siamanto ÊáëùÇ° ³ÕμÛáõñ, μ³ÝÇ° μ³ñÓáõÝù, (4+4) Î³ñáÕáõÃÛ³Ýó ³Ýí»°ñç Ï³ï³ñ… (4+4) Fountain of speech, height of reason, Endless summit of abilities… ¸áõÝ Ð»ÉÉ»ÝÝ»ñ»Ý Ñéã³Ïí³Í, (5+3) Ø»Í³ïÇïÕáë ²ÏáõÙÇï… (4+3) You, declared by the Hellens As grand-titled Academic…

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The line rows with different metrical forms that follow each other help the poet to express the drama of the restless soul, its outbursts of seethe emotions. The imagery conditions changeable forms of expression and free syntactical constructions and each time is presented with new artistic force. The same process is observed in Narekatsi’s poetry. Summing up whatever has been discussed above we can say that creating his free verse poetry, expressing his wrath of soul, his gust of pain, his unbounded love by streamy speech, the great Armenian poet Siamanto remained constant to his literary roots – he developed significantly Armenian metrical form used by his literary ancestors.

Notes:

1. Repetitions have an artistic and metrical meaning also in many medieval Armenian clerical lyric poems (G.Narekatsi, N.Shnorhali). In Narekatsi’s poems-gandzes, taghs and in his famous “Narek” (“Book of Lament”) the art of phonetic iteration attains its perfection. G. Narekatsi seethes poetical lines with coloured and vocal surf of assonance and consonance. He managed to create a poetical symphony through mixed meter lines without rhyme. N.Shnorhali successfully used phonetic repetition to emphasize the spiritual content of clerical songs and sharakans. 2. Literary scholars H.Tamrazian and M.Mkrian have touched upon such topics as artistic modes of representation and forms of stylization in G.Narekatsi’s and Siamanto’s works. H.Rshtuni discussed poetical forms used by Siamanto in his monograph “Siamanto” (Tamrazian 1969). 3. This and other translations of Siamanto’s poems presented in the paper belong to Shant Norashkharian. 4. Medieval Armenian poets H.Tlkurantsi, Z.Gnuneants and G.Akhtamaretsi are meant. 5. The five-syllabic two compound feet form 5+5 is not typical of Siamanto’s poetry although we come across it in “Saint Mesrop”. In poetical form and thematic content this work reminds of a medieval poem. Both medieval poets (G.Narekatsi, N.Shnorhali) and Siamanto used this form to criticize human faults and to glorify God. 6. The fifteen-syllabic form (three compound feet) 5+5+5 with both iamb and anapest feet was used by G. Narekatsi in the 10th century. However, this construction is not typical of Siamanto’s blank verse.

References:

1. Jrbashian, E. (1972) The Theory of Literature. Yerevan: Yerevan State University. 2. Mkrian, M. (1988) Works. Vol. 2. Yerevan: Yerevan State University. 3. Rshtuni, H. (1970) Siamanto. Yerevan: Hayastan Publishers. 4. Siamanto. Life and Work. (1955) N4. Boston: Hayrenik.

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5. Tamrazian, H. (1969) Siamanto. Yerevan: Hayastan Publishers. 6. http://www.umd.umich.edu/dept/armenian/literatu/

Literature:

1. Siamanto and Varouzhan (1979) // Library of Armenian Classics. Yerevan: Sovetakan grogh.

êÇ³Ù³ÝÃáÛÇ åá»½Ç³ÛÇ ¨ ÙÇçÝ³¹³ñÛ³Ý Ñ³Û μ³Ý³ëï»ÕÍáõÃÛ³Ý ï³Õ³ã³÷³Ï³Ý ³éÝãáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ

êÇ³Ù³ÝÃáÛÇ åá»½Ç³Ý ë»ñïáñ»Ý Ï³åíáõÙ ¿ ÙÇçÝ³¹³ñÛ³Ý μ³Ý³ ëï»Õ Íáõ - ÃÛ³Ý ï³Õ³ã³÷³Ï³Ý ³éÝãáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ñ»ï: êï»ÕÍ³·áñÍ»Éáí ³½³ï áï³Ý³íáñÇ Ï³éáõóí³Íù³ÛÇÝ ÑÇÙÝ³Ï³Ý ûñÇÝ³ã³÷áõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ñ³Ù³Ó³ÛÝ` Ý³ Ñ³Û ÙÇçÝ³ ¹³ñ Û³Ý ùÝ³ñ»ñ·áõÃÛ³Ý μ³Ý³ëï»ÕÍ³Ï³Ý ã³÷»ñÁ ½áõ·³Ïó»É ¿ ¹³ñ³ëÏ½μÇ §Ùá¹»éÝ μ³Ý³ëï»ÕÍáõÃÛ³Ý¦ á×³Ï³Ý μ³½Ù³ÃÇí ï³ññ»ñÇ Ñ»ï: Ü»ñÏ³Û³óí³Í »Ý μ³Ý³ëï»ÕÍ³Ï³Ý ã³÷»ñ, áñáÝù ÏÇñ³éí»É »Ý ÇÝãå»ë ÙÇçÝ³¹³ñÛ³Ý ÙÇ ù³ÝÇ μ³Ý³ëï»ÕÍÝ»ñÇ, ³ÛÝå»ë ¿É êÇ³Ù³ÝÃáÛÇ ÏáÕÙÇó: Ø³ëÝ³ÏÇ ³Ý¹ñ³¹³ñÓ»É »Ýù Ý³¨ ¹ñ³Ýó Ï³éáõóí³Íù³ÛÇÝ ÷á÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇÝ, áñáÝù Ï³ï³ñ»É ¿ êÇ³ Ù³Ý ÃáÝ:

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Visualization of Death in Armenian Culture

he article capitalizes on the nature of certain socio- Tlogical and cognitive concepts as death and memory. Death is a phase of transition involving loss and adjust- ment and the aim of the article is to examine the ways in which memory comes into play as an important aspect of the process of dying, mourning and grief. The research work is comprised of four logical parts. In the first section of the paper our point of departure is an extended discussion of memory making. Material culture mediates our relationship with death and the dead; objects, texts, images and practices as well as places and spaces call Hayk Galstyan to mind or are made to remind us of the deaths of others and of our own mortality. In the second part of the work special emphasis is laid on the analysis of the corpse as memory “object”. We begin by considering the significance of the visual in the shaping of memory and then move on to the analysis of the linkage of death and memory through the body and its imaging. Examining the visual aspects of memory in this context, we acknowledge the complex relations between immediate visual experience in lived social spaces, and the production of visual representations, which link the tangible present to other (past and future), remembered or imagined bodies, times and spaces. We consider the body itself as something which is devoid of living form but can be reanimated as a material of memory through death. Section three deals with photographic images. In the last part writings which are dedicated to the public memories of “past lives” are studied.

Memory Making

“What is memory for?” The easiest and spontaneously given answer to this question is that “memory is for storing information about the past”, “memory helps us preserve past events”, (Boyard, Wertshch 2009:3). Human memory is fragile and finite. We mentally store the events of life as memories. However, memories are easily forgotten, and the retrieval of memories through the acts of recall is inexact and faulty. That is why, human societies have created a series of devices for storing memory in extrabodily form. These devices include marble funerary monuments and stone tablets, and, at a later stage, drawings, photographs, phonographs, videos and other recording technologies. Each of these offers an increasing capacity for the storage of memory. First of all we would like to elucidate the relationship between the conceptions of memory and materiality of the social domains. Here we trace connections between the crises of death and the formation of memory, the interplay of loss and recovery, the ways

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in which memories operate to render present that which is absent, we find concepts of death and memory interwoven intimately. It is at the time of death that embodied persons disappear from view; and, consequently, their personal relationships with others come under threat. Indeed, in contemporary contexts, the threat of death is very much bound up with the possibility of oblivion. As it is, individuals or certain groups of people may believe that there is no independent existence after death; they may also face the possibility of social erasure and the annihilation of identities that they have lived out. In some cases effigies are used as a factual material which represents the past life of the deceased and creates their future social reputation. As the natural body decays, the ritualized monumental body prevents the social body from being overwhelmed by a similar fate. The monumental body is to be set up at the place of burial to mark its site and is designed to stand forever as a replacement for the social body. As a subsidiary function, it also acts as a reminder of the living form of the natural body (Llewellyn, 1991:101). There is no doubt that while the effigy masks the decaying natural body which will inevitably disappear, it also creates a stable social body that is assured continuity. Hence, the material, design, symbolic features, inscriptions and physical location of monuments – all these work to reinforce this continuity. Let us take, for example, the pagodas in the Shaolin Temple, where abbots of the temple were buried since the Tang Dynasty (618907 AD). Nearly 250 stone and brick pagodas of various sizes and shapes, with carvings and inscriptions have been found. It should be noted here that the height as well as the size of the monument (in relation to other monuments) is also taken as an indication of social status. The higher the pagoda, the higher the rank of the departed was. The same traditions can be traced in Armenian culture in the construction of tombs, the latter serving as a means of retaining the social presence of the dead person with the present. The function of tombs is commemoration of persons who do not exist material- ly and, at the same time, visual demonstration of the social and political ranks of the deceased. For people of higher rank – the ruling or intellectual elite, the rich, etc. – tombs convey a sense of permanence, provide a continuity of authority and social position. That is why the tombs of these persons are made of precious material, with special designs and structures. On the other hand, the graves of wretched and lonely people are very often inconspicuous. Thus we can agree with the statement that ‘‘if memory and memories are grasped through sets of associations with material structures and objects, this is suggestive of broader social and cultural processes that link persons or subjects with material domains. The materials of memory, whether in the form of texts, visual images, objects or bodies, hinge upon and acquire their significance through conceptual linkages between personhood and the material world. If personhood and social identity are fashioned through the body and the material objects with which this body is associated, then it is through that body and these objects (either directly or via associations with further bodies and objects) that the deceased are kept within memory” (Hallam, Hockey 2001:36).

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The Corpse as Memory “Object”

The capacity of the corpse to trigger and shape the memories of the living depends upon the ways in which death is conceptualized – continuity, rebirth, or the absolute end of life. In Armenian culture, for instance, the prevailing Christian notion about death is the release of the spiritual from the material body. This interpretation enables the members of the community to treat the corpse as a material thing which fades away in contrast to the continuity of the spirit which lives on. The corpse is buried, while the social presence of the body can be maintained via a stone or a marble funerary monument. It is important to point out that Armenians made huge cross-stones for this purpose. The latter were carved after the Armenians had adopted Christianity in 301, thus becoming the first Christian nation in the world. Cross-stones were placed as gravestones in holy places, in graveyards, near the roads and sometimes on hills and cliffs. Ancient Armenian graveyards are rich in these magnificent creations of human mind and skill. The medieval cemetery in Noratus village is a vivid example of visual and verbal commemoration of the dead: 900 cross-stones, some of which are about 1.5 m tall. The use of cross-stones as well as sculptures as a means of representing the earthly life of the deceased and creating their future social reputation continued in the modern period. Very often the human body sculpted posthumously indicates an ongoing relationship with the dead. While the corpse is allowed to recede and return to dust after death, the stone or marble monument marks a death and, simultaneously, refers back to a “life”. Thus, when certain visual signs of social class affiliation and status are deployed, for example, by displaying the deceased in sculptured clothing and jewellery, the personal image of the deceased is retained partially. Funerary monuments of this type rest upon a precarious boundary somewhere between the status of a corpse and a socially “living” body. Not only cross-stones or sculptures but also memorial drinking fountains are used for this purpose in Armenia. These fountains, which are usually placed in streets, yards, parks and other public places, have

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various inscriptions and the names of the deceased on them. Their fundamental role is to create and sustain temporal relationships between the living and the dead. This drinking fountain made of granite has the form of a cut tree with deep roots symbolyzing the social position of the deceased. The head of the family passed away but the roots are deep and the departed will not be forgotten and will live forever in the hearts of his friends and relatives. The form of the tree reinforces the capacity of the drinking fountain to preseve social ties with the dead – here the significance of close family relations is displayed. The social status of the dead is revealed through the visibility, the forms and media of the material markers. People probably tend to salvage and redeploy memory directly because after death the material body is perceived as something to be lost or decayed. Our investigation has revealed that in Armenian culture hair has been the most important form of materialized memory. For example, in many villages elderly women keeping their departed mothers’ or daughters’ hair can be found. Hair is thus positioned as a visual medium infused with special powers of recall, holding in view both particle of deceased persons and spaces dedicated to memory. Not only hair but also combs, hairpins, hairgrips, hair slides and many other personal items are used to connect the body of the deceased with that of the living. The physical remains of the dead can be regarded not only as a material reminder of the embodied, living person, but as a medium through which the dead might communicate directly with the living. Human material that was regarded as “dead” while the person was living, is thus transformed into a “living” substance at death in the sense that it is reanimated as a possession capable of sustaining the deceased in close proximity to the bereaved (Kwint 1999:9). The physical durability of hair allows it to contrast with the unstable fleshy body. The quality of endurance and the specificity of reference to a particular individual renders hair especially appropriate as a form of memory. Thus we “keep” and “preserve” our memories almost as though they are objects in a personal museum (Hallam, Hockey 2001:141). We choose when to disclose or display our memories to others, either in the form of sculptures, different objects or photographs.

Body, Death and Memory in Photographs

The photograph has the capacity to preserve or maintain as living periods of time which have passed and people who have died: “to enshrine identity, creating a memorial which pleads for deathlessness and issues a challenge to time – on behalf of someone” (Warner 1995:41). In this context photographs establish particular relations with the body – they do not comprise human flesh as in the case of relics, but they do rely upon physical proximity at the time the photograph was taken. It is this closeness, contact, or the shared physical space of camera and person that gives the photograph the power to evoke sensations of intimacy with the departed. Photographs are created with a view to the future – they are a means to preserve, in the form of a “transparent” image, the present moment for later contemplation (Edwards

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1999:228). Hence the material dimensions of photographs, including their styles of display and positioning in lived environments, inflect the ways in which they act as a form of memory making. We have observed that in Armenian culture the association of the memorial stone with the departed body is often consolidated with the use of photographs. The photographs tend to be fashioned as framed portraits that are attached to the headstones. However, new technologies have opened up a wide range of designs and nowadays we can find the transfer of photographs directly to the stone. In this case the material of the stone is effectively fused with the living bodily trace of the departed, thus establishing the gravestone as a distinctive physical presence that “lives”. The healthy, active and often happy-looking person is brought into the present, obscuring the painful phases of dying and death. Besides photographs, memorial inscriptions rendered in stone may also become ways of creating a sense of presence and unbroken immediacy to the dead.

Writing after Death

Writings which appear on tombs (probably beginning with the 14th c. BC in Egypt) are meant to be read by someone. Writing or the construction of a text that outlives the dying, was recognized as a precarious process in that all aspects of the material world were open to decay (Hallam, Hockey 2001:168). The inscription of words is often very important in establishing relationships between the memory object (e.g. a gravestone) and the subject to be remembered. The text establishes a social and emotional continuum, the prospect of reunion with the deceased and the anticipation of return. Classically, a gravestone includes some basic information about the deceased, such as his or her name, date and place of birth, and date and place of death. In Armenia the inscribed name is a primary marker of individual personality; it is a means of relating to persons after their death. Mainly the name and surname as well as the dates of birth and death of the deceased can be found on an Armenian gravestone. However, sometimes we can find brief messages engraved on gravestones, including quotes from religious texts, lines from poems, or verses composed especially for the deceased. The latter generally do not have any literary value. For example, the inscription on one of the tombs reads:

180 Armenological Studies Armenian Folia Anglistika

Passer-by bend your proud head Here rests a handful of space.

The inscriptions often give clues as to how the person died. Our local graveyard has facts such as “tragically killed in a road accident” or “An innocent victim of March 1, 2008”, and so on. The latter refers to the developments following the 2008 presidential elections in Armenia, when 8 people died and 200 were injured during the tragic events of March 1. In most cases the memorial texts indicate some sense of continuity beyond death, that the deceased and the bereaved will meet again, or simply that life goes on or the departed will “live” in our memories, etc. For example, an inscription on a gravestone reads: Who says I shall die That’s not true, I do not believe My roots are deep, my dreams are clear I shall live forever!

It is worth mentioning here that citing the deceased seems to invoke her or his voice and in this way maintain spiritual and social relationships between the living and the dead. As mentioned above, memorial inscriptions can also be found on cross-stones and drinking fountains. The latter are of particular interest as the words on the fountains are often addressed to the citizens, to someone and to nobody at the same time, to a potential reader. When a person slakes his/her thirst by drinking cold water from the memorial drinking fountain, he/she stands for a while, reads the inscriptions and the name of the departed and says “oghormi kez”, which means “May you rest in peace”. In this respect the past presence and the present absence are condensed into an object which is located spatially, a memorial drinking fountain. Its materiality feeds memory and the survivors form a sense of the person who is absent.

The discussion of materials presented comes to prove that memories emerge and operate within wider social contexts. We have focused on materials of memory that are linked to the bodies of the dead and the living in particular ways – as fragments of the body or as photographic traces which are constituted as “living”. The

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writings after death also tend to connect the bodies of the dying, the dead and the bereaved. We have come to the conclusion that textual forms of memory making are significant aspects of material cultures associated with the process of dying and retaining the social lives of the dead. Thus having explored the links between death and memory we can assert that memory making which has material dimensions does not only mark death but also signifies social and cultural processes through which lives are remembered and futures are imagined.

Notes:

1. The modern is coming from the Indian , a tomb-like structure where sacred relics could be kept safe and venerated. The architectural structure of the stupa has spread across Asia, taking on many diverse forms as details specific to different regions are incorporated into the overall design. 2. A typical cross-stone (khachkar) is made out of slate of volcanic basalt or tuff. In the center of the cross stone is the symbol of Christ’s crucifixion, which is usually resting on the symbol of the sun, or of the wheel of eternity. The cross itself and its surroundings is usually covered by fine patterns, or images of grapes and leaves. It is very typical of Armenian cross-stones to have branches of date-palm symbolizing Christ’s glorious resurrection. 3. We also need to note that memorial drinking fountains are often located in places where the inhabitants are familiar with the deceased, e.g. in the yards of the block of flats or in the parks of the districts where the departed lived.

References:

1. Boyard, P.,Wertshch, J. V. (2009) Memory in Mind and Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2. Edwards, E. (1999) Photographs as Objects of Memory. // Material Memories: Design and Evocation. / Ed. by M. Kwint, C. Breward and J. Aynsley. Oxford: Berg, 221-237. 3. Hallam, E., Hockey J., (2001) Death, Memory and Material Culture. Oxford: Berg 4. Kwint, M. (1999) Introduction: The Physical Past. // Material Memories: Design and Evocation. / Ed. by M. Kwint, C. Breward and J. Aynsley. Oxford: Berg, 1-16. 5. Llewellyn, N. (1991) The Art of Death: Visual Culture in the English Death Ritual, c. 1500 - 1800. London: Reaktion Books Ltd. 6. Warner, M. (1995) The Unbearable Likeness of Being. Tate: The art magazine, Issue 6, Summer, 40-47.

182 LinguisticsLinguistics ArmenianArmenian Folia Folia Anglistika Anglistika

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183 CALL FOR PARTICIPATION!!!

THE YOUTH WING OF THE ARMENIAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF ENGLISH (AASEYW)

INTERACTIVE SEMINAR DISCUSSION November, 2010

LANGUAGE, CROSS-CULTURAL COMMUNICATION AND EDUCATION IN A GLOBALISING WORLD or just COMMUNICATING AND LEARNING IN A GLOBALISING WORLD

Focus of Reports and Discussion:

- LINGUISTICS - FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHING - CROSS-CULTURAL STUDIES - EDUCATION

This interactive seminar discussion is an attempt to share observations, opinions, experiences on how language, cross-cultural communication and education work in modern reality and cooperate in making a common environment for people to live in.