Retail Architecture in Post-war Taiwan:

The Significance of American Influence

Steven Langkuei Chang

A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Faculty of the Built Environment The University of New South Wales Sydney, Australia

March 2018

TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE

Abstract iv

Acknowledgements v

List of Figures vi

Chapter 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Hypothesis and Research Questions 4 1.2 The Importance of the Post-war Period 5 1.3 Modern Economy and Consumption in Taiwan 8 1.4 Modern Architecture in Post-war Taiwan 12 1.5 Originality of the Thesis 17 1.6 Structure of the Thesis 18

Chapter 2 Literature Review and Research Framework 21

2.1 Literature on Retail Environment in Taiwan 22 2.2 Literature on Post-war Architecture in Taiwan 27 2.3 Literature on Consumer Society and Consumer Culture in Taiwan 31 2.4 Literature on Americanisation in Taiwan 35 2.5 Translation of Terms 37 2.6 Sources of Research Material 38 2.7 Research Method 42

Chapter 3 Americanisation – A General Overview 57 3.1 US Economic Expansion 59 3.2 The Influence of American Mass Culture 64 3.3 Other Instruments of Propaganda 73 3.4 The Marshall Plan 74

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3.5 Post-war American Hotel Development 75 3.6 American Presence in Asia 77 3.7 Conclusion 82

Chapter 4 Americanisation of Post-war Taiwan 84 4.1 Early Western Contact 85 4.2 The Sino-American Relationship in the 1940s 91 4.3 American Strategic Involvement 93 4.4 American Aid in Taiwan 98 4.5 American Cultural Influence in Post-war Taiwan 107 4.6 Conclusion 118

Chapter 5 Retail Development in Taiwan during the late 1940s and 1950s 120 5.1 Consumer Culture in 1950s Taiwan 122 5.2 The Chien-Sing Department Store 124 5.3 American Technology 138 5.4 The Daxin Department Store 141 5.5 The Architecture of the Daxin Department Store 143 5.6 Daxin Retail Strategies 152 5.7 American Technology and Entertainment 154 5.8 Conclusion 160

Chapter 6 From Marketplace to Shopping Complex –

– The Chunghwa Commercial Strip 161

6.1 Background 163 6.2 Planning and Construction 168 6.3 Design Sources 174 6.4 A Mixed-Use Complex 180 6.5 Chunghwa’s Neon Towers 183 6.6 Conclusion 190

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Chapter 7 Department Stores in 1960s Taiwan 193 7.1 Growth in Consumption Activity into the 1960s 194 7.2 The Di-Yi Department Store 196 7.2.1 Background 196 7.2.2 Architectural Design 199 7.2.3 Interior Design 204 7.3 The Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre 209 7.3.1 Background 209 7.3.2 Architectural Design 211 7.3.3 Interior Design 214 7.4 The Far Eastern Textile Company and the Far Eastern Department Store 7.4.1 Background 218 7.4.2 Architectural and Interior Design 218 7.4.2 American influence on the Far Eastern Department Store 220 7.5 Conclusion 230

Chapter 8 Conclusion 231 8.1 Contribution 236 8.2 Future research 237

Bibliography 240

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Abstract

Since the mid-1980s, retail infrastructure has developed at an enormous scale in Taiwan and this development is reflective of massive growth in retail consumption. A part of contemporary retail development in Taiwan is the involvement of American architectural practices. However, as this thesis demonstrates, American influence on Taiwanese retail architecture is not a recent phenomenon. It can be traced back to the post-war era at a time when Taiwan was re-orienting itself to the West, and particularly to the United States.

In its investigation of retail developments in post-war Taiwan, this thesis places an emphasis on context, wherein American influence was a significant factor. By examining in detail a number of key, but previously undocumented post-war retail buildings, it identifies aspects of their development and design that evidence an American influence, in terms of both their architecture and their retail spaces. It argues that American influence is not only observable in direct ways but also through indirect channels of influence, most notably Chinese and Japanese precedents. Through this investigation, the thesis establishes that these retail developments are not only critically important to understanding the extent of American influence in Taiwan during the post-war period, but also to the history of modern architecture in that country.

The thesis employs aspects of reception studies to help identify the main channels of architectural influence. It draws from the work of Michael Squire, Tim Gough, Tom O’Regan and Judith Brine. This body of work is helpful in establishing both the means through which ideas and other influences from elsewhere impacted on Taiwanese developers, architects and other agencies in the field of retail design and development.

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Acknowledgements

In the journey of completing this work, many people have contributed profoundly making my dream come true. First, I like to express my appreciation and many thanks to my co-supervisor, Dr. Judith O’Callaghan. Judith has encouraged and inspired me since the early stage of this research. Her supervision has been constant from the beginning to the final stage of my thesis. Without her wisdom and guidance over these years, I would not have reached the end of this journey.

Much appreciation goes to Dr. Christine Steinmetz, Dr. Yinong Xu and Professor Xing Ruan who offered stimulating comments during the annual reviews of my research progress. In the time of long study period I also have learned to maintain a humble attitude toward to the enquiry of research. Because of that I would like to pay my respects to all the researchers who have been listed in my bibliography. Without their academic contributions my knowledge of this subject would be poor and the understanding of this research area limited.

My deep gratitude goes to my beloved family and close friends: my father who supported me unconditionally, Mr. Victor Yee, who generously offered thoughtful suggestions and proof-read most of my drafts, and certainly to my partner, who is always there for me.

If it was not my supervisor, Dr. Paul Hogben, who offered his enormous strength and brought my attention to the notion of Americanisation, this thesis would never have been completed. Paul has provided me with constant support in pursuing my study. His advice and encouragement have been invaluable during the working process of my thesis. Because of his selfless guidance throughout my research, I was able to see the light at the end of this journey.

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List of Figures

Chapter 1

Figure 1.1 Core Pacific City/Living Mall, exterior view showing giant sphere structure, Taipei, 2001, Photo by Steven L. Chang (16 July 2012). 4

Figure 1.2 Dream Mall [Translated as Meng Shi Dai Gou Wu Zhong Xin], Kaohsiung, 2007 Source: http://www.dreamall.com.tw 4

Figure 1.3 Wang Da-Hong’s residence, south facing view of an architectural model, Taipei, 1953 Source: Shyu Ming-Song and Wang Jun-Xiong, Rustic and Poetic: An Emerging Generation of Architecture in Post-War Taiwan (Taipei: Mu Ma Wen Hua Publishing, 2008), 17. 13

Figure 1.4 Wang Da-Hong’s residence, view of the living room, Taipei, 1953 Source: “The architect, Da-Hong Wang’s own house,” Chin Jih Chien Chu, no. 5 (October 1954), 18. 14

Figure 1.5 Tunghai University Library, north facing view, Taichung, 1957 Source: “Tunghai University Campus Plan,” Chien Chu, Bimonthly publication (December 1966), 12. 15

Figure 1.6 The Wave Building, west facing view of an architectural model, Kaohsiung, 1963. Source: Shyu Ming-Song and Wang Jun-Xiong, Rustic and Poetic: An Emerging Generation of Architecture in Post-War Taiwan (Taipei: Mu Ma Wen Hua Publishing, 2008), 96. 16

Chapter 3

Figure 3.1 Poster depicting Buffalo Bill’s Wild West and Congress of Rough Riders, 1899 Source: Robert Rydell and Rob Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2005), 33. 65

Figure 3.2 Luna Park am Halensee, park entry & water slide ride, Berlin, 1910 Source: http://www.khd-research.net/Heimat/B/Ex/Luna-Park_am_Halensee 67

Figure 3.3 Luna Park, views of park & park entry, St Kilda, 1912 Source: Sam Marshall, Luna Park just for fun (Milson Point: Luna Park Sydney Pty Ltd, 1995), 37. 68

Figure 3.4 Shinsekai Luna Park, aerial view, Osaka, 1912 Source: http://shinsekai.net/photo.html 69

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Chapter 4

Figure 4.1 Image of a modern urban environment in Taiwan, street view of the Sakaimachi district, Taipei, 1930s Source: Taiwan Digital Picture Archive, http://taipics.com/taipei_streets2.php 88

Figure 4.2 American refrigerator sale advertisement in Taiwan, Taipei, 1928 Source: Rou-Jin Chen, Tai Wan Xing Fu Bai Shi (Taipei: Athena Press 2011), 119 90

Figure 4.3 US President Eisenhower’s visit to Taipei, Taiwan, 1960 Source: Yao Lao Blogs, http://ccy1929.blogspot.com 94

Figure 4.4 Eisenhower’s speech in Taipei, 1960 Source: The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images 94

Figure 4.5 Shihmen Reservoir, front view, Taoyuan, 1964 Source: Government Information Office, R.O.C. 101

Figure 4.6 China-US Cooperation logo, 1953 Source: American Institute in Taiwan 101

Figure 4.7 European Recovery Program logo, 1950s Source: American Institute in Taiwan 101

Figure 4.8 USAID Food Peace Program Baking Demonstration Mobile in Taiwan, 1950s Source: Government Information Office, R.O.C. 104

Figure 4.9 U.S. Vice President Richard Nixon attended the Tunghai University ground- breaking ceremony, Taichung, 1953 Source: American Institute in Taiwan 107

Figure 4.10 The range of facilities and their layout at the Headquarters Support Activity, Taipei, 1960s Source: The United States Taiwan Defence Command, Taiwan Report (San Francisco: Public Affairs Office of the USTDC, 1973), 9. 114

Figure 4.11 The entrance of West Compound of the HSA, Taipei, 1965 Source: http://USTDC.blogspot.com 115

Figure 4.12 The US Navy Commissary Store – located in the HSA East Compound, Taipei, 1965 Source: The United States Taiwan Defence Command, Taiwan Report (San Francisco: Public Affairs Office of the USTDC, 1965), 55. 115

Figure 4.13 The Hilton International Taipei, Taiwan, 1973 Source: Image courtesy of the Caesar Park Hotel 116

Chapter 5

Figure 5.1 Spring Sale for the Chien-Sing Department Store, Taipei, 1949 Source: Tai Wan Min Sheng Ri Bao 台灣民聲日報, 09 April, 1949 124 vii

Figure 5.2 December advertisement for the Chien-Sing Department Store, Taiwan, 1949 Source: Central Daily News, 01 December 1949 124

Figure 5.3 Betty Grable in Moon Over Miami poster, 1941 Source: http://www.imdb.com/media/rm1445185280 127

Figure 5.4 Grable appearing on the cover of the Modern Screen magazine, March 1945 Source: Modern Screen magazine, (March 1945), 21 127

Figure 5.5 Mrs. Chen in front of the Chien-Sing Department Store, Taipei, 1949 Source: http://blog.udn.com/cty43115/6029655 129

Figure 5.6 The new Chien-Sing Department Store, Taipei, 1960s Source: Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction 農村復興委員會 130

Figure 5.7 Aerial view of the new Wing On Company Building, Shanghai, 1933 Source: The Young Company, no. 90, (December 1933), 35. 132

Figure 5.8 Opening Sale for the new Chien-Sing Department Store, Taiwan, 1956 Source: Central Daily News, 11 September 1956, 4. 136

Figure 5.9 Advertisement for the Chrysler Airtemp Air Conditioners, 1946 Source: Architectural Record, no.5, vol. 99, (May 1946), 133. 140

Figure 5.10 The Daxin Department Store, Kaohsiung, 14 Sept. 1958 Source: The History Museum of Kaohsiung 143

Figure 5.11 Shirokiya Department Store, Tokyo, 1931 Source: David B. Stewart, The Making of a Modern Japanese Architecture: 1868 to the Present (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1987), 120. 145

Figure 5.12 Taisuco Building Taipei Branch, Taipei, 1951 Source: “The Retrospection of Taiwan Architecture – 1949~1978,” Architect, vol. 5, (Jan- Feb 1979), 14. 150

Figure 5.13 Remington-Rand Building, Philadelphia, 1950 Source: “Small Business Buildings,” Architectural Record, no.1, vol. 107, (January 1950), 94. 151

Figure 5.14 Fluorescent lighting design for the Otis Elevator office, Farmington, Connecticut, 1946 Source: “Designing with Fluorescent Lighting,” Architectural Record, no. 1, vol. 107, (January 1946), 65. 155

Figures 5.15 Daxin Department Store’s fluorescent ceiling lighting in the Household Goods Floor, Kaohsiung, late 1950s Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 155

Figures 5.16 The Ladies’ Wear Floor in the Daxin Department Store, Kaohsiung, late 1950s Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 155

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Figure 5.17 The escalator in the Daxin Department Store, Kaohsiung, 1959 Source: The History Museum of Kaohsiung 156

Figure 5.18 Children on giant teacup ride at Disneyland, Anaheim, 1955 Source: The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images, photo by Allan Grant 159

Chapter 6

Figure 6.1 The temporary shelters along Chunghwa Road, Taipei, late 1950s Source: Digital archive of the Taiwan Memory 台灣記憶 164

Figure 6.2 Aerial view of Chunghwa Commercial Strip situated along the Chunghwa Road, Taipei, 1961 Source: Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction 農村復興委員會 168

Figure 6.3 Architectural drawing of Chunghwa Commercial Strip, front elevation, Taipei, 1960 Source: Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo 徵信新聞報, 8 April 1960, 3. 169

Figure 6.4 Immeubles-villas, street view, Le Corbusier, 1922 Source: Le Corbusier, Towards an Architecture (Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 2007), 275. 169

Figure 6.5 Prior to the opening of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip, Taipei, 1961 Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 171

Figures 6.6 The setback hallway of Chunghwa Commercial Strip on the first floor, Taipei, 1961 Source: Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction 農村復興委員會 172

Figures 6.7 The setback hallway of Chunghwa Commercial Strip on the second floor, Taipei, 1961 Source: Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction 農村復興委員會 172

Figure 6.8 The Harrison Hightower Textile Engineering Building, front view, Atlanta, 1950 Source: Architectural Record, no.6, vol.108, (June 1950), 120. 177

Figure 6.9 The opening of Chunghwa Commercial Strip, front view, Taipei, 22 April 1961 Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 178

Figure 6.10 The Stuart Company, Edward D. Stone, Pasadena, California, 1958 Source: “Splendor in the Factory,” Architectural Record, no.4, vol.123, (April 1958), 162. 179

Figure 6.11 The Columbia Record Store in Chunghwa Commercial Strip, Taipei, 1960s Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 182

Figures 6.12 Times Square, at the intersection of Broadway and Seven Avenue, New York, 1932 Source: http://www.spotlightonbroadway.com 184

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Figures 6.13 A vintage Ginza nightlife postcard, illustrating the SONY’s neon sign and the Morinaga Globe neon tower on the right, Tokyo, Late 1950s~early 1960s Source: http://www.kodokei.com/ch_013_d.html 186

Figure 6.14 One of the ten neon Towers of Chunghwa Commercial Strip, street view, Taipei, 1964 Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 188

Figure 6.15 Chunghwa Commercial Strip at night lit with neon towers, street view, Taipei, 1969 Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 188

Chapter 7

Figure 7.1 The Di-Yi Company Building, front façade, 1965 Source: Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction 農村復興委員會 197

Figure 7.2 Waterman Building, Platt Roberts & Associate Architects, Mobile (Alabama), 1947 Source: http://www.brblawyers.com/waterman-building.html 200

Figure 7.3 General Petroleum Building, Walter Wurdeman & Welton Becket, Los Angeles, 1949 Source: National Register of Historic Places – U.S. Department of the Interior, http://npgallery.nps.gov/nrhp/AssetDetail 201

Figure 7.4 Employers Insurance Building, George L. Dahl, Architects & Engineers, Dallas, 1950 Source: “Employers Insurance Building,” Architectural Record 166, (September 1950): 101. 201

Figure 7.5 Taiwan Cement Corporation Building, Taipei, 1959 Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 202

Figure 7.6 The ground floor plan of the Di-Yi Department Store, 1965 Source: “Di-Yi Department Store,” Chien Chu, (Taichung: Chien Chu Chu Pan She, 1966), 21. 203

Figure 7.7 Domino Frame, 1948 Source: Srdjan Jovanvic Weiss and Sze Tsung Leong, “Escalator,” in Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping (Köln: Taschen Gmbh, 2001), 350-51. 206

Figure 7.8 Otis’s Ideal Shopping Structure, 1948 Source: Srdjan Jovanvic Weiss and Sze Tsung Leong, “Escalator,” in Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping (Köln: Taschen Gmbh, 2001), 350-51. 206

Figure 7.9 The interior of the Di-Yi Department Store, 1967 Source: Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction 農村復興委員會 207

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Figure 7.10 The façade of the Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre, 1968 Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 211

Figure 7.11 The façade of the Rich’s Department Store, Knoxville, 1955 Source: “Shops and the Market Place,” Architectural Record 263, (October 1958), 198. 212

Figure 7.12 The façade of the Thalhimer Store, Richmond, 1955 Source: Morris Ketchum, Shops and Stores (New York: Reinhold Corp., 1957), 94. 213

Figure 7.13 Fashion show at the Jin-Ri Department Store, 1969 Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 216

Figure 7.14 Fashion show at the Jin-Ri Department Store, 1969 Source: National Repository of Cultural Heritage, R.O.C. 216

Figure 7.15 Building front elevation of the first Far Eastern Department Store, the Chung Lynn Architects and Engineers, Taipei, 1967, Source: Courtesy of the Far Eastern Department Store 219

Figure 7.16 The ground floor plan of the first Far Eastern Department Store, the Chung Lynn Architects and Engineers, Taipei, 1967 Source: Courtesy of the Far Eastern Department Store 219

Figure 7.17 The storefront of the Far Eastern Department Store, street view, Taipei, 1967 Source: Courtesy of the Far Eastern Department Store 221

Figure 7.18 The storefront of the Grayson Department Store, Gruen & Krummeck, Seattle, 1941 Source: Louis Parnes, Planning Stores That Pay (New York: F.W. Dodge, 1948), 172. 222

Figure 7.19 Store for ED Steckler, Inc., Ketchum, Gina & Sharp, New York, 1939 Source: Building Research Institute, Window and Glass in the Exterior of Buildings, (Washington, D.C.: National Research Council, 1957), 150. 223

Figure 7.20 Florsheim Shoes Salon, Ketchum, Gina & Sharp, New York, 1946 Source: “Shops and the Market Place,” Architectural Record 263, (October 1958), 196. 223

Figure 7.21 The advertisement for the ‘American Product Exhibition,’ Taipei, 1973 Source: Independent Evening News, 26 October 1973. 227

Figure 7.22 Premier Chiang accompanied by the CEO of the Far Eastern Company and the US Ambassador viewing the ‘Moon Rock’ at the ‘American Product Exhibition,’ Taipei, 1973 Source: Central Daily News, 28 October 1973. 228

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Chapter 1

Introduction

1

Since the mid-1980s, retail infrastructure has been developing at an enormous rate in

Taiwan. Developments such as the Tainan Shopping Centre in 1986, the Shin Kong

Mitsukoshi Xinyi Xin Tian Di in 1997, and the Core Pacific City/Living Mall in

2001 are among some of the largest retail complexes in Southeast Asia. Large-scale retail developments in Taiwan dominate much of the urban environment of its cities and their fringes. They provide privatised public space, connect users of retail buildings to mass public transport systems and invariably influence policies in relation to street development. As retail architecture is currently an essential part of the urban fabric in the cities of Taiwan, it is timely to study the history of its development, which largely began in the 1950s.

Some of these recent developments in Taiwan had been designed by American architectural practices. A landmark retail complex – the Core Pacific City (CPC) in the Songshan district of Taipei, opened in 2001 – was designed by the Jerde

Partnership International, a Los Angeles-based design and planning firm. The CPC complex is a vertical urban mall comprising an L-shaped building hugging a huge spherical inhabitable structure (Figure 1.1). The 204,300 square metre complex has

19-storeys, encompassing above and underground levels and, in the early 2000s, it was the largest shopping centre in Southeast Asia.1 In its initial design concept, the

CPC was to be dressed according to different themes on each retail level named, for example, “Champs Elysees,” “the Rome Avenue” and “California Sunshine

1 SCDC, "Operational Project: Living Mall," in Taiwan Shopping Center Power (Taipei: Taiwan Council of Shopping Centers, 2007), 2. 2

Boulevard.”2 Themed design was a major part of Jerde’s other retail and entertainment projects such as San Diego’s Horton Plaza, opened in 1985, and projects in Las Vegas throughout the 1990s. The Dream Mall in the Qianzhen district of Kaohsiung is another example of a retail complex designed by an American firm,

RTKL Associates (Figure 1.2). Twice the size of CPC, the ocean-themed Dream

Mall with 399,989 square metres of gross floor space assumed the title of the largest shopping centre in Southeast Asia in 2007, superseding Windance Shopping Centre in Hsinchu city, another themed Taiwanese mega mall project by the same firm.3

American involvement and influence on retail architecture in Taiwan are not a recent occurrence; they can be traced back to the post-war modern development of the country and the growth of its consumer economy in subsequent decades. Any study of the history of retail architecture in Taiwan needs to acknowledge the changes that occurred in the post-war period and the influx of American influences on retail architecture and consumer taste. The present in this regard has its roots in this period.

2 "The Core Pacific City Shopping Centre," Taiwan Architect (1996), 58. 3 See "Dream Mall: Uni-President Meng Shi Dai," accessed May 12, 2014, http://www.dreamall.com.tw/dreamMall/index.asp. 3

Figure 1.1 Core Pacific City/Living Mall, exterior view showing giant sphere structure, Taipei, 2001

Figure 1.2 Dream Mall [Translated as Meng Shi Dai Gou Wu Zhong Xin], Kaohsiung, 2007

1.1 Hypothesis and Research Questions

This thesis argues that retail architectural development in post-war Taiwan was closely linked to a process of Americanisation. Accordingly, two research questions were posed: 4

1. What were the most dominant influences on retail architecture in post-war

Taiwan?

2. How did Americanisation impact on the development of post-war retail

architecture in Taiwan, and in what form?

1.2 The Importance of the Post-war Period

This thesis aims to examine the history of post-war retail architecture in Taiwan in the context of the influence of American retail architectural trends and models. The focus is the 1950s and 1960s – a boom period for Taiwan in terms of the export of agricultural goods and light industrial products such as textiles and plastic goods.

The 1950s was also a time when Taiwan opened itself up to the West, and close military and economic ties were established with the United States of America.

Professor of International Studies, John Copper, claims “of all the nations in the world, the United States has been the most important to Taiwan.”4 He argues that the history of this involvement began during the Second World War when the United

States was an ally of Nationalist China and also, following this, through the US support for the Nationalist Chinese government in Taiwan. Similarly, American scholar, Robert Sutter, argues that Taiwan’s role in the post-war world economy was founded on American aid and commercial trade with the US.5

The government of the United States provided political and economic support to

Taiwan from the early 1950s to the mid-1960s. During this period, the US

4 John F. Copper, Taiwan: Nation-State or Province?, Sixth ed. (Boulder: Westview Press, 2013), 199. 5 Robert G. Sutter, Taiwan: Entering the 21st Century (Lanham & London: University Press of America, 1988), 11-17, 32-44. 5

government was involved in Taiwan in the area of military defence, sponsorship of medical and industrial technological development, business loans, public infrastructure, and the built environment.6 The US government sent technical experts, planners, architects and military personnel to Taiwan. It also provided funding for educational, cultural and specialised exchange, making it possible for people in Taiwan to study in the US. Nonetheless, Taiwan was not the only nation in

East Asia that received political and economic support from the US during the post- war period. Due to its foreign policy and growing anti-Communist sentiment, the US formed its East Asia-Pacific defence line in the early 1950s by allying with South

Korea, Japan, Taiwan and the Philippines. By establishing a military presence and providing political support and financial aid to these allies, the US aimed to prevent the spread of communism in East Asia. Historian of American diplomatic history,

Akira Iriye, notes that the US played a dominant role as “an Asian-Pacific power,”7 which is reinforced by Chen Kuan-Hsing 陳光興, an Asian cultural studies theorist, who argues that Okinawa (Japan), South Korea and Taiwan became semi-colonies for American military during the post-war period.8 Additionally, contemporary visual artist, Chen Chieh-Jen 陳界仁, who featured in the 20th Biennale of Sydney in

2016 with his activist work Empire's Borders II - Western Enterprises, Inc., notes the

“United States domination of political and economic structures in Taiwan from 1950

6 Zhong-Xiong Lin, A Century's Experience of Taiwan Economy (Taipei: San Min Shu Ju, 1998), 13-16. Also see Yan-Cun Yan, The Early Years of Taiwan (Taipei: Shi Bao Wen Hua Publishing, 1989), 56-58, 64-72. 7 Akira Iriye, The Cold War in Asia: A Historical Introduction (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice- Hall, Inc., 1974), 27. 8 Kuang-Hsing Chen, Asia as Method: Towards De-Imperialization (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 8-12. 6

to 1979 was a central enabling factor in Taiwan’s path to modernisation and economic maturity.”9

Coupled with its political agenda, the United States tried to establish an economic presence in Taiwan in order to generate possibilities for American business in East

Asia in the 1950s and the 1960s. Along with economic influences from the United

States, there was also a discernible Western influence on consumer life and the consumer economy in Taiwan in the post-war period. This consumer activity was supported by the design and construction of new types of retail environments. New department stores, for instance, were built with large expanses of curtain-glass walling, floor to ceiling window displays, and larger interior spaces devoted to the display of merchandise. These department stores utilised new lighting and environmental control systems such as air conditioning and contained new forms of entertainment. These Western influences on retail architecture represented something of a revolution in retail environments in post-war Taiwan. People had never seen these types of retail spaces before; spaces that projected an image of a modern lifestyle, presented up-to-date retail displays, and provided a new type of retail environment. To a large extent, these changes to the retail environment can be explained as part of a broader process of orientation toward to the West particularly through the influence of the US.

9 Chieh-Jen Chen, Empire's Borders II - Western Enterprises, Inc., 2010, 20th Biennale of Sydney, 2016. 7

Unlike houses, institutional edifices and office buildings, retail architecture in post- war Taiwan reached out to a broad audience. Not only was this architecture a centre of consumer activity, it was also an important platform for promoting new trends and fashion ideas. Advertisements for retail buildings in the post-war period sometimes functioned as political propaganda for the government in Taiwan and for the US. On that account, post-war retail architecture in Taiwan was a vehicle, not just for the act of shopping, but also for broadcasting patriotic messages and spreading American ideas, values and culture. Therefore, this thesis argues that the study of Taiwanese retail architecture needs to be considered in the context of imperialist aspirations by the United States as part of its expansion in East Asia during the post-war period.

1.3 Modern Economy and Consumption in Taiwan

The pervasiveness of retail infrastructural development in contemporary Taiwan is reflective of massive growth in retail consumption. According to the 2007 report of the Taiwan Council of Shopping Centres, combined retail consumption of department stores and shopping centres in 1999 was $136,933 million New Taiwan dollars (NT), increasing to $206,446 million New Taiwan dollars in 2006.10 The increase in consumer spending more than doubled within eight years. This upsurge in retail consumption in fact is part of a longer history of growth since the post-war period.

10 SCDC, "2006 Taiwan Organised Retailing Overview," in Taiwan Shopping Center Power (Taipei: Taiwan Council of Shopping Centers, 2007), 3. 8

Two statistics reveal the fast growth of the economy of consumption in Taiwan. First is the growth rate of the gross domestic product (GDP). GDP indicates the key norm of macroeconomic conditions and the accumulated growth rate in Taiwan from the mid-1960s to the 1980s was 6.5 percent.11 This number was much higher than Japan which only had a growth rate of 4.8 for the same period.12 The second statistic is the growth of the advertising industry in Taiwan. According to statistics from the

Ministry of Economic Affairs in Taiwan, the annual income of the advertising industry in 2000 reached NT$898 billion dollars (equivalent $3.8 billion Australian dollars), the highest annual capital revenue among the country’s industrial or service industries.13 Advertising not only promotes commercial products, it creates and fosters consumer desire. The statistics of growth in GDP and the advertising industry represent the scale of Taiwan’s consumer economy. The sociologist Thomas Gold even claimed that shopping became a major activity and a “new lifestyle” in Taiwan in the 1990s.14 Current literature shows how significant retail activities and consumption are within Taiwanese life. However, it is important to trace the emergence of this consumer society and the retail developments that served to support it.

Over its history Taiwan has in fact experienced several phases of economic growth.

During the Japanese colonial period, which stretched from 1895 to 1945, Taiwan

11 Paul W. Kuznets, "An East Asian Model of Economic Development: Japan, Taiwan, and Korea," Economic Development and Cultural Change 36, no. 3 (1988): S14. 12 Ibid. 13 Tzuen-Yeng Tsai, "The Formation of Consumer Society in Taiwan: The Connection between Household Income and the Consumption" (Masters Dissertation, National Chung Cheng University, 2003), 15. 14 Thomas B. Gold, "Taiwan Society at the Fin De Siecle," The China Quarterly 148 (1996): 1106. 9

was regarded as an agricultural appendage to be developed as a complement to

Japan; thus, agriculture in Taiwan was generally commercialised and this was the first era of modern economic growth.15 By the turn of the century, marketplaces and shop-houses began to appear to cater for growing consumer activity.16 During the

1930s, large-scale modern department stores emerged with the majority of their consumers being Taiwan’s economic elite.17 The Taiwanese economy slowed during a twelve-year period of war encompassing the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-45) and the Civil War in China (1946-50). The Civil War in China resulted in a massive migration of people from mainland China to Taiwan. This migration had an enormous impact on its social, economic and political development.

From the late 1950s, Taiwan experienced high levels of economic growth. Similar to

Japan and South Korea, this economic prosperity occurred due to the social stability of the society and strong financial support from the United States in the 1950s and the early 1960s. This led to the emergence of large spaces of shopping and consumer activity. Taiwan was quickly transformed from a commercialised agricultural economy into an export-oriented industrial economy in the 1960s, with dramatic growth in the 1970s. The average annual growth rates for real per capita income in

Taiwan increased from 3.1 in the 1950s to 7.1 of the early 1970s.18 Taiwan became the second largest foreign reserves nation19 and the world’s thirteenth largest

15 R.H. Myers, "The Commercialization of Argriculture in Modern China," in Economic Organization in Chinese Society, ed. W.E. Willmott (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972). 16 Kuan-Hsing Chen, "The Formation of Consumer Society in East Asian Capital Cities - Part Two" (Taiwan: National Science Council, 2003), n.p. 17 Ibid. 18 Alice H. Amsden, "Taiwan's Economic History: A Case of Etatisme and a Challenge to Dependency Theory," Modern China 5, no. 3 (1979): 344. 19 Dinah Lee, "Rebuilding a Tiger: Who'll Get the Lion's Share?," Business Week (1991): 46-47. 10

economic power in 1990.20 It was an “economic miracle”21 and Taiwan was celebrated by leading economic and financial groups as the “Newly Industrialised

Country” in Asia.22 By 1996 cumulative trade surpluses exceeded US$100 billion dollars and were the second largest in the world after Japan.23

This rapid economic growth in Taiwan since the late 1950s created new wealth within Taiwanese society. Many small to large size enterprises emerged and transformed Taiwan’s social structure into a burgeoning “new middle-class.”24 The emerging new wealth prompted a rapid growth in consumption in the post-war period, transforming Taiwan into a consumer society.25 Eminent scholar, Chen

Kuan-Hsing 陳光興, argues that the formation of a consumer society in post-war East

Asia was constituted from historical conditions, changes in social structure, and the expansion and representation of consumer society correlated to the economic process of production from capitalism.26 Chen suggests that the emergence of consumer society in Taiwan, particularly in Taipei, occurred during the 1970s and deepened in the 1980s. By the late twentieth century, retail consumption became more significant on a daily basis for people in Taiwan. This thesis does not address the question of the

20 M. Montagu-Pollock, "All the Right Connection: Chinese Management Has Amazing Advantages over Modern Methods," Asian Business 27, no. 1 (1991): 20-24. 21 Sebastien Dessus, Jia-Dong Shea, and Mau-Shan Shi, Chinese Taipei:The Origins of the Economic Miracle (Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development, 1995). 22 Gerald A. McBeath, Wealth and Freedom:Taiwan's New Political Economy (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Co., 1998), 12. 23 Ibid., 121. 24 Gold, "Taiwan Society at the Fin De Siecle," 1105. 25 David K. Tse, Russell W. Belk, and Nan Zhou, "Becoming a Consumer Society: A Longitudinal and Cross-Cultural Content Analysis of Print Ads from Hong Kong, the People's Republc of China, and Taiwan," Journal of Consumer Research 15, no. 4 (1989), 457-72. 26 Kuan-Hsing Chen, "Preliminary Thoughts on the Formation of Taiwan's Consumer Society," Cultural Studies Monthly 2 (2001). 11

appearance of consumer society in Taiwan in any significant depth, however, it contributes to an understanding of its early history by looking at the development of retail architecture in Taiwan during the 1950s and 1960s.

1.4 Modern Architecture in Post-war Taiwan

Retail architecture in post-war Taiwan was not isolated from the rise of modernism more generally and is one of the neglected areas of historical study of modernism in

Taiwan. As this thesis will show retail architecture is a part of the larger story which can be briefly summarised here by considering the different groups of architects that practiced in Taiwan during the post-war decades. Due to the Second Sino-Japanese

War (1937-45) and the Chinese Civil War (1946-50), building activity in Taiwan declined dramatically with few construction projects completed during this period.

According to architectural historian, Wang Tseng-Yung 王增榮, the Bank of Taiwan

Chiayi branch, designed by Zheng Ding-Bang 鄭定邦 and completed in 1948, was the first example of modern architecture built after 1945.27 He points out that architectural firms such as Yong-Ning and Hua-Gai Allied Architects from mainland

China also undertook projects in Taiwan in the late 1940s.28 For instance, the

Taiwan Sugar Company Taipei branch building, completed in 1951, was designed by

Hua-Gai Allied Architects. The Project Architects, Chen Zhi 陳植, Zhao Shen 趙深 and Tong Jun 童寯, received their architectural training in the United States. Through the use of curtain-glass walling on its façade, the Taiwan Sugar Company Building in Taipei can be considered one the first International Style buildings in Taiwan.

27 Tseng-Yung Wang, "Guang Fu Chu Qi Tai Wan Xian Dai Jian Zhu De Fa Zhan: 1945~1956," Architect 115 (July 1984): 47-48. 28 Ibid. 12

As a result of the Chinese diaspora that occurred from 1949 to the 1950s, many

Western educated Chinese architects migrated to Taiwan. These Chinese elite architects were among the first generation to produce modern architecture in Taiwan between the 1950s and the 1970s. One of the most prominent architects was Wang

Da-Hong 王大閎 who designed several important modern buildings during this era.

Wang was born in Beijing and went to architectural schools in England and the US.

He was a graduate student of Walter Gropius at Harvard University. When Wang relocated to Taiwan, the first project he designed was his own house. Wang’s residence, completed in 1953, was located in Jien-Guo South Road in Taipei (Figure

1.3). Adopting some spatial elements of a traditional Chinese courtyard house,29 this house was a minimalist and modernist space that displayed a Miesian influence

(Figure 1.4).30

Figure 1.3 Wang Da-Hong’s residence, south facing view of an architectural model, Taipei, 1953

29 Ming-Song Shyu and Jun-Xiong Wang, Rustic and Poetic: An Emerging Generation of Architecture in Post-War Taiwan (Taipei: Mu Ma Wen Hua Publishing, 2008), 22. 30 Architectural historian, Wang Zeng-Rong, states that the design of the Wang’s residence reveals a Miesian influence possibly from Mies’ Farnsworth House (1945-51), or his unbuilt project, the Core House (1951-52). Mies attempted to develop a 50 x 50 feet industrial produced prototype mass- house, also known as the ‘Core House,’ in response to the house shortage after the Second World War. See Wang, "Guang Fu Chu Qi Tai Wan Xian Dai Jian Zhu De Fa Zhan: 1945-1956," 50. 13

Figure 1.4 Wang Da-Hong’s residence, view of the living room, Taipei, 1953

Along with Wang Da-Hong, Chang Chao-Kang 張肇康 and Cheng Chi-Kwan 陳其寬 were also influential Chinese architects who migrated to Taiwan in the 1950s. After receiving their college diploma of architecture in China, both went to the Illinois

Institute of Technology to complete the graduate program in architecture (the school was directed by Mies van der Rohe). Following graduation, both worked for The

Architects’ Collaboration, TAC (founded by Walter Gropius) for a few years.31

When I. M. Pei invited both of them to partake in the design and planning of

Tunghai University in 1954, they relocated to Taiwan and were involved with several projects. Chang, Cheng and Pei worked together on the first phase of campus planning and each was responsible for designing individual buildings for the university. For example, the library of the Tunghai University was a design collaboration work between Chang and Cheng. The library was designed as a

31 Shyu and Wang, Rustic and Poetic: An Emerging Generation of Architecture in Post-War Taiwan, 36, 48. 14

modern reinforced concrete building complex, yet some Chinese architectural elements were included such as the grey tile pitched roof, lotus pond, bridge and floral-latticed brick walls (Figure 1.5).

Figure 1.5 Tunghai University Library, north facing view, Taichung, 1957

A second group of architects were Taiwanese-born. Lin Ching-Fen 林慶豐 and Chen

Jen-Ho 陳仁和 were two of the most well-known of this group. Both received their architectural education from Waseda University in Japan. After graduation, Lin started his professional career in Japan and worked there for six years including a position as an architectural engineering consultant for the US army in Japan.32 His most renowned works included buildings such as the Taiwan Cement Corporation

(1959), Mandarin Daily News Headquarters (1962), Song-Yin Hall (1963), and

Kang Ning General Hospital (1972). Different than Lin, Chen returned to Taiwan immediately after his graduation. He practiced as an architect in the south of Taiwan and had a wide range of projects from commercial to religious buildings. Completed in 1963, the Wave Building for the San-Sin High School of Commerce and Home

Economics (Figure 1.6) is a modernist building. The main entry is a tower-like structure, centrally attached to the main building, containing a stairway. This four- storey school building received its name, Wave Building, by having sloping floors for each classroom that created a lower level for the lectern and multiple levels of

32 Ibid., 120. 15

seating for students.33 Although the building appears to be a modern looking structure, the Japanese style sloping roof on the centre-tower reveals the influence of the architect’s educational background in Japan.

Figure 1.6 The Wave Building, architectural model, Kaohsiung, 1963

A third group consisted of foreign architects who designed buildings in post-war

Taiwan but did not take up residence. These projects included Kung-Tung Technical

Senior High School (1960), designed by Swiss architect Justus Dahinden, St.

Christopher Church (1957) in Taipei, designed by American architect Anthony

Stoner, St. Cross Church (1961) in Tainan, designed by Swiss architect Gottfried

Böhm, the industrial complex of the Shionogi pharmaceutical company (1965) in

Keelung, designed by Japanese architect Junzo Sakakura, and the Sacred Heart Girls

High School (1967) in Ba-Li district (New Taipei City), designed by another

Japanese architect Kenzo Tange. The work of these architects influenced young

Taiwanese architects at the time.

33 Ibid., 98. 16

While all of the above mentioned architectural projects are well documented in the literature, retail architecture is not represented at all – an omission that characterises all the literature to date. On the whole, retail architecture is absent from the current narratives of the post-war modernist movement in Taiwan. In addition, Taiwanese architectural historians in general seem to neglect some architectural practices such as the Zhong Guo Xing Ye Architects & Associates who designed important commercial buildings in 1960s Taiwan. This thesis aims to expand our understanding of the modern architectural movement by considering the contribution of such lesser known architects and the appearance and design of retail architecture in post-war Taiwan.

1.5 Originality of the thesis

This thesis makes an original contribution to Taiwan’s architectural history in four ways. First of all, as just mentioned, the study addresses the fact that retail architecture is absent from current narratives of modern architecture in Taiwan.

Retail development in Taiwan underwent tremendous change in the post-war era.

Many small retail businesses either modernised their stores or moved into large shopping complexes mirroring trends in the United States during the 1950s and

1960s. These large shopping complexes and department stores also became landmark buildings in the cities of Taiwan. This study will expand our understanding of modernisation in post-war Taiwan, and is the first to consider retail architecture as a significant part of its modern architectural history.

17

Secondly, as a product of commercial forces, post-war retail architecture in Taiwan occupies an interesting cultural position. It is an expression of increasing commercial interests and, more significantly, an expression of Taiwan’s desire to connect to and align itself with the Western world. This thesis is the first study to address the cultural significance of retail architecture in post-war Taiwan.

One of most interesting aspects of Taiwanese post-war retail architecture is that it signified modernity by presenting the novelty of retail interior design and planning.

Therefore, thirdly, this study describes how retail buildings in post-war Taiwan featured Western interior layout. The interior planning involved the latest Western building technologies such as air-conditioning, escalators and innovative lighting to attract customers. This thesis is the first to address the modernisation of retail space in post-war Taiwan.

Lastly, this thesis seeks to investigate the larger influence of the American presence in post-war Taiwan by not limiting itself to economic and industrial developments but by considering broader cultural influences in the areas of architectural modernism and Western modernity, particularly in the field of retail architecture. No literature has addressed this subject before.

1.6 Structure of the Thesis

This thesis consists of eight parts: Introduction (chapter 1); Literature Review and

Research Framework (chapter 2); Americanisation – A General Overview (chapter

3); Americanisation of Post-war Taiwan (chapter 4); Post-war Retail Development in

18

Taiwan during the late 1940s and 1950s (chapter 5); From Marketplace to Shopping

Complex – the Chunghwa Commercial Strip (chapter 6); Department Stores in 1960s

Taiwan (chapter 7) and Conclusion (chapter 8).

Chapter 2 is a survey of the literature pertinent to the subject of this thesis. It describes the existing research materials that relate to retail architecture in Taiwan after 1945, and provides an overview of the literature on modern architecture in

Taiwan and consumer culture studies central to the themes of this thesis. This chapter also describes a number of methodological considerations taken from the field of reception studies. Chapter 3 explores the general phenomenon of

Americanisation worldwide since the turn of the twentieth century. Chapter 4 considers the main topics regarding American influence in post-war Taiwan.

Due to severe political and social conditions in Taiwan, large retail developments did not emerge until the 1950s. Chapter 5 looks at two of the most prominent retail developments of the period in relation to American influence. The first is the Chien-

Sin Department Store in Taipei, and the second is the Daxin Department Store in

Kaohsiung.

Taiwan’s economy recovered rapidly in the late 1950s and the early 1960s, and, along with the growth of retail consumption, larger retail buildings emerged during this period. Chapter 6 discusses the transformation of a traditional market place into a shopping complex, namely the Chunghwa Arcade, opened in 1961. Entertainment attractions featured in the development of large department stores in Taiwan during

19

the 1960s. Chapter 7 examines the Di-Yi, the Jin-Ri, and the Far Eastern department stores. They were the new leading retail landmarks that combined entertainment in

Taipei during the 1960s. This chapter will consider their architectural design as well as other design influences from the West.

Chapter 8 provides a conclusion to the thesis and restates its main arguments. This chapter will identity how the thesis makes a contribution to scholarship on the architectural history of Taiwan. It will explain the limitations of the study, and describe how this thesis provides a basis for further research projects.

20

Chapter 2

Literature Review and Research Framework

21

This chapter consists of two parts. The first part reviews existing literature published in Taiwan pertinent to the subject of the thesis. The second part explains significant terms and describes the research framework for the thesis. The literature review of this chapter examines existing publications relating to retail architecture in Taiwan.

As retail architecture cannot be isolated from broader architectural developments, literature considering the influence and impact of modernism in post-war Taiwan will be reviewed. As in other countries, retail architecture in Taiwan is tied to the formation and growth of consumer culture. Therefore, publications related to consumer culture and consumer society in Taiwan will be discussed.

Americanisation is another important subject of this thesis, and as such, this chapter will look at existing scholarship on Americanisation in Taiwan.

2.1 Literature on Retail Environments in Taiwan

There are few scholarly articles written on Taiwan’s retail environment. One is Yen

Shi-Lee’s article, “The Characteristics and Management of Retail Space,” in which he examines retail space in terms of commercial circulation.1 Other related research by Yen includes “Business Opportunities for Shopping Centres,”2 “Profitable

Investment in Retail Space by Property Management,”3 “Analysis on the Type of

Management between Department Store and other Retail Spaces”4 and “Inquiring

1 Shi-Lee Yen, "The Characteristics and Management of Retail Space," Taipei Architectural Journal, no. 154 (1990): 27-31. [Author’s title translation] 2 Shi-Lee Yen, "Business Opportunities for Shopping Centres," Taipei Architectural Journal, no. 159 (1990): 34-40. [Author’s title translation] 3 Shi-Lee Yen, "Profitable Investment in Retail Space by Property Management," Taipei Architectural Journal, no. 170 (1991): 41-45. [Author’s title translation] 4 Shi-Lee Yen, "Analysis on the Type of Management between Department Store and Other Retail Spaces," Rental Estate Report, no. 147 (1993): 29-32. [Author’s title translation] 22

into Shopping Street Management.”5 Yen’s articles all focus on the business aspects of retail development in Taiwan. His studies do not provide any detail on how those business strategies were manifested in the design of Taiwanese retail environments.

It is important that this thesis look at both retail strategy and its expression through retail design.

Chang Li-Dong and Brenda Sternquist’s work is among the first on the subject of

Taiwanese retailing to be published in English. In their 1993 article on the department store industry in Taiwan, Chang and Sternquist report on the growth of the retail industry in Taiwan from the 1980s to the early 1990s.6 The authors describe three significant attributes of the department store industry in Taiwan. The first characteristic is consignment sales within the Taiwan department store. The second is that the Taipei Co-ordinated Department Store Association (TCDSA) often involved price competition with the retailers who operated stores inside the department store. The third characteristic is the growing affiliation with foreign business, particularly Japanese retailers. Their article not only indicates that department stores in Taiwan have partaken in strategic alliances with foreign retailers, but they also point out that the “opportunities for foreign consumer-goods manufacturers and marketers exist because of Taiwanese consumers’ preference for foreign products.”7 Although the studies of Chang and Sternquist focus on the 1980s and early 1990s, the same openness to foreign affiliation is evident in the late 1960s

5 Shi-Lee Yen, "Inquiring into Shopping Street Management," In the Conference of the Operation and Management of Shopping Street (Taipei: Department of Commerce from the Ministry of Economic Affairs, R.O.C., 1996), 85-87. [Author’s title translation] 6 Li Dong Chang and Brenda Sternquist, "Taiwanese Department Store Industry," International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management 21, no. 1 (1993): 26-34. 7 Ibid., 29. 23

and 1970s in Taiwan. During the late post-war period, this affiliation was not established with the Japanese but with American retail consultants. Furthermore,

Taiwanese consumer preference for foreign products did not start in the 1980s as described by Chang and Sternquist; in fact, it began in a much earlier period. Some stores provided a channel for the suppliers of American products into post-war

Taiwan catering to consumer interest in foreign goods.

Some of the scholarship on Taiwanese retail environments produced in the last ten years has taken the form of university higher degree research. In his thesis on

Taiwanese shopping culture, Lee Wen-Chieh investigates the characteristics of consumer behaviour in shopping malls during the late 20th century. The author presents a case study of the “Tai-Mall” shopping complex adopting the theory of environmental psychology and consumer behaviour to examine the interaction between consumers and the shopping environment.8 Lee’s thesis has been heavily cited in subsequent scholarship due to the fact that it was the first research on that subject from an architectural and planning perspective. Nevertheless, its focus is too specific to provide context for this study.

In her 2004 thesis, Wu Li-Li investigates two underground arcades in Taipei, namely the Taipei City Mall and the Easy Mall.9 She travelled to Tokyo, Kyoto and

Shanghai to set up a comparative study model of the two arcades. Wu’s research

8 Wen-Chieh Lee, "The Research of Characteristics of Consumer Behaviors in Shopping Malls: Using Tai-Mall Shopping Mall as an Example" (Masters Dissertation, Chung Hua University, 2000). 9 Li-Li Wu, "The Comparison of Underground Spatial Practice and Its Administration-the Development Experiences of Taipei City Mall and Easy Mall" (Masters Dissertation, Ming Chuan University, 2004). 24

demonstrates how government policy has influenced the planning of these developments. Other thesis studies of retail development in contemporary Taiwan are framed by an interest in merchandise flow in retail architecture,10 accessibility and mobility in retail environments,11 the quantitative analysis of retail images,12 circulation patterns for shopping centres,13 and commercial interests.14

In addition to literature on contemporary developments, there are three important studies focusing on Taiwanese department stores in the colonial era that provide context for this study. Chen Rou-Jin’s book, the title of which can be translated as

The Early Western Experience in Taiwan, examines Western cultural influences on

Taiwanese life from daily products to social life during the Japanese colonial period from 1895 to 1945.15 The author elaborates on how the Western culture of food, daily products, public space, transportation, dress, gender relations and social life led to a cultural Westernisation in Taiwan. Chen argues that Western modernisation in

Taiwan began in the first half of the twentieth century through Japanese colonial rule. She also provides important insights into the emergence of consumer culture.

10 Han-Ting Hsieh, "An Initial Discussion to the Influence of Merchandise Flow Revolution to Commercial Architecture" (Masters Dissertation, National Cheng Kung University, 2001). [Author’s title translations] 11 Tao-Fen Shih, "Design and Planning of the Shopping Spaces in Northern Kaohsiung: The Mobility of Their Retail Environments" (Masters Dissertation, National Cheng Kung University, 2007). [Author’s title translations] 12 Jen-Ho Liu, "Positioning Department Store's Spatial Images" (Masters Dissertation, Chung Yuan Christian University, 2005). 13 Jei-Fu Chen, "The Research of the Consumer Shopping - Line in the Large-Sized City Shopping Centre" (Masters Dissertation, National I-Lan University, 2007). Jei-Fu Chen proposed an design study in his 2007 thesis on the “customer shopping-line” (also known as “circulation pattern”) in the shopping centre. He analysed the circulation patterns within shopping centres and suggests the key elements which influence consumer behaviour. 14 SCDC, "Operational Project: Living Mall," in Taiwan Shopping Center Power (Taipei: Taiwan Council of Shopping Centers, 2007). 15 Rou-Jin Chen, The Early Western Experience in Taiwan (Taipei: Wheat Field Publishing Company, 2005). 25

Her book mainly describes the products of consumption and social lifestyle during the 1930s, but also briefly considers the emergence of large-scale modern retail buildings in Taiwan, namely the Kikumoto Department Store (1932), Haiyashi

Department Store (1932) and Yoshi Department Store (1941), all of which exemplified the early modernisation of retail architecture in Taiwan.16

Tsai I-Chun has also written an extensive study of department stores in Taiwan during the colonial period.17 Tsai investigates the development of department stores from the viewpoint of urban life and explains how they impacted upon other retail activities in Taiwan at the time. Tsai’s research argues that even though the scale of retail architecture in Taiwan had not been developed at such a large-scale as the stores in Tokyo and Shanghai during the 1930s, they were integrated as a part of urban development and, importantly, influenced architectural style in Taiwan during the colonial period.

A Japanese edited book Hyakkaten no Bunkashi: Nihon no Shōhi Kakumei, which can be translated as The History of the Department Store: The Reform of

Consumption in Japan, also includes a chapter on early department stores in Taiwan.

Investigating the colonial culture of Hyakkaten in Taiwan, Lin Hueyyuh looks at the early development of the Taiwanese department store and associates retail activities from an advertising point of view.18 She describes the popularity of three major

16 Ibid., 75-82. 17 I-Chun Tsai, "A Study of Department Stores in Taiwan During the Japanese Period" (Masters Dissertation, Taipei National University of the Arts, 2005). 18 Hueyyuh Lin, "The Colonial Culture of Hyakkaten in Taiwan," in Hyakkaten No Bunkashi: Nihon No Shōhi Kakumei ed. Taketoshi Yamamoto and Tamotsu Nishizawa (Kyōto: Sekai Shisōsha, 1999), 109- 29. 26

Japanese department stores, namely Takashimaya, Mitsukoshi and Daimaru, operating the mail order service and travelling sales from mainland Japan to Taiwan during the colonial period.

Collectively the works of Chen, Tsai and Lin serve to demonstrate the significance of retail architecture in terms of the culture and urban life of pre-war Taiwan. Their work provides relevant context for this thesis through its discussion of retail companies and buildings in relation to consumption, advertising and urban lifestyle.

It is clear that existing scholarship on the retail environment of Taiwan is varied, and the history of the department store in Taiwan up until the end of the colonial period has been covered reasonably well. Additionally, there is research concerned with or correlating to retail architectural development in 1990s Taiwan.19 However, no study can be found on the subject of retail architecture and its design in post-war Taiwan.

Furthermore, there is no existing scholarship that investigates influences on retail architecture in Taiwan from neighbouring countries and the West during this period.

2.2 Literature on Post-war Architecture in Taiwan

In 1979, the Taiwanese journal Architect published a series of articles on the built environment of Taiwan from 1949 to 1978. This provides valuable documentation in

19 The existing researches regarding the retail developments in 1990s Taiwan include Li Dong Chang and Brenda Sternquist, "Taiwanese Department Store Industry," International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management 21, no. 1 (1993): 26-34; Yung-Fang Chen and Brenda Sternquist, "Difference between International and Domestic Japanese Retailers," The Service Industries Journal 15, no. 4 (1995), 118-33; Roy Larke, Japanese Retailing (London: Routledge, 1994); Yan-Ping Wang, The Report on the Development of Department Stores in China from 1999 to 2008 (Beijing: Economy and Management Publishing, 2009). 27

regards to post-war architecture in Taiwan. The articles include interviews with leading architects of the time, providing a platform for discussions in which a three- decade long retrospective view of architectural development was the primary topic.

At the concluding forum, the participating architects concurred that there were three phrases of modern architectural development in Taiwan: the first phrase was the

1940s and 1950s, named “Zhen Kong Qi” 真空期.20 This referred to a slow process of development due to the social instability caused by World War Two and the

Chinese Civil War. The forum’s architects claimed that the second phase was initiated in the 1960s when modern architectural development in Taiwan began to integrate with vernacular culture.21 The third phase of the modern movement appeared in the 1970s.22 One article was devoted to post-war building regulations in

Taiwan. It reveals that the building height for residential structures before 1967 was limited to 15 metres and no more than three-storeys in height.23 This serves to explain the general low-rise urban landscape in post-war Taiwanese cities and why large and tall retail buildings stood out as urban landmarks in the cities of Taiwan.

Although Architect published articles on the theme of post-war Taiwanese architecture and some Western architectural developments, it mentioned only few commercial buildings.

A more recent article written by architectural historian Wang Tseng-Yung describes architectural development in Taiwan from 1945 to 1956 and identifies important

20 Zhen-Hua Wang, "Jian Zhu Yan Tao Hui: Cong Ben Tu Chu Fa," Architect (Jan-Feb 1979): 128. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23Rong-Tang Cai and Zeng-Rong Wu, "Guang Fu Yi Lai De Jian Zhu Fa Gui Yan Ge: Interview with Nan- Yuan Huang," Architect (Jan-Feb 1979): 65. 28

architects such as Wang Da-Hong, Jin Chang-Ming and Chang Chang-Hua, illustrating their residential, institutional and office projects.24 Wang examines how the works of these architects related to the development of Western architecture at the time. He notes that the focus of the modern architectural movement began to shift from Europe to the United States when leading modernist architects, notably

Ludwig Mies van der Rohe and Walter Gropius, relocated to the US in the late

1930s, and began to influence American architectural education and practice.25

Wang points out that some key architects in early post-war Taiwan received their architectural education in the US and were strongly influenced by American modern architecture in the 1940s.26 Wang’s article is significant to this thesis because it addresses the American influence on early modern architecture in post-war Taiwan via US-educated architects.

Recent publications also testify to a growing interest in modern architecture in post- war Taiwan.27 This is notably seen in the appearance of the book Rustic and Poetic:

An Emerging Generation of Architecture in Post-War Taiwan, written by architectural historians Shyu Ming-Song and Wang Tseng-Yung.28 They identify three groups of architects who produced modern architecture in post-war Taiwan.

First, there were architects who migrated from mainland China to Taiwan after the end of the Civil War, a number of whom received their architectural diplomas from

24 Tseng-Yung Wang, "Guang Fu Chu Qi Tai Wan Xian Dai Jian Zhu De Fa Zhan: 1945~1956," Architect (July 1984): 115. 25 Ibid., 47. 26 Ibid., 49-52. 27 Chien-Lang Li, 20th Century Architecture in Taiwan (Taipei: Yu Shan She Publishing, 2001). 28 Ming-Song Shyu and Jun-Xiong Wang, Rustic and Poetic: An Emerging Generation of Architecture in Post-War Taiwan (Taipei: Mu Ma Wen Hua Publishing, 2008), 8. 29

Western countries; the second group were Taiwanese architects who had their architectural training during the colonial period with some of them attending architectural schools in Japan; and the third source group were foreign architects who designed a few religious and institutional buildings in Taiwan.29 Shyu and

Wang’s argument is that modern architecture in Taiwan from the 1950s to the early

1970s shows a blend of Western modernism and Chinese humanism. References within this publication are primarily to domestic, institutional, religious and commercial buildings. Significantly, there is no discussion of retail architecture in their publication. This thesis will demonstrate that retail developments in post-war

Taiwan also reveal a similar blend of Western modernism, but in this instance combined with aspects of Chinese retail and entertainment culture into their spatial planning.

Within the limited research on retail developments in post-war Taiwan, Chunghwa

Commercial Strip is an exception. There have been three recent postgraduate theses produced that have included the study of this building complex as a part of a broader analysis of the history of Chunghwa Road. Shih Shin-Chen examines the urban transformation of Taipei using Chunghwa Road as a case study.30 Her interest is for an urban planning perspective and she does not present an in-depth discussion on

Chunghwa Strip in term of its architectural design. Li Lu-Feng has investigated historical photographic images of Chunghwa Road in terms of the social history of the area which includes Chunghwa Commercial Strip and Nanjichang Resettlement

29 Ibid. 30 Shin-Chen Shih, "A Study of the Transformation Traces of Urban Space Examples in Taipei – Taking the Zhonghua Road for Example" (Master Dissertation, Tamkang University, 2008). 30

Public Housing.31 As with Shih’s research, he did not undertake a study of the architectural design of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip. In his 2015 thesis, Yen

Hsun-Yeh has investigates the history of Chunghwa Commercial Strip focusing on the people who lived and operated business within the Strip.32 His research describes details on how Chinese immigrants settled on the site and their daily activities which included operating shops, restaurants and entertainment businesses. Yen’s thesis also provides a comprehensive social history of the area, and yet, it is a study that contains minimal information regarding the architectural design of the Strip.

2.3 Literature on Consumer Society and Consumer Culture in Taiwan

As far as the history of consumerism in East Asia goes, it has been largely established by scholars that the late 1970s through to the early 1990s was a period of enormous growth in Taiwan. This growth has been the focus of a large amount of scholarship on consumption, consumer society and consumer culture. This section describes significant research of these areas of study.

Cultural theorist Chen Kuan-Hsing’s research explains how consumer society in

Taiwan was formed as a result of various political and cultural influences.33 In his

31 Lu-Feng Li, "The Historical Images of Chunghua Road, Taipei City, 1960s-1990s: Chunghua Commercial Complex, Nanjichang Resettlement Housing, and Mainlanders Group" (Master Dissertation, National Chengchi University, 2014). 32 Hsun-Yeh Yen, "Diasporic Experiences and Memories of Place of Mainlander Chinese in Taipei’s Zhonghua Market, 1950-2001" (Master Dissertation, National Chiao Tung University, 2015). 33 Kuan-Hsing Chen, "Preliminary Thoughts on the Formation of Taiwan's Consumer Society," Cultural Studies Monthly, no. 2 (2001): 3. More discussions on the topic of consumer society in Taiwan can also be seen in Tzuen-Yeng Tsai, "The Formation of Consumer Society in Taiwan: The Connection between Household Income and the Consumption" (Masters Dissertation, National Chung Cheng University, 2003); Kuan-Hsing Chen, "Globalization and the Formation of Consumer Society: A Comparative Study of South Korea and Taiwan," in Disappearance of Borders? A Nation- State, Globalization and the Form of Culture (Taiwan: National Science Council, 2001); David K. Tse, Russell W. Belk, and Nan Zhou, "Becoming a Consumer Society: A Longitudinal and Cross-Cultural 31

essay “Formation of Society of Consumption in Taipei,” Chen indicates that much discourse to date has focused on the formation of a consumer society as a part of postmodern culture; but he argues that its origins lie in a historical condition which was formed and shaped by the economy of consumption.34 As he notes, “Taipei is a post-colonial city,” and political ideologies such as “statism, authoritarianism, developmentalism35 and anti-communism” became a part of the city’s modern history.36 In terms of cultural development, he claims that Taiwan has shown the influence of Han culture, Japanese colonial modernisation, right-wing nationalism and the imitation of the American lifestyle.37 It is these political and cultural developments, Chen argues, that have shaped daily life and forms of modern consumption in Taiwan.

In 2001, Chen Kuan-Hsing further explored the subject of consumer society by comparing Taiwan and South Korea.38 He suggests that the study of consumer society in East Asia should be considered as a part of a large social structure and it should be examined from a political and socio-economic perspective.39 Chen points out how political forces have dominated the economic policy of both nations. He further describes the history of political economy in Taiwan and South Korea and

Content Analysis of Print Ads from Hong Kong, the People's Republc of China, and Taiwan," Journal of Consumer Research 15, no. 4 (1989):457-72. 34 Kuan-Hsing Chen, "The Formation of Society of Consumption in Taipei," in International Forum on Chinese Cultural Production in Asian Cities (Taipei: Taipei City Government & Asia-Pacific/Cultural Studies Center, NCTU, 2000), 21. [Author’s title translations] 35 Developmentalism is an economic theory that suggests the new industrial countries fostering a strong and varied internal market to improve high tariffs on imported goods. 36 Chen, "The Formation of Society of Consumption in Taipei," 22. 37 Ibid. 38 Chen, "Globalization and the Formation of Consumer Society: A Comparative Study of South Korea and Taiwan." 39 Ibid., 3. 32

suggests that consumer society emerged there in the 1970s.40 This assertion is based upon government data relating to clothing sales, the rapid expansion of the advertising industry and a rapid increase in entertainment consumption.41

Chen also investigates the character and structure of consumer society in other East

Asian capital cities such as Seoul, Tokyo and Beijing and compares them to Taiwan.

Chen describes two Japanese views on the appearance of consumer society in Tokyo.

One view proposes that consumer society in Tokyo was formed in the late 1920s and early 1930s, which was also echoed in the Japanese colonial cities of Seoul and

Taipei.42 Another view is that in the 1930s consumption activity in Japan only occurred in urban areas to serve the middle class.43 These opinions are echoed in

Chen Rou-Jin’s suggestion that modern consumer culture appeared first in Taiwan during the early 1930s, and it also only served to the elite class in Taiwan.44 Chen

Kuan-Hsing further describes how consumer society emerged again in post-war

Japan from the late 1950s to the early 1960s when electronic products (such as television) and cars became more common for Japanese households.45 Chen’s research however does not discuss retail activity in early post-war Taiwan parallel to the same period in Japan. This thesis will show that Taiwan also experienced a

40 Ibid., 4. 41 Ibid. 42 Kuan-Hsing Chen, "The Formation of Consumer Society in East Asian Capital Cities - Part Two," (Taiwan: National Science Council, 2003), 1. 43 Ibid. 44 Chen, The Early Western Experience in Taiwan, 98-113. 45 Chen, "The Formation of Consumer Society in East Asian Capital Cities - Part Two," 2. Beside Chen’s work, other important research on consumerism in Taiwan has been conducted by Wei Shu- Er, Tsai Tzuen-Yeng and Li Mei-Ling, who analysed the formation and transformation of the structure of consumption in Taiwan from 1980 to 2000. See Shu-Er Wei, Tzuen-Yeng Tsai, and Mei-Ling Li, "The Analysis of Structure Formation and Transformation of Consumer Society in Taiwan, 1980~2000," Social Analysis, no. 2 (2011),1-51. 33

resurgence of consumer activity in the late 1950s and 1960s, and significantly it also reveals a shift from elite consumption to mass consumption that is absent from

Chen’s study.46

In his book Consumer Culture and Spatial Structure: Theories and Application,

Taiwanese researcher, Chen Kun-Hung, explores the subject of consumption and consumer culture in Taipei.47 He discusses various theories such as Walter

Christopher’s central place theory and August Losch’s economic landscape to establish a commercial spatial structure theory for Taipei.48 Chen focuses on six important retail streets and shopping areas and examines their consumption activities. One of his study areas is Ximending – an early commercial business district of Taipei since the beginning of the twentieth century that has evolved into a retail and leisure centre.49 He recognises Ximending district as an important consumption space in Taipei, but his study does not go into the detail regarding the history of Ximending. Chen’s research serves to reinforce that retail development is not separated from social economic structures and patterns of consumption.

However, its chronological focus does not extend to the post-war period in Taiwan.

Research on consumer society and consumer culture in Taiwan provides an important contextual perspective for this thesis. Yet, none of the above studies

46 A complementary study to the rise of consumer society in Taiwan could consider literary sources such as those considered by Lin Yi-Ching in her Masters thesis “Transformation of the Metropolitan Situation in Literary Experience - A Case Study on Taipei City from 1950s to 1970s” (Masters Dissertation, Tunghai University, 1993). 47 Kun-Hung Chen, Consumer Culture and Spatial Structures: Theories and Application (Taipei: Zhan Zhi Shu Ju, 1995). 48 Ibid., 104-26. 49 Ibid., 194. 34

investigate the post-war era which was critical to the evolution of consumer society in Taiwan. Clearly this is a research gap regarding the history of consumer culture in

Taiwan.

2.4 Literature on Americanisation in Taiwan

Most existing publications that relate to American involvement with post-war

Taiwan focus on its industrial and economic impact. However, an article written by the Academia Sinica researcher, Zhao Qi-Na, has revealed another important aspect: the US government’s influence on the tertiary education of university students in post-war Taiwan.50 By offering scholarships for college students in Taiwan to study overseas at American universities and also by supporting the elites of Taiwan through cultural activities, Zhao explains how the American government employed its cultural diplomacy in ways which consequently prevented other foreign cultures entering Taiwan.51 Zhao argues that American culture became the sole Western culture in Taiwan during the post-war era.

Apart from Zhao’s essay, the term ‘Americanisation’ surprisingly appears in only a few scholarly studies of Taiwanese culture. One article applies the term

Americanisation in a study of the development of the music industry of Taiwan, where He Dong-Hong and Zhang Zhao-Wei examine the history of the Chinese gramophone record industry after the Second World War.52 They describe how

50 Qi-Na Zhao, "The Educational and Cultural Exchange Programs between Taiwan and the U.S. Governments: 1950-1970," A Journal of European and American Studies 31, no. 1 (2001): 79-127. 51 Ibid. 52 Dong-Hong He and Zhao-Wei Zhang, "The Development of the Chinese Gramophone Record Industry and the Music Culture in Taiwan after the World War Two," Taiwanese Industrial Research 3 (October 2000). 35

music culture of the 1950s in Taiwan was largely associated with political ideology.

They explain that due to the increased US military presence in Taiwan from the mid-

1950s and 1960s, American music became popular among students and the elites of

Taiwan.53 He and Zhang also indicate how print and broadcast media such as

American Billboard, Rolling Stone and later MTV (Music Television) promulgated the popularity of American culture in Taiwan from the 1960s to the 1980s.54

A dissertation written by Yu Shang-Ming also applies the term Americanisation in describing the American film industry’s influence in Taiwan.55 Yu tells of the steady growth of American films in Taiwan after the Second World War and describes how

Hollywood began to dominate cinema screenings of Taiwan from the mid-1990s.56

He argues that the Americanisation of cinema in Taiwan was a cultural phenomenon in the 1980s, and it became a part of Taiwanese consumer culture in the 1990s.57

Even though the three studies mentioned above provide substantial evidence of

American cultural influence, scholarship on Americanisation in Taiwan is considerably poor on the whole.

In summary, the available Taiwanese literature on the theme of retail development, the modern architectural movement, consumer culture and Americanisation serves to provide a general context and cultural background to this study. The second part of

53 Ibid., 156-58. 54 Ibid., 182-86. 55 Shang-Ming Yu, "Is Going to a Cinema in Taiwan Equivalent to Seeing Hollywood? Americanising the Imagination of Taiwanese Audiences" (National Taiwan Normal University, 2008). 56 Ibid., , 3-12. 57 Ibid., 177-78. 36

the chapter identifies important terms and outlines the research process and research methods used for this thesis.

2.5 Translation of Terms

This section begins by explaining a number of significant terms and the way in which they are applied in this study. The first term involves an issue of translation.

The word “retail” in English denotes the sale of goods to the public in relatively small quantities for use or consumption rather than for resale.58 Retail architecture in

English often refers to a single retail store, commercial building or shopping complex in which goods are sold to the general public. Linguistically, the meaning of “retail” in Chinese is identical to English. However, the phrase “retail architecture” does not have an equivalent translation in the Chinese language and has not been adapted into Chinese retail discourse yet.

This issue of translation bore a number of implications for the present study which has relied on similar terms and phrases in investigating archival materials.

Preliminary research for this thesis used synonymous terms in locating material connected with “retail architecture,” for example searching under the word “retail” coupled with words such as “space” and “design”. This search was complemented by considering the subject of commercial architecture. It resulted in the discovery of articles and material on various aspects of commercial architecture such as the department store industry, administration of underground arcades, and the revitalisation of historic retail spaces. Additionally, another approach was to

58 Casper Grathwohl, "Retail," accessed March 28, 2011, http://www.oxforddictionaries.com. 37

investigate the subject of boutique stores, department stores, shopping complexes, shopping centres and malls, words for which exist in the Chinese language. While there are publications on or linked with these subjects concerning Taiwan, it was discovered that scholarship on retail architecture from an architectural and planning perspective dates only from the late twentieth century and does not consider the post- war era.

Another significant term for this study is Americanisation. The term

‘Americanisation,’ when it was first coined, referred specifically to the process of racial and national assimilation, and to the acculturation of foreign immigrants within the United States of America during the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries.59 Today, however, the word Americanisation has expanded in meaning, and is often used to describe the influence of the culture of the United States on other countries. This is the way that ‘Americanisation’ is understood in this study.

2.6 Sources of Research Material

The sources of research material for studying retail architecture in post-war Taiwan and its Americanisation fall into two categories. The first category is the primary source material which refers largely to archival documents. The second category is the secondary source material which ranges from scholarly publications to popular media. Unfortunately, the architects associated with 1950s retail buildings in Taiwan remain unknown. Even though the architects of the 1960s retail buildings were

59 Carol Aronovici, Americanization (St. Paul, Minnesota: Keller Publishing Co., 1919), 5-15; Howard C. Hill, "The Americanization Movement," The American Journal of Sociology XXIV (May 1919): 612. 38

recorded in some documents, none of the architects or the companies they worked for still exist today. For this reason, most of the primary source material for studying post-war retail buildings and their architects comes from government offices in

Taiwan, such as the Small and Medium Enterprise Administration and the Industrial

Development Bureau in the Ministry of Economic Bureau, R.O.C., which hold early records of retail development in Taiwan. Other government offices and organisations in Taiwan such as the Department of Cultural Affairs, both in Taipei and Kaohsiung, the Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction, the National Archives

Administration and the Taiwan Historica also held key archival documents for this thesis.60

Visual resources including photographs and drawings of buildings were crucial for this study but were not available as they normally are through architectural practices.

Some of the visual research material, photographic documentation in particular, was found within the National Repository of Cultural Heritage, Academia Historica, the

National Central Library’s Taiwan Memory website, and the Joint Commission on

Rural Reconstruction as well as a number of professional architectural journals.

Sourcing retail architectural drawings was a more difficult task because of privacy issues and the limited number of documents either still available or readily accessible. Where possible, contact was made with the managers of retail buildings to obtain more data, notably original plans and design drawings.

60 One key government document from the Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction that has been invaluable for this thesis is a research report named The Cities and the Industries of Taiwan. Published in 1954, this study was undertaken by a group of researchers headed by Arthur F. Raper, an official from the US Foreign Office of the Mutual Security Mission to China. 39

Secondary source material ranged from scholarly publications such as professional journals and books to popular media such as newspapers, magazines, video recordings and weblogs. For instance, Chin Jih Chien Chu, published by the Taiwan

Provincial College of Engineering, was the only architectural journal in circulation during the 1950s in Taiwan running from 1954 to 1959.61 Other architectural journals in Taiwan were not established until the early 1960s – namely Chien Chu,

Architecture & Planning, Jing Yu Xiang and Bai Ye Chuang – and together they provided important contextual information for understanding the growth of modern architecture in Taiwan.

In addition to consulting Taiwanese architectural journals from the 1950s and 1960s, this thesis also draws upon the American journal Architectural Record over the period under consideration. As a commercial publication, it has a broad scope in its coverage of architecture and modern architectural technology and building products.

It features a variety of commercial buildings, and contains a considerable amount of information on construction and building facilities. American researcher, Susanne

Lichtenstein, has addressed the importance of Architectural Record as “a valuable record of the range of American reactions to and attitudes about a developing modern architecture,” and that it promoted “a highly technological architecture.”62 In terms of the present topic, this journal contains relevant articles and other material such as building product advertising related to American developments in the realm of commercial architecture, particularly retail architecture. Architectural Record was

61 Chao-Ching Fu, Tai Wan Jian Zhu De Shi Yang Mai Luo (Taipei: Wu Nan Publishing, 2015), 145. 62 Susanne Ralston Lichtenstein, "Editing Architecture: 'Architectural Record' and the Growth of Modern Architecture, 1928-1938" (PhD Dissertation, Cornell University, 1990), 2. 40

also used to gain information about advances in design and technology of commercial buildings. It proved particularly helpful in drawing lines of connection between American retail architecture and that of Taiwan. It helped to interpret trends as well as establish physical similarities between American and Taiwanese architecture.

Popular media sources such as newspapers, magazines and visual media such as television and online videos were significant secondary sources for researching

Taiwanese post-war retail development. The early post-war newspapers such as Tai

Wan Min Shen Ri Bao, Central Daily News, Da Hua News and Zheng Xin Xin Wen

Bo offer substantial research material for understanding retail development in this period because they promoted the features and novelties of the new retail buildings.

Some of these media sources were found through the Taiwan Television Enterprise

(TTV) video archive and the Academia Sinica Digital Centre in Taipei.

An interesting source of information for this study was the retailers and developers’ autobiographies and diaries written by former store employees and their children.

This information can be accessed through their weblogs. These autobiographies not only detail the lives of businessmen who established retail enterprises but also their travel experiences. The retail store employees’ diaries provide an ‘insider view’ of the retail activities within department stores in Taiwan during the 1950s. These weblogs are valuable sources of information for understanding the background of two important retail developments in 1950s Taiwan.

41

One of the obstacles encountered in this study, particularly in using these sources, was the question of accuracy, that is, the reliability of the material sourced. In her essay “Systems of Inquiry and Standards of Research Quality,” Linda Groat addresses the issue of the credibility of sources and introduces a research method to tackle this issue.63 This method is called “triangulation” which involves the comparison of “multiple data sources of data collection.”64 It centres on the cross- checking of data and verifying the results of one and the same subject by using two or more sources in any instance. Triangulation has been applied in certain cases within this thesis to confirm the accuracy of information such as dates and facts cited within the research material. For example, some articles showed a difference in the dates of operation of the Chien-Sing Department Store in Taiwan. Chien-Sing had operated since the 1940s, but retail activity was poorly documented during the war and early post-war years. Comparing existing research against other sources such as newspaper articles or advertisements was a useful way of verifying the accuracy of the collected information. In relation to the weblog diaries, this study was fully aware that the weblog creators tended to naturally select only those photo images and information that best suited the purpose behind the blogs; therefore, an effort was made to cross-check the information as much as possible.

2.7 Research Method

The hypothesis of this thesis is that the development of retail architecture in post-war

Taiwan was closely linked to the process of Americanisation. In order to establish a

63 Linda Groat, "Systems of Inquiry and Standards of Research Quality," in Architectural Research Methods, ed. Linda Groat and David Wang (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc, 2002), 21-44. 64 Ibid., 38. 42

research framework for understanding the concept of Americanisation, there will be two inter-related layers to this study: a broad overview of Americanisation and its effects in Taiwan, and an in-depth analysis of retail architectural development in post-war Taiwan.

Investigating the process of Americanisation in post-war Taiwan involves an understanding of the complexity of the political and social changes that took place at that time. This process began with US military and economic support and American involvement with Taiwan’s political and economic development. In their book

Architectural Research Methods, Linda Groat and David Wang introduce the

“interpretive research method” that investigates “socio-physical phenomena” within complex contexts, and which provides a perspective to explain those phenomena in holistic and narrative form.65 Their study demonstrates a research procedure for identifying credible evidence, evaluating its quality, and compiling the material into a story.66 The architectural research methods of Groat and Wang provide the basis for this thesis to explain the general background of the study period. Corresponding to Groat and Wang’s study, this research has collected a wide range of information regarding the political and social factors of the period, and seeks to provide an account of these factors in order to understand the socio-physical background in post-war Taiwan and the process of Americanisation there.67

65 Linda Groat and David Wang, Architectural Research Methods (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2002), 136. 66 Ibid., 137. 67 Ibid. 43

To argue that there is a connection between the process of Americanisation and retail development in Taiwan, one major methodological consideration is the study of influence. As Australian historian Desley Luscombe points out, the notion of influence is a “device” often used by architectural historians.68 Luscombe draws from Ihab Hassan’s view on the problems associated with the use of influence as a methodological tool in literary history, and the former indicates that similar issues exist in the study of architectural history.69 Hassan points out that even if two literary works reveal a close similarity, it may still be difficult to determine how one author influences another. Hassan further explains that this issue is not just a concern regarding plagiarism but more connects with a constant relationship between the authors and their works.70 For example, if we claim that one author has influenced another, we cannot assume that the first author has the same relationship to his work as the second author does. Corresponding to Hassan’s view, Luscombe challenges the use of images for architectural study and questions how historians can draw inferences “concerning two mutually exclusive states of activity,” and how a particular image may have been “re-used in a different set of circumstances.”71

Luscombe raises a number of other critical questions for architectural historians and argues that direct influence is not easy to establish because “the notion of influence presupposes some sense of causality, and causality is impossible for any historian to

68 Desley Luscombe, "Shadowy Influences and 'This Goes with That at Sussan's'" (Paper from the Fifth Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand, Sydney, 1988), 84. 69 Ibid., 85-86. 70 Ihab H. Hassan, "The Problem of Influence in Literary History: Notes Towards a Definition," Journal of Aesthetics and Art Crtiticism 14, no. 1 (1955): 69. 71 Luscombe, "Shadowy Influences and 'This Goes with That at Sussan's'", 86. 44

prove.”72 She points out that historians often over evaluate the conscious and subconscious input of architects, creating an illusion and presumably accept it as the reality of the intentions behind a design.73 Luscombe’s essay draws attention to the problems of asserting influence for which caution must be exercised.

Although Luscombe makes a critical point about causality, she claims that her arguments “do not lessen the desire to demonstrate the affinity between similar objects.”74 She further argues that the ways of establishing influence should not just be limited to the mental processes of architects but also through investigating the relationship between developers, project managers, clients and buildings.75 Her essay is helpful because she highlights certain problematic issues that arose during the course of this study. Establishing influence by American retail architecture on

Taiwanese development is an important part of my thesis argument. Therefore, it is crucial for this study to investigate details of the relationship between authors

(architects and retail developers) and their works (store design), and drawing equivalency and determination between different examples.

As some architects remain unknown and the intentions of retail developers are critical in this thesis, I recognise Luscombe’s critical views regarding establishing influence, and will broaden the scope of my investigation from architects to retail developers and their possible customers. In addition to that, exploring similarities between retail architecture in post-war Taiwan and American design through finding

72 Ibid., 84. 73 Ibid., 85. 74 Ibid., 87. 75 Ibid., 85. 45

“a correlation to explain the use of an image, idea or material system” will also be a consideration in establishing influence for this thesis.76

This thesis aims to explain where the influences on retail architecture in post-war

Taiwan may have come from and four areas of investigation have been undertaken for this study. One is to identify the people who were responsible for the creation and operation of the retail buildings including architects, developers, store employees and customers. The thesis has been able to establish that American influence had an impact on all four groups of people, particularly the architects and the developers who are the key players in the creation of retail architecture. That influence came mainly through their educational background and their travel experiences.

The second area of investigation is the media. Mass media in Taiwan such as newspapers play an important role reflecting consumer culture and raising public awareness about the development of retail architecture. In addition to mass media, the professional media is also a focus of this study. Photographic images that were found in architectural journals are one way of comparing buildings and establishing a degree of design influence. However, as Luscombe points out, historians have often placed undue reliance on images, so this research will take a cautious approach to evaluating design influence on Taiwanese buildings through the use of images of buildings.77

76 Ibid., 84. 77 Ibid., 85. 46

One of the considerations for studying influences on Taiwanese retail buildings of the 1950s involves the country’s cultural transition, that is, acknowledging the shift of culture in Taiwan from Japanese colonial to modern Chinese culture, and simultaneously, the introduction of American social, political and economic influences. Most of the existing literature on Taiwan focuses on influences from

Japan rather than the United States. Thus, for further understanding the cultural relationship between the US and post-war Taiwan, the third area of investigation will consider the complexities of this cultural transition in which three cultural forces were at play – those of Japan, China and the US. The research also considers the history of modern retail developments in East Asia before World War II. It traces

American influences within Japan and China in the 1930s that were associated with developments in Taiwan.

The nature of my sources is limited due to poor documentation of architectural projects and the design thinking behind those architects in post-war Taiwan.

Although there are a limited number of studies of early Western influence in Taiwan, very few of them take into consideration the mechanisms through which American culture is absorbed. Due to these reasons, the fourth area of investigation looks into other ways of sourcing research materials to establish influence such as studying

American retail development and how it might be connected with Taiwan.

In order to understand how one culture travels and impacts on another, this thesis considers some methodological approaches from reception theory. The study looks at these approaches by drawing upon works within the field of reception studies.

47

Employing applicable methods from reception studies helps to source better research materials as well as setting up a framework for establishing influence for this thesis.

The following paragraphs outline the relevant literature on reception studies. It includes the works of Hans Robert Jauss, Wolfgang Iser, Michael Squire, Tim

Gough, Tom O’Regan and Judith Brine. Some reception studies emphasise literature and art work, whereas others focus on the reception of architecture by users and the general public, as well as its relation to the media. Some methodological considerations coming out of this literature help to develop a rigorous approach to studying influence.

The term ‘reception’ is defined as “equally, the act of receiving or the state of being received.”78 It is appropriate here to briefly acknowledge the origin of reception theory before outlining the approach taken by this thesis. Modern reception theories are formulated from a school of literary theory that focuses on the reader and their experience of a literary work. These theories were introduced by a group of academics from the Constance School in Germany, founded in the 1960s. Hans

Robert Jauss is considered the founder of the Constance School which first introduced the theory of “aesthetics of reception” in 1967.79 Jauss explains that reception study on the history of literature must represent the historical sequence of works “as they determine and clarify the coherence of literature, to the extent that it

78 Oxford Dictionaries, "Reception," accessed October 26, 2015 http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/reception. 79 Hans Robert Jauss, Toward an Aesthetic of Reception, trans. Timothy Bahti (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982), 21. 48

is meaningful for us, as the prehistory of its present experience.”80 For Jauss, emphasis on the history of reception was fundamental as it could provide a broader interpretation of literary work.

Another well-known theorist from the Constance School, Wolfgang Iser, worked on the divide between the subject (reader) and the object (text), focusing on the meanings derived from the reader’s perspective. In his early book, The Implied

Reader, Iser focused on strategies that required a high degree of participation from the reader.81 In a later publication, The Act of Reading, Iser suggested aesthetic analysis of the act of reading and explained further how the reader could be entertained while reading.82 For Iser, the meaning of the literary work cannot be thought of as static but dynamic and evolving, generated by the function of the interplay between the text and readers’ response.83 Overall, Jauss’ work focuses on reception theory from the history of literature and includes the broad interplay of author, text and reader. Iser’s work, on the other hand, concentrates primarily on the meaning of the reader’s response.

Numerous scholars have explored the implications of art work and architectural reception based on Jauss and Iser’s theories. For example, Michael Squire has reviewed a number of reception studies in relation to the art of ancient Greece and

Rome. He explains that the classical concept of reception refers to the ways Greek

80 Ibid., 20. 81 Wolfgang Iser, The Implied Reader: Patterns of Communication in Prose Fiction from Bunyan to Beckett (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974). 82 Wolfgang Iser, The Act of Reading: A Theory of Aesthetic Response (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1978). 83 Ibid. 49

materials were imitated and adapted by the Romans.84 He describes that “the Roman reception of Greek art was consequently understood as a means to a historical end.”85 Squire particularly refers to Elizabeth Prettejohn’s work and describes her approach: “to discover as much as possible about the object’s making, the social and historical contexts in which it was made, and its meaning within those contexts.”86

He points to her study of the statue of the Venus de Milo, and explains how this piece of classical art has been translated and interpreted over time through different receivers (artists). “Each reception potentially has something to tell us about the

Venus,” Prettejohn says, “as well as something about the subjective perception of the receiver.”87

Learning from Squire’s study, the first step in studying the reception of retail developments in post-war Taiwan is to investigate the background on the making of those buildings, and acknowledge their historical context in relation to other early modern developments. The ‘receivers’ of this thesis are architects and retail developers. Therefore, the study of reception for this thesis will explore the cultural background of those receivers and investigate the possibility of their exposure to some precedents prior to their creation. This approach will help for further understanding on how they may have gained business ideas and may have incorporated some ideas into the retail buildings they designed and planned.

84 Michael Squire, "Theories of Reception," in The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Art and Architecture, ed. Clemente Marconi (New York Oxford University Press, 2015), 643. 85 Ibid. 86 Ibid., 646. 87 Ibid., 647. Also see Elizabeth Prettejohn, The Modernity of Ancient Sculpture: Greek Sculpture and Modern Art from Winckelmann to Picasso (London I.B. Tauris, 2012), 245. 50

In his essay “Reception Theory of Architecture: Its Pre-History and Afterlife,” Tim

Gough explores a wide-range of reception theories and proposes theoretical links to architecture. He focuses on the basis of reader-response criticism from Wolfgang

Iser and discuss how his reception theory may be applicable to architecture. In relation to Iser’s theory, Gough points out that architectural meaning can only be generated when the reader (a person) engages with the text (a building).88 He explains the creation of meaning through the process of reception, and this meaning may come from the “act of reading” of a building. If architecture can be read as a conventional text, the “act of reading” would imply some kind of engagement with the building.89 Gough suggests that the “act of reading” may apply to architecture as an intellectual exercise in terms of understanding a building. This also means that architecture may contain signs to appeal to the readers for responses. He notes that this theoretical assumption is exemplified by the early writings of Charles Jencks,

Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown.90

Interestingly, Gough argues in his essay that buildings should not just be “read” as a message like a “literary text,” but rather focus should be placed on “the interplay between people and place.”91 For Gough, reception of architecture is “an after-effect movement.”92 He reiterates that the “act of reading” in architecture occurs through a reciprocal relation between the subject (user), object (architecture) and places.93 One

88 Tim Gough, "Reception Theory of Architecture: Its Pre-History and Afterlife," Architectural Theory Review 18, no. 3 (2013): 280. 89 Ibid. 90 Ibid., 281. 91 Ibid. 92 Ibid. 93 Ibid., 290. 51

difference between Gough’s methodological conjecturing and this thesis is that the current research does not deal with ‘users’ but rather deals with architects and retail developers who are the ‘subject’ here, and exploring their relationships with the

‘object’ – retail architecture and place. Thus, this thesis uncovers how architects and retail developers have generated ideas for a building that they have designed or been involved with in some way. They must have developed knowledge from other precedent buildings through an “act of reading” and learnt and understood what these buildings were about inside. Consequently, investigating architects’ and retail developers’ past experiences, then, are a crucial aspect of reception for interpreting design influences.

Tom O’Regan presents an interesting discussion of exposure and reception in architecture. He claims that “architecture is in the reception business” considering

“the professional architect’s work is publicly exhibited.”94 Like film and television, he argues that architecture is also a “time-based media” and can go in and out of fashion.95 He points out that there is a reception cycle in architecture as being time- based and it consists of four stages: “preliminary reception, initial reception, mature reception, and heritage reception.”96 Within these four stages there are also six exposure-reception cycles that may occur in relation to a building: “publicly received, critically received, peer received by prizes and awards, scholar received (in the academic world), curatorially received (in the museological context), and patron

94 Tom O'Regan, "Reception and Exposure in Architecture, Film and Television," Architectural Theory Review 18, no. 3 (2013): 273. 95 Ibid., 274. 96 Ibid., 273. 52

received.”97 Despite the divergence of cultural spaces across architecture, film and television, O’Regan indicates that architecture’s public exposure and reception

“occurs over a significantly longer period of time” than other two media.98 However, he does not consider that architecture operates in a consumer market like film and television. His argument fails to take into account that certain type of architecture such as amusement parks and retail buildings also have a close link to consumer interest as do film and television.

O’Regan points out that architecture’s public standing in cities is increasing due to the growing importance of public policy agendas like public amenity.99 He further explains that landmark buildings were created as a part of the identity of a city, a form of preliminary reception, which relates to this thesis. Therefore, the research will examine how large post-war retail structures in Taiwan were intended to become landmarks for its cities and how they were promoted, a form of public reception, to attract as much public attention as possible.

For O’Regan, architecture is always involved in some form of reception. This thesis’s interests lie in the “mature” stage of reception, not by the general public but by the architects and developers who were involved in the development of retail buildings. The research will consider how these retail buildings were received in terms of commentaries and publications. It is a way of understanding how retail buildings came to be “read.” In conjunction with Gough’s “act of reading,”

97 Ibid., 273-74. 98 Ibid., 275. 99 Ibid., 276-77. 53

O’Regan’s consideration on the exposure and reception of architecture can also be considered as encompassing forms of engagement relating building design and planning influences for this study.

Australian architectural historian, Judith Brine, has devoted much of her scholarship to the study of the public appreciation of architecture. She investigated theories and developed hypotheses regarding the nature of public appreciation in her unpublished

PhD thesis in which she applied them to the study of public reception in three case studies: 1) the Cambridge Camden Society, 2) the penal settlement of Port Arthur, and 3) the early critical bases of the architectural critic, Charles Jencks.100 In a later essay, Brine articulated the importance of travel for architects as a way of learning about buildings and being influenced by them.101 She introduced Ernst Gombrich’s study on reception in her essay and argued that he fails to consider that the receiver is also a player “in the cultural game and that reception, as well as production, is a two-way process.”102 For Brine, the significance of reception is through understanding how receivers appreciate and interpret the meaning of the work

(architecture). This is illustrated in how young Australian architectural graduates encountered modern buildings during their European travels in the 1930s.103 These graduates documented their experiences and views of the buildings they visited and, on returning to Australia, they brought back a strong enthusiasm for modernism.104

100 Judith Brine, "The Nature of Public Appreciation of Architecture: A Theoretical Exposition and Three Case Studies" (PhD Dissertation, University of Adelaide, 1987), ii, iii, xi. 101 Judith Brine, "Substance or Form? Early Australian Readings of Modern Architecture," in Reading Architecture (Adelaide: unpublished conference paper, 1989), 67-75. 102 Ibid., 67. 103 Ibid., 70-73. 104 Ibid. 54

Their experiences and opinions were recorded in the many reports they wrote and sent back to Australia. Likewise, travel is also a consideration in this thesis especially the travel experiences of retail developers, one of which kept a travel dairy which provides an insight into a set of influences.

Brine also discusses architectural reception by looking at the influence of the media focusing on the public reception of modernism in Australia. She studies the promotion of the “ideal home” in newspapers and magazines in the 1930s, and explains how house design in Australia was associated with modernity through the popular press and how this press influenced public opinion at the time.105 Retail developers in post-war Taiwan also relied profoundly on the media promoting their stores. Advertisements for large retail buildings in post-war Taiwan often projected images of Western modernity. Thus, the post-war media in Taiwan is an important site for studying the promotion and reception of retail architecture.

This thesis is centred on the study of influence whilst acknowledging the establishment of influence is a complicated matter. Surveying the works of Squire,

Gough, O’Regan and Brine helps this thesis in setting a direction on how to approach the study of reception and influence by looking at the role of education, travel and the media in the lives of retail developers and architects. As will be shown, these were the three main mechanisms through which developers and

105 Judith Brine, "What Do They Mean by the Ideal Home? Public Reception of Modernism in Australia," Fabrications 6, no. 1 (1995), 96-98. 55

architects were exposed to buildings elsewhere and through which influence was directed.

56

Chapter 3

Americanisation – A General Overview

57

What is Americanisation? According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term

Americanisation denotes “the process of Americanising,” and the meaning of

Americanised refers to “made American; naturalised in America; made like the

American or assimilated to the character of the United States.”1 The original meaning of the word “Americanisation” is associated with the process of racial and national assimilation in the United States.2 Even so, in most scholarly studies today, the term Americanisation has a broader meaning which includes the influence and the impact of the culture of the United States on other nations and peoples.

Studies of Americanisation generally focus on three distinct historical time frames.

While a number of scholars focus on American economic and cultural expansion at the turn of the twentieth century, others discuss American diplomacy and anti-

Americanism in Europe in the post-war period and also the influence of American popular culture in contemporary times.3 Most studies focus on American influence in

European countries, whereas the literature of Americanisation in Asia remains limited.

It is commonly accepted that the phenomenon of Americanisation appeared first in

Europe at the turn of the twentieth century. This phenomenon began with American business expansion in a number of European countries and was subsequently

1 A. Bazouki, "Americanization, Americanized," in The Oxford English Dictionary, ed. J.A. Simpson and E.S.C. Weiner (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 398. 2 Carol Aronovici, Americanization (St. Paul, Minnesota: Keller Publishing Co., 1919), 5-15; Howard C. Hill, "The Americanization Movement," The American Journal of Sociology XXIV (May 1919): 612. 3 Alexander Stephan, "Cold War Alliances and the Emergence of Transatlantic Competition: An Introduction," in The Americanization of Europe: Culture, Diplomacy, and Anti-Americanism after 1945, ed. Alexander Stephan (New York & Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2008), 2-6. 58

followed by the export of American mass culture. However, as a leading scholar on

American studies, Rob Kroes argues, Americanisation occurred not just in Europe but throughout the rest of the world from the beginning of the twentieth century.4

Between the two world wars, American power abroad grew rapidly and after World

War II, the United States became a super-power. Taking advantage of, and propelled by post-war anti-Communist sentiment, the American government increased its political influence largely through international relations, the media, foreign policy and financial aid packages which together formed part of its global business and economic expansion strategy.

This chapter explores Americanisation by first considering the emergence of

American economic power and mass culture at the turn of the twentieth century. The second part of the chapter explores American political influence and its impact from the beginning of the 1900s to the early post-war period after the World War Two.

Finally, the chapter will also outline the American financial aid program in Europe – the Marshall Plan – and describe its economic and political influence on the

European community as well as the related American aid programs in Asia.

3.1 US Economic Expansion

Numerous scholars believe that the World Fairs in the US are the seed from which

American global influence grew.5 Supported by the United States Government, the

4 Rob Kroes, "Americanisation: What Are We Talking About?," in Cultural Transmissions and Receptions: American Mass Culture in Europe, ed. R. Kroes, R.W. Rydell, and D.F.J. Bosscher (Amsterdam: VU University Press, 1993), 312. 5 Emily Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890-1945 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1982), 3-4; Akira Iriye, The Globalizing of America, 1913-1945, 59

first of the World Fairs held in that country was the Centennial International

Exposition in 1876 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.6 This was followed by fairs organised in New Orleans (1884-85), Chicago (1893), Atlanta (1895), Nashville

(1897), Omaha (1898), Buffalo (1901), St. Louis (1904), Portland (1905),

Jamestown (1907) and Seattle (1909).7 As Rydell and Kroes put it, “world’s fairs promised material progress well into the future and laid down a blueprint for a racially exclusive technological utopia” for America.8

In a similar vein, Emily Rosenberg argues that the Columbian Exposition in Chicago of 1893 promoted a “new America” to the world with its extensive displays of advanced technologies.9 The Exposition’s Agriculture Hall, for instance, displayed

American agricultural machinery and promoted it as a tool for the reform of farming practices and processes in places like Manchuria (Northeast China), Siberia, Mexico,

South America and Australia.10 Other distinguished examples of American technologies came from the Chicago Exposition’s Transportation, Machinery and

Electricity halls. These halls showed the “engines of progress” in the form of trains and ocean steamers, as well as electric trolleys, long distance phones, Edison’s new kinetograph, Westinghouse’s incandescent lighting system and other modern

ed. Warren I. Cohen, vol. III, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 16-18. 6 London’s 1851 Crystal Palace Exhibition was the first in a series of World Fairs in Europe and the United States. 7 Robert W. Rydell and Rob Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869- 1922 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2005), 49. 8 Ibid. 9 Emily Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890-1945, 3. 10 Ibid., 4. 60

inventions that opened American business opportunities to the world.11 Through these exhibitions, foreign visitors to the fairs were able to initiate contact with

American companies, or bring information and inspiration about American technologies back to their own countries.

In addition to the promotion of World Fairs, the US government took an active interest in overseas commercial expansion from the 1890s. It created schemes to assist citizens to operate businesses abroad and it also sought to reduce foreign restrictions against American business globally.12 By the late 1890s, some of the giant American firms such as Standard Oil, International Harvester and New York

Life Insurance Co., had generated fortunes from their overseas earnings.13

Additionally, many more American companies established their offices and factories in Europe around the same period also included the Singer Company, the American

Radiator, General Motors Corporation and Ford Motor Company who set up their businesses abroad in the early 1920s.14

The Great Depression and the war that followed slowed American business expansion in Europe during the 1930s and the 1940s, yet commercial activity revived after the Second World War. Between 1950 and 1963, US business investments in Europe increased dramatically from two billion to over eight billion

US dollars as more medium-sized to large US businesses such as Colgate, Heinz,

Honeywell, Chrysler and Du Pont set up European manufacturing business during

11 Ibid., 5-6. 12 Ibid., 39. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 61

this period.15 In the early 1960s, some American companies gained domination in the European market especially with chemical products, electronics and food industries.16 Apart from manufacturing, American service industries also flourished in Europe such as accounting and business consulting. Large American accounting firms such as Arthur Young & Company, Haskins & Sells, Price Waterhouse

Marwick, and Mitchell & Company established themselves throughout Europe around the same time as American manufacturing entered European markets.17

Correspondingly, American consultants provided services such as market analysis, product surveys, cost accounting, budgetary support and overseas marketing for

American factories in Europe from the early 1900s.18

After the Second World War, American consulting businesses thrived in the new

Europe in a competitive and rising mass market. Some of the large consulting firms such as Booz Allen & Hamilton, Arthur D. Little and McKinsey & Company not only provided services to American companies in Europe but also actively offered services to compete with other European consulting businesses in the 1960s.19

Many US advertising agencies followed their US clients to Europe after World War

Two such as J. Water Thompson, McCann-Erickson and Ted Bates.20 Edward

McCreary argues that many European advertisers modelled their advertising on what

15 Ibid., 4, 75-76. 16 Ibid., 89-110. 17 Ibid., 159-61. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid., 164-65. 20 Ibid., 126-27. 62

was done in the US during the early 1960s.21 McCreary further argued that American manufacturing, services and advertising promoted substantial consumer economies in post-war Europe. In the book Americanization and Australia, Philip Bell, Roger

Bell and others describe how Australia was also impacted by American culture. They point out that the United States increasingly replaced Great Britain as the dominant influence and became the primary source of foreign investment in Australia after the

Second World War.22 Large American companies such as Mobil, Caltex, Esso,

General Motors-Holden, Ford and Chrysler all played a major role in Australia in the

1960s and 1970s.23 Bell further points out that “Australia ranked fourth as a destination for American capital,” and “by the mid-1990s, US investment capital in

Australia was greater than the combined economies of East Asia.”24

Enhanced building technologies have also played a significant role prompting

American economic expansion worldwide. In Exporting American Architecture,

1870-2000, Jeffrey W. Cody explores the international dissemination of American architecture and engineering abroad.25 Similar to Rydell, Kroes and Rosenberg’s view, Cody argues that the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition of 1876 and the

Chicago Columbian Exposition of 1893 were critical in promoting American engineering capabilities and were the catalysts for exporting American architecture

21 Ibid. 22 Philip Bell and Roger Bell, "Introduction: The Dilemmas of 'Americanization'," in Americanization and Australia, ed. Philip Bell and Roger Bell (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1998), 7. 23 David Merrett, "Big Business and Foreign Firms," in The Big End of Town : Big Business and Corporate Leadership in Twentieth-Century Australia ed. Grant Fleming, David Merrett, and Simon Ville (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 327. 24 Bell and Bell, "Introduction: The Dilemmas of 'Americanization'," 7. 25 Jeffrey W. Cody, Exporting American Architecture, 1870 - 2000 (London and New York: Routledge, 2003). 63

overseas.26 His studies of US steel construction abroad have demonstrated that the

“American steel-framed skeletons helped characterise a recognisable American version of modernity.”27 Cody’s research has focused on the export of American architecture and urbanism in South America as well as the Far East during the interwar period.28

3.2 The Influence of American Mass Culture

From the late nineteenth century onwards, there were other cultural American exports to Europe and other places around the globe. These were American circuses, motion pictures and amusement parks which accelerated the spread of American mass culture globally.29 In their book Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922, Rob Kroes and Robert W. Rydell point out that mass culture in the United States emerged after the American Civil War and was “rooted in leisure and consumerism.”30 New type of American entertainment such as circus shows the Barnum’s American Museum (1850s) and the theatrical performance of

Vaudeville (1890s) achieved great success within the US, yet, it was the ‘Wild West’ show that brought American popular culture to Europe.31

The ‘Wild West’ show began in 1886 when William Frederick Cody, also known as

Buffalo Bill, opened a show in Madison Square Garden in New York that ran for

26 Ibid., 6-7. 27 Ibid., 27. 28 Ibid., 51-120. 29 Rydell and Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922, 4. 30 Ibid., 22. 31 Ibid., 20-34., John F. Sears and Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt Institute, "Bierstadt, Buffalo Bill, and the Wild West in Europe," in Cultural Transmissions and Receptions: American Mass Culture in Europe, ed. R. Kroes, R.W. Rydell, and D.F.J. Bosscher (Amsterdam: VU University Press, 1993), 3-14. 64

several months.32 In the same year Cody received an offer from an event organiser in

England. In 1887, the ‘Wild West’ premiered as a part of an American exhibition show in London. Many European monarchs including the Kings of Belgium,

Denmark, Greece, the future German Kaiser, William II, and other European royalties attended a private ‘Wild West’ performance on the eve of Queen Victoria’s

Jubilee Day festivities.33 By the end of 1887, over a million people had seen the

‘Wild West’ show in London and the show then went on and toured the cities of

Birmingham and Manchester.34 The show was such a success in England that it was invited to be a part of the 1889 Paris Universal Exposition. Between 1887 and 1907,

‘Buffalo Bill’s Wild West’ show (Figure 3.1) toured Europe eight times, attracting millions of European spectators.35 What the Wild West show accomplished was to not only bring exotic American Indian and cowboy traditions to Europe, but also

American popular cultural values. The influence of the Wild West show still can be seen in many European themed amusement grounds which still attract millions of

European visitors to experience this construction of American history and culture.36

32 Rydell and Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922, 31. 33 Ibid., 108. 34 Ibid., 109. 35 Charles Eldridge Griffin, Four Years in Europe with Buffalo Bill 2010 ed. (Lincoln & London: University of Nebraska Press, 1908), xviii. 36 Rydell and Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922, 116-7. 65

Figure 3.1 Poster depicting Buffalo Bill’s Wild West and Congress of Rough Riders, 1899

The amusement park is another form of entertainment that promoted American mass culture overseas since the beginning of the twentieth century.37 Although there were famous British and European urban pleasure parks and gardens like London’s

Vauxhall, Copenhagen’s Tivoli and Vienna’s Prater, it was Coney Island’s amusement grounds in New York that combined the best features of all. Coney

Island amusement complex introduced new types of technology for “commercialised pleasure” and became exceptionally influential on amusement park developments worldwide.38 When the amusement parks in Coney Island were established, they offered socially acceptable pleasures for working-class and middle-class Americans and attracted millions of visitors every year.39 As observed by Rydell and Kroes:

37 Ibid., 73. 38 Ibid., 74. 39 Rydell and Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922, 74. Established in 1895, Coney Island’s Sea Lion Park was the first enclosed American amusement park and it re-opened in 1903 as Luna Park. Steeplechase (1897) was the second whereas the Dreamland (1904) was the third amusement park in Coney Island. See John F. Kasson, Amusing the Million: Coney Island at the Turn of the Century (New York: Hill & Wang, 1978), 57. According to historian John Kasson, Coney Island transformed accustomed social roles and values to attract people “because of the way in which it mocked the established social order.” See Kasson, Amusing the Million: Coney Island at the Turn of the Century, 50. 66

Functioning as ritualistic and liminal exercises and as safety valves that

enabled masses of Americans to find release from the pressures of

industrialized and urban life, amusement parks joined fairs and wild west

shows and circuses in carrying a nationwide audience across an important

threshold toward a new cultural experience where consumerism and leisure

became hallmarks of a new national identity.40

Coney Island had a profound impact on the development of the burgeoning amusement park industry, not only in the US but also over five continents during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Nearly 1,500 amusement grounds were created and modelled on Coney Island’s amusement parks in the US by the end of the 1920s.41 Furthermore, cities in Europe, Asia and Australia built various versions of American modelled Luna Parks including chains and independent operations from the late 1900s to the 1910s (Figure 3.2).42

40 Rydell and Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922, 78. 41 Judith A. Adams, The American Amusement Park Industry: A History of Technology and Thrills (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991), 57. Also see Rydell and Kroes, Buffalo Bill in Bologna: The Americanization of the World, 1869-1922, 77. 42 For example, the first Luna Park in Europe, the Luna Park am Halensee in Berlin in 1910, borrowed the ideas of Coney Island theme parks’ architectural settings and introduced mechanical rides such as the water slide ride illustrated in Figure 3.2. 67

Figure 3.2 Luna Park am Halensee, park entry and water slide ride, Berlin, 1910

Blackpool South Shore in Great Britain appeared at roughly the same time as Coney

Island. However, more mechanical rides and show ideas were introduced from

Coney Island to Pleasure Beach at Blackpool in the 1900s, and it was commonly referred to as an American amusement park in the UK.43 Architectural historian

Josephine Kane points out that the term, amusement park, was conceived as an

American form of entertainment and the development of Blackpool Pleasure Beach evidenced a “growing popularity of American culture in Britain” in the early twentieth century.44

43 Josephine Kane, The Architecture of Pleasure: British Amusement Parks 1900-1939 (Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2013), 3. 44 Ibid. 68

In his book Luna Park: Just for Fun, Sam Marshall refers to Coney Island as the inspiration for early amusement parks in Australia.45 He described the development of Australian Luna Parks and points out that the Luna Park in St Kilda was the initial link of entertainment between Australia and the United States.46 In 1911, James D.

Williams leased the Dreamland site in St Kilda,47 renovated and upgraded it with the latest mechanical rides to transform it into the first Luna Park in Australia (Figure

3.3).48 He hired a group of American fun-fair experts including his main concessionaire, Whitney Bros, who used to be the main concessionaire for Luna Park in Coney Island.49 Marshall described two additional Luna Parks in Glenelg

(Adelaide) and Milsons Point (Sydney) in his book and demonstrated the mechanical ride technologies and scenic design ideas linked to Coney Island. His book strongly reflected the influence of American entertainment through the development of amusement parks in Australia.

Figure 3.3 Luna Park, views of park and park entry, St Kilda, 1912

45 Sam Marshall, Luna Park: Just for Fun, 2005 ed. (Milson Point: Luna Park Sydney Pty Ltd, 1995), 26. 46 Ibid., 34. 47 Dreamland in St Kilda was the first amusement park in Australia. It was opened in 1906 but only operated for one summer season. Ibid., 35. 48 Ibid. 49 Ibid., 36. 69

Built in 1912, Shinsekai (New World) Luna Park in Osaka was operated on the site of the Fifth National Industrial Exhibition (1903) and it was the largest amusement ground in Asia at the time (Figure 3.4).50 Similar to Luna Parks in Europe and

Australia, Shinsekai was also a large amusement park modelled on Coney Island. As

Figure 3.4 shows, there is a large tower structure next to the park that functioned as a radio transmitting tower; the tower structure had an observation deck and it connected Shinsekei Luna Park with aerial tramways. Apart from Japan, there were other Asian cities which also built American-style amusement grounds such as The

New World Amusement Park in Singapore in 1923, and Luna Park Hong Kong, built in the late 1940s.51

Figure 3.4 Shinsekai Luna Park, aerial view, Osaka, 1912

In addition to amusement parks, American motion pictures also played a central role in spreading American culture overseas. Due to the advantage of Southern

50 The Japanese name ‘Shinsekai’ (Japanese: 新世界) literally translates as the ‘New World’ in English. 51 Salvador Anton Clavé, The Global Theme Park Industry, trans. Andrew Clarke (Oxfordshire: CABI International, 2007), 18-19. 70

California’s year-round sunshine, Los Angeles magnetically drew movie producers, directors, actors and technicians from Chicago and New York in the first three- decades of the twentieth century.52 After the first film studio, Selig Polyscope

Company, began to produce movies in 1907, the motion picture companies grew rapidly in Los Angeles and Hollywood became the birthplace of the American film industry.53 Not only did Hollywood develop into the “capital of movie-land” in the

US, it also became the most recognisable motion picture industry in the world in the twentieth century.54

Rosenberg points out that “European film studios had largely collapsed under the economic strain of World War I while American movies became increasingly lavish.”55 She further explains that in 1925, of the total films shown in theatres in both England and Canada combined, in France and in South America, 95%, 75%, and 80% respectively were American films.56 Unlike most European films at that time, American films were made for mass audience consumption. Simultaneously,

American movie stars began to play the roles of promoting goodwill and creating markets for related business.57 Some of the early well-known Hollywood stars such as Mary Pickford, Douglas Fairbanks, Charlie Chaplin, Judy Garland and Katherine

Hepburn had tremendous influence spreading American mass culture overseas in the

52 Hilary-Anne Hallett, "In Motion-Picture Land: A Cultural History About the Making of Early Hollywood" (City University of New York, 2005), 13. 53 Ibid. 54 Ibid., 12. 55 Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890- 1945, 100. 56 Ibid. 57 Ibid., 99. 71

1920s and 1930s.58 They indirectly promoted a glamorous Californian life style and mass-produced American goods to their world audiences.59

George Creel, an American politician, recognised the persuasive power of the motion picture industry to shape and influence the sentiments, thoughts and beliefs of the general public. He advised the President Wilson in 1917 to establish a government agency, the Committee on Public Information (CPI) (1917-19), and became the chairman of the CPI in order to supervise and oversee the American film industry. Through the CPI (also known as the Creel Committee), the White House was able to employ the American film industry as a vital propaganda tool to enlist public support as well as gaining influence overseas during World War One.60

American mass culture – amusement parks and motion pictures – brought entertainment and information to the masses. Rosenberg argues that popular culture homogenises tastes and breaks down class and geographical barriers, not just in the

US but also in other countries.61 American popular culture transcended divisions of class, race and gender, and reached global audiences in the first half of the twentieth century.

58 American Film Institute, "Afi's 50 Greatest American Screen Legends," accessed June 28, 2017, http://www.afi.com/100Years/stars.aspx. 59 Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890- 1945, 100-01. 60 The original aim of this independent government agency was to influence American public opinion in supporting participation in World War One. The CPI applied various media such as newsprint, posters, radio and movies to broadcast its political message to the public. The agency had a strong influence within the United States, in Europe as well as in some Latin American countries during the World War One. See George Creel, How We Advertised America (New York & London: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1920). 61 Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890- 1945, 37. 72

3.3 Other Instruments of Propaganda

Rosenberg argues that unlike many European nations in the 1930s, the liberal humanist tradition of the United States delayed the development of a policy to institute restrictions, censorship, and aggressive propaganda.62 Nevertheless,

American businessmen, alerted to growing Nazi influence in Latin America, urged the US government to create an agency to promote the distribution of pro-American information. Consequently, the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs was created in 1941; it later became the Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) whose primary objective was to advance inter-American cooperation – that is, its attention was focused on South America.63 The agency distributed news, films, advertising and broadcast radio programs in Latin America to counter negative

Italian and German propaganda. The United States Office of War Information (OWI) was founded by President Roosevelt in 1942 to consolidate the government’s information service and to deliver propaganda domestically and overseas.64 The

Voice of America was established by OWI during this period and was heard throughout the Korean War and Vietnam War, and today still remains as the official government broadcasting service of the United States.

Among the many American non-government organisations that exerted widespread international influence is the American Red Cross. Supported by the US government, this humanitarian organisation has become the vehicle by which American beliefs

62 Ibid., 204. 63 Ibid., 206. 64 Ibid., 208-9. 73

and values are disseminated globally through their international relief and development programs.65

3.4 The Marshall Plan

Following the end of World War Two, the US government re-oriented its foreign policy and began to employ public and cultural diplomacy in European countries as part of its alliance strategies. Initiatives such as the creation of NATO and the

Marshall Plan were set up in order to contain the spread of Communism from the

Soviet Union and to cement the transatlantic alliance under American control.66 The

US government believed that poverty and economic hardship in post-war Europe would spawn a breeding ground for Communism, so it proposed the European

Recovery Program (ERP), commonly known as the Marshall Plan, to help rebuild

European economies and prevent the spread of Soviet Communism.67 Named after the US Secretary of State, George Marshall, this economic plan was conceived in

April 1948 in association with loans, grants, investment, production and productivity initiatives. Besides helping to rebuild war devastated regions, the aim of the program was to modernise industries in Europe and to remove trade barriers for American businesses.

One of the most important industrial modernisation programs connected to the

Marshall Plan was the US Productivity and Technical Assistance Programme

65 The American National Red Cross, "A Brief History of the American Red Cross," accessed August 30, 2017 http://www.redcross.org/about-us/who-we-are/history. 66 Stephan, "Cold War Alliances and the Emergence of Transatlantic Competition: An Introduction," 2. 67 Richard Kuisel, Seducing the French: The Dilemma of Americanization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 72. 74

(USTA&P). Richard Kuisel examines how French businessmen, engineers and enterprises became associated with the USTA&P, relating its influence to French productivity in particular, and also to French society at large.68 Just as Kuisel looks at the ramifications of the Marshall Plan on the French, David Ellwood focuses on its impact on the Italians, indicating that a rapid growth in industrial productivity prompted social modernisation during the 1950s.69 Jacqueline McGlade points out that the program allowed European governments and businesses to adapt American industrial strategies and practices to their needs.70 In its delivery of economic, industrial and technical aid and assistance to post-war Europe, the Marshall Plan also delivered American business models, management practices, culture and life style to

Europeans.

3.5 Post-war American Hotel Development

The development of the US multinational hotel industry was another facet of growing American influence overseas. Mary Quek has examined American hotel internationalisation during the early post-war period showing how intrinsically connected it was to US government interests.71 Her study focuses on two case studies: the InterContinental Hotels Corporation (IHC) and Hilton Hotels

68 Ibid., 70-102. 69 David Ellwood, "The Impact of the Marshall Plan on Italy," in Cultural Transmissions and Receptions: American Mass Culture in Europe, ed. R. Kroes, R.W. Rydell, and D.F.J. Bosscher (Amsterdam: VU University Press, 1993), 100-6. 70 Jacqueline McGlade, "Americanization: Ideology or Process? The Case of the United States Technical Assistance and Productivity Programme," in Americanization and Its Limits: Reworking Us Technology and Management in Post-War Europe and Japan, ed. Jonathan Zeitlin and Gary Herrigel (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2004). 71 Mary Quek, "The Growth of the Mutinational Hotel Industry: 1946 to the 1960s," in 15th Annual Conference of the European Business History Association (Athens, Greece: University of Hertfordshire, 2011). 75

International (HHI). As Quek reveals, the CEO of Pan American World Airways,

Juan T. Trippe, was assigned by President Roosevelt to establish IHC in 1946 in order to develop 5,000 hotel rooms in 20 countries in Latin America.72 Like Juan T.

Trippe, Conrad Hilton, CEO of Hilton Hotels International, was also approached by the US government to create Hilton hotels in Europe as part of the Marshall Plan program.73 According to New York Times journalist Paul Friedlander, a goal had been set by the Marshall Plan to generate approximately $2.5 billion tourist receipts from Americans travelling to Europe between 1950 and 1954.74 This prospect led the

US government to assist the American hotel industry to expand worldwide during the 1950s.

Annabel J. Wharton indicates that the Hilton hotels in post-war Europe and the

Middle East were literally “a little America.”75 Paul Hogben also has pointed out the interest the Hilton corporation had in Australia during the 1950s.76 Hilton’s international hotels not only provided the modern amenities of swimming pools, tennis courts, air-conditioning and restaurants serving American food, they signified the powerful presence of the United States.77 From the late 1940s to the mid-1960s, there were 35 IHC hotels and 25 HHI hotels built in five continents including Asian

72 Ibid. 73 Ibid., 4. 74 Paul J.C. Friedlander, "Tourist Increase Aids Erp Abroad, with Bigger Gains Seen for 1949; Tourism Attains Displomatic Dignity in Rush to Obtain U.S. Dollars -- Overflow Travel Crowded All Planes and Ships," The New York Times 1949, 66. 75 Annabel Jane Wharton, Building the Cold War: Hilton International Hotels and Modern Architecture (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2001), 1. 76 Paul Hogben, "Double Modernity: The First International Hotels," in Leisure Space: The Transformation of Sydney, 1945-1970, ed. Paul Hogben and Judith O'Callaghan (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2014), 58-61. 77 Wharton, Building the Cold War: Hilton International Hotels and Modern Architecture, 1-2. 76

cities such as Hong Kong and Tokyo.78 The development of American-inspired hotel architecture in post-war Asia even extended to Communist Chin as Ke Song and

Jianfei Zhu have revealed, involving the imitation of American-style hotels in

Guangzhou and Beijing during the 1960s and early 1970s.79

3.6 American Presence in Asia

During the nineteenth century, American interest in the Asia-Pacific was mainly focused on economic expansion. Commodore Matthew C. Perry’s expedition in

1853-54 to the Far East resulted in the opening of Tokugawa Japan to international trade, and then the first official business and diplomatic relations were established between Japan and the United States.80 Iriye argues that the US government became aware of “the need to define the nature of its power and vision” in the East Asian and

West Pacific regions toward the late nineteenth century.81 He further states that the

Asian-Pacific region became as important to the US government as the Caribbean region, which provoked the US to formulate foreign policies for Asian countries.82

After the Spanish-American War, with the signing of the Treaty of Paris, Spain ceded the Philippines and Guam to the United States in 1898 and they became the first American territories in Asia. As Rosenburg points out, having the Philippine

78 These numbers are sourced from Mary Quek and Paul Hogben’s research. See Quek, "The Growth of the Mutinational Hotel Industry: 1946 to the 1960s"; Hogben, "Double Modernity: The First International Hotels". 79 Ke Song and Jianfei Zhu, "The Architectural Influence of the United States in Moa's China (1949- 1976)," Fabrications 26, no. 3 (2016):337-56. 80 Matthew C. Perry, The Japan Expedition, 1852-1854 : The Personal Journal of Commodore Matthew C. Perry, ed. Roger Pineau (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1968). 81 Akira Iriye, The Cold War in Asia: A Historical Introduction (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice- Hall, Inc., 1974), 29. 82 Ibid., 32. 77

Islands under American control was a strategic tactic to open up Oriental markets – in particular, this being “a stepping-stone to China.”83

A few decades before assuming administrative control over the Philippines, the

United States had already followed Great Britain in establishing commercial and trade activities in the Qing Empire of China. It was the era when many European imperial powers were establishing colonies overseas and expanding their power in

Asia. Different to other imperial powers at the time, the US government believed that joining the “imperialistic scramble for territory” in Qing China might destroy trade between two.84 Therefore, on 6 September 1899, the US Secretary of the State,

John Hay, dispatched an American government declaration (Open Door Notes) to the major European powers and Japan, proposing to keep Qing China open to trade with all countries on an equal basis.85 The formulation of the ‘Open Door Policy’ was significant in securing American business opportunities and other interests in Qing

China.86

In 1900, the United States joined other European forces, also known as the Eight-

Nation Alliance, for military intervention in the Boxer Uprising in Qing China.

83 Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890- 1945, 43. 84 Shizhang Hu, Stanley K. Hornbeck and the Open Door Policy (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995), 18. 85 The US Secretary of the State, John Hay, sent the first Open Door Notes in 1899, and the second one the following year, which requested other nations to respect Chinese territorial integrity. See John Hay, "Commercial Rights in China (‘Open Door’ Policy)," ed. Department of State (Washington: The Government of the United States, 1899). 86 Such is the principle of this American foreign policy, Rosenberg argued, that “non-colonisation and equal access became the foundation of American economic diplomacy in the Far East at the turn of the twentieth century.” See Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890-1945, 54. 78

Several years later, a large part of Boxer Rebellion indemnity money that the US government received from the Qing Imperial Court was transferred into the Boxer

Indemnity Scholarship Program in 1909.87 Funding from this program established a preparatory school for Chinese students and offered them scholarships to pursue further studies at American universities.88 These scholarships benefited a number of students who later became influential people in China, for instance, Hu Shih, a chancellor of Peking University and the president of Academia Sinica, and Mei Qiyi, a chancellor of Tsinghua University and the second Minister of Education (Republic of China).

In relation to education, and specifically architectural education, architectural historian, Jeffrey Cody has demonstrated the significant influence of revered

American architect, Henry Killam Murphy.89 Cody explains how Murphy ventured to the Far East in the early 1910s initially to design Christian colleges in Tokyo and

Seoul.90 During the same period, he was also commissioned to design a medical school campus for Yale University in Changsha (Hunan), China in 1914.91 Due to his fascination with traditional Chinese architecture, Murphy decided to stay in

China and ended up practicing there for three decades. Besides the Yale campus in

Changsha, Murphy designed other well-known buildings in China including Peking

Union Medical College (1917), Fukien Christian University (1918), St. John’s

87 Weili Ye, Seeking Modernity in China's Name: Chinese Students in the United States (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 8-10. 88 Ibid., 11-12. 89 Jeffrey W. Cody, Building in China: Henry K. Murphy's 'Adaptive Architecture,' 1914-1935 (Hong Kong & Seattle: The Chinese University Press & University of Washington Press 2001). 90 Ibid., 28-29. 91 Ibid., 34-35. 79

University (1920) and Yenching (Beijing) University (1920).92 Murphy’s close relationship with the Nationalist Government of China allowed him the opportunity to design the city of Guangzhou (1921-27) as well as obtain an appointment as chief advisor on the capital plan in Nanjing (1927-30). Cody argues that Murphy’s city planning projects helped to “bring American municipal modernity” to cities in

China.93 His study shows that Murphy’s projects adopted traditional Chinese architectural form, yet with up-to-date American building technology. Significantly,

Cody identifies some of the first-generation modern Chinese architects who had worked for or with Murphy such as Fan Wenzhao, Zhang Jun and Zhao Shen, and who later became influential in the modern architectural development of China.94 He also points out that other American-educated Chinese architects such as Liang

Sicheng, Yang Tingbao, Tong Jun and Chen Zhi would have been aware of

Murphy’s work in their teaching and design practices.95 Murphy’s influence in China therefore was not limited to his architectural output, but extended to a generation of local architects.

The phenomenon of Americanisation in Asia during the first half of the twentieth century however, can perhaps be more easily explained from an economic or business point of view. From the early decades, American businessmen continued to increase investment in Asia with the support of the US government. These investments included oil, mining, technology and business companies, as well as bank loans for development in East Asia. Sherman Cochran’s research into tobacco

92 Ibid., 61-125. 93 Ibid., 173. 94 Ibid., 4-5. 95 Ibid., 5. 80

companies is an interesting study of American investment in China.96 He describes the development of the Western tobacco industry in China between 1890 and 1930, and points out how Chinese merchants adapted Western ways of doing business such as American advertising for their retail distribution.

American influence can also be seen in Southeast Asia. Jim Algie and other authors have described influential Americans in the history of Thailand who brought advances in science and technology to Thailand.97 At the turn of the twentieth century, a number of Americans began to establish businesses in “Siam.”98 These included renowned American entrepreneurs and companies such as the Siam Steam

Packet Company which ran a river bus service; the Bangkok Manufacturing

Company that produced bottled drinks; the Standard Oil Company; the Ben Mayer

Company which sold agricultural tools; the John M. Dunlop Company which sold electrical appliances, and the Singer Sewing Machine Company.99 In addition, many concessions in Thailand were also granted to American companies building the modern infrastructure for its capital, such as the first tramway service and electric lighting.100

There were also influential individuals, such as Edward Strobel and Jens Westengard who served as the King of Siam’s advisors and helped the government to negotiate

96 Sherman G. Cochran, Big Business in China: Sino-Foreign Rivalry in the Cigarette Industry, 1890- 1930 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980). 97 Jim Algie et al., Americans in Thailand (Singapore: Editions Didier Millet, 2014). 98 The Kingdom of Thailand was formerly known as “Siam.” 99 Algie et al., Americans in Thailand, 98. 100 Ibid. 81

new treaties with European colonial powers in the 1900s and early 1910s.101 Because of their great contributions to the kingdom, Strobel and Westengard were referred to as the “original modernisers” of Thailand at the time.102 After the Second World

War, the number of American arrivals in the country increased rapidly and many became very influential.103 A number were successful entrepreneurs, such as

Alexander MacDonald who founded the Bangkok Post, and Jim Thompson “the titan” of Thai textiles.104 William Heinecke is another high profile American entrepreneur who established several multi-billion dollar companies in Thailand in the late twentieth century.105 Algie argues that American influence in the country reached its peak in the 1950s and 1960s, which served to ensure the stability of

Thailand’s post-war modernisation.106

3.7 Conclusion

As shown in this chapter, American government policy, business and mass culture all played a part in spreading American ideas, values and culture to other countries from the late nineteenth century. Following the Second World War, the phenomenon of Americanisation spread throughout Europe, Asia and the rest of the world. The

Marshall Plan, in particular, played a significant role in early post-war Europe and facilitated the spread of American influence. Correspondingly, the development of

US Aid in the Far East also shares a similar altruistic aid mission.

101 Ibid., 105-16. 102 Ibid., 118. 103 Ibid., 137. 104 Ibid., 163-69. 105 Ibid., 210-11. 106 Ibid., 171-207. 82

Unlike Europe, Taiwan did not have any direct business investment from the United

States before the Second World War. It was a colony of the Japanese Empire until

1945. However, after World War Two, the government of Taiwan became a strong ally of the United States. The following chapter will demonstrate the extent of

American impact and influence in Taiwan during the post-war period.

83

Chapter 4

Americanisation of Post-war Taiwan

84

Taiwan recovered from the Second World War during the course of the 1950s and began its era of economic prosperity in the 1960s. The economic structure of the country transformed rapidly from an agricultural to an industrial economy over this period. At the same time Taiwan experienced dramatic political and social changes.

Firstly, there was a shift in political control from the Japanese Empire to the

Republic of China (ROC) in 1945. Secondly, there was the cultural impact of a large influx of mainland Chinese in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Thirdly, there was the

American presence and influence that pervaded all aspects of Taiwanese life.

This chapter looks at Americanisation of post-war Taiwan in the context of political, economic and cultural factors. It begins with a brief overview of the appearance of

Western culture in Taiwan pre-1945, before focusing on the period when American impact was at its strongest, post World War Two.

4.1 Early Western Contact

In the early seventeenth century, when the Dutch East India Company (VOC) established a trading outpost and a fort in the south of Taiwan, there was a short period of time when trading activity occurred between the Dutch and indigenous people of Taiwan.1 During the 1800s, Western commercial activities increased rapidly in Taiwan. After the Opium War (1839-42), foreign powers showed interest

1 James Wheeler Davidson, The Island of Formosa, Past and Present History, People, Resources, and Commercial Prospects (London and New York: Macmillan & Co., 1903), 2-3. 85

in controlling Taiwan (then a prefecture of Qing Empire of China) which began to concern the Imperial Court in Peking.2

During the mid-nineteenth century, some American officials began to be aware of the strategic value of Taiwan in Asia. First was the Commodore Matthew Perry who advised the US government to establish a presence in Taiwan in 1854.3 A few years later, Townsend Harris, the US representative in Japan, urged the US government to purchase the islands of Formosa (including Taiwan and Pescadores) by negotiating with Qing Imperial officials.4 However, the US government did not evaluate the recommendation or take any direct action to colonise Taiwan during this period.

Under the Treaty of Tientsin in 1858, Russia and the US (later with Britain and

France) were officially permitted to set up trading posts and consulates in Tainan and

Danshui (two important Taiwanese ports) for commercial and religious activities.5

Taiwanese tea, sugar and camphor were the main exports to Europe and America during this period.6 At the same time, Western traders also brought in small quantities of Western commodities such as cigarettes and perfume for the upper- class Taiwanese.

2 John F. Copper, Taiwan: Nation-State or Province?, Sixth ed. (Boulder: Westview Press, 2013), 37. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 Due to its strategic location in East Asia, Taiwan, as a territory of the Qing Empire, opened ports to the Western powers in the Treaty of Tientsin: first with Russia and the US, and later in 1860 with Britain and France. See Davidson, The Island of Formosa, Past and Present History, People, Resources, and Commercial Prospects, 173-75. The treaty had been signed separately with each country. See the Treaty of Tientsin with the United Stated in Pixelmap, "1858, Tianjin-USA in United States Treaties -Treaty of Tientsin," accessed July 16, 2014, http://www.chinaforeignrelations.net/node/206. 6 Yun-Peng Yin, Ping Yin et al., Fa Xian Tai Wan: 1620-1945 (Taipei: Commonwealth Publishers, 1992), 160. 86

In addition to trading, Taiwanese people also experienced Western culture through missionary activities. During this early period, the English Presbyterian Mission established a presence in the south, with the Canadian Presbyterian Mission located in the north of Taiwan. Their missionary services included the establishment of gospel schools and Christian hospitals which introduced Western medicine to the people in Taiwan.7 Western missionaries also imparted Western ideas such as fashion, housewares, the Christian calendar and Western languages to the people of

Taiwan. However, this influence was limited to a relatively small section of the population. It was not until the late nineteenth century, that the broader general public in Taiwan were introduced to Western culture and technology which came through the construction of public infrastructure.

Taiwan was elevated administratively from a prefecture to a province of the Qing

Empire in 1885. The first provincial governor, Liu Ming-Chuan 劉銘傳, initiated a series of modernising projects during his tenure which lasted from 1885 to 1891.8

These developments began with the construction of forts and the purchase of modern artillery and rifles. They also included the introduction of electric street lights in

Taipei, a railroad system in northern Taiwan, an undersea telegraph line between

Danshui (Taiwan) and Foochow (mainland China), as well as the establishment of

7 Christine Louise Lin, "The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan and the Advocacy of Local Autonomy," in Sino-Platonic Papers, ed. Victor H. Mair (Philadelphia: Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Pennsylvania, 1999), 9-12. Also see Hugh MacMillan, Then Till Now in Formosa (Taipei: English and Canadian Presbyterian Missions in Formosa, 1953), 21-26. 8 Yun-Long Shen, "Tai Wan Jian Sheng Yi Bai Nian," Biographical Literature 47, no. 4 (1985): 13. 87

early Western schools in Taiwan.9 The Western schools that Liu built were based on the European educational system teaching mathematics, science, English and French.

In addition, European-style architecture was also promoted through Liu’s modernisation of forts, and the introduction of modern facilities and schools.

According to existing research, the Western engineers who assisted Liu’s modernising projects were European. For instance, the first railway was designed by a British engineer. The steam locomotives which were brought into Taiwan were made in Britain and Germany. The weaponry superintendent and the military training superintendent whom Liu hired were German. Liu’s modernising process has been considered the beginning of Western modernisation in Taiwan, but unfortunately, his reforms only lasted seven years and were discontinued after his tenure.10 During this period, there is no evidence of any significant American influence.

In 1895, under the Treaty of Shimonseki, the islands of Formosa (including Taiwan and Pescadores) became the first colony of the Japanese Empire. The new colonial government promoted a Japanese version of Western modernity to the people of

Taiwan which lasted until 1945. The process associated with this modernisation included agricultural industrialisation, the building of comprehensive transportation networks, the promotion of modern urban planning (Figure 4.1) and an extensive sanitation system. A formal education system was also established. However,

9 Ibid. Also see in Tai Wan Yin Hang Jing Ji Yan Jiu Shi, ed. Liu Ming Chuan Fu Tai Qian Hou Dang An, vol. 7, Qing Dai Guan Xi Shi Liao Zhuan Ji (Taipei: Taiwan Historica, 1997), 48-51, 68-69, 79-80; Chong-Mei Guo, "Minutes from the Forum on Liu Ming Chuan and the Modernization of Taiwan " Taipei Historical Documents Quarterly 143, (March 2003), 1-58. 10 Guo, "Minutes from the Forum on Liu Ming Chuan and the Modernization of Taiwan." 88

exposure to American influence during this period was limited to the importation of goods, leisure and sporting activities as well as technology.

Figure 4.1 Image of a modern urban environment in Taiwan, street view of the Sakaimachi district, Taipei, 1930s

In her book The Early Western Experience in Taiwan, Chen Rou-Jin 陳柔縉 provides examples of the way Western culture was visible in colonial Taiwan.11 These examples include wearing Western style suits and dresses, the popularity of tennis, golf, basketball and soccer and the appearance of swimming pools, public parks, cafés and large modern department stores.12 She also describes the emergence of modern transportation such as steamboats, airplanes and automobiles. In another study, Chen also points out that many Japanese businessmen in Taiwan introduced products directly from the United States, products which became popular in the

1920s.13 These ranged from food and electronics to automobiles. For instance, the

American chocolate ice cream bar ‘Eskimo Pie’ and Wrigley’s chewing gum were

11 Rou-Jin Chen, The Early Western Experience in Taiwan (Taipei: Wheat Field Publishing Company, 2005). 12 Ibid. 13 Rou-Jin Chen, Tai Wan Xing Fu Bai Shi (Taipei: Athena Press, 2011), 132. 89

sold in Taipei.14 Other American goods such as video recorders, Frigidaire refrigerators (Figure 4.2), Harley-Davidson motor bikes and automobiles were also introduced to Taiwan in the 1920s.15 In addition to this, Chen notes that automobiles sold in Taiwan from the 1910s to 1930s were mostly American brands.16 Gas stations of the Standard Oil Company of New York were also seen in the cities of

Taiwan during this period.17 Chen’s research notes, however, that in colonial

Taiwan, imported American goods were generally luxury items that were limited to the elite and upper classes. Nevertheless, demand for them steadily increased until the beginning of the Pacific War,18 during which there were no American goods imported into Taiwan.

14 Wrigley’s chewing gum had been distributed in Taipei since 1916 and American Eskimo Pie since 1929, see Chen, Tai Wan Xing Fu Bai Shi (Taipei: Athena Press, 2011), 96-97, 130-31. 15 Ibid., 116-19, 26-27. 16 Chen, The Early Western Experience in Taiwan, 180-86. 17 Chen, Tai Wan Xing Fu Bai Shi, 132-33. 18 As an integral part of the Japanese Empire, Taiwan became an enemy state to the United States when the Pacific War broke out in 1941. 90

Figure 4.2 American refrigerator sale advertisement in Taiwan, Taipei, 1928

4.2 The Sino-American Relationship in the 1940s

The United States allied with the Chiang Kai-Shek 蔣介石 Nationalist government in mainland China to defeat the Empire of Japan when the Pacific War broke out in

1941. It was the beginning of the two governments’ interdependent relationship.

After the Second World War, the US Congress passed the Foreign Assistance Act in

1948 to enable the US government to provide financial aid to the European Recovery

Program as well as Asian countries such as China and Japan. In addition, in June

1948, the United States government established the office of Economic Cooperation

91

Administration, Mission to China (ECA) in Nanking to help rebuild the Chinese economy.19

When the Civil War in China resumed, the Sino-American relationship had become uncertain. The US State Department decided to stand aside from the civil war when

Chiang’s Nationalist forces began losing to Mao’s Communist forces.20 When

Chiang Kai-Shek began to withdraw his troops to Taiwan in June 1949, the US government considered his Nationalist government a “lost cause” and prepared for the fall of Taiwan under the Chinese Communist forces.21 In August 1949, the US

State Department published the “China White Paper” and made it clear that the US government would implement a “hands-off policy” on the issue in China.22 It was then that the US government withdrew its political and economic support of

Chiang’s Nationalist government.

When Chiang promptly resumed his presidency in Taiwan, he sought political support through his personal relationship with leaders in South Korea and the

Philippines.23 He also instructed the Republic of China (ROC) representative at the

United Nations to appeal to the General Assembly of the UN requesting that all

19 Rui-Hao Xu, Xiu-Huan Zhou, and Wen-Shuo Liao, eds., Yan Jia Gan and the International Economic Cooperation (Taipei: Academia Historica, 2013), 5. 20 Christopher Thorne, American Political Culture and the Asian Frontier, 1943-1973, Sarah Tryphena Phillips Lecture on American Literature and History (London: The British Academy, 1986), 348. 21 Pu-Lei Chen, ed. The Chronology of Chiang Kai-Shek's Life (Taipei: Zhuan Ji Wen Xue, 1978), 61; Winberg Chai, "Foreign Relations," in Contemporary Republic of China: The Taiwan Experience, 1950- 1980, ed. James C. Hsiung (New york: Praeger Publishers, 1981), 383. 22 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Nationalist China's Decline and Its Impact on Sino-American Relations, 1949-1950," in Uncertain Years: Chinese-American Relations, 1947-1950, ed. Dorothy Borg and Waldo Heinrichs (New York: Columbia University press, 1980), 169-70. 23 Chai, "Foreign Relations," 383. 92

member states refrain from giving diplomatic recognition or any military and economic aid to the Chinese Communists.24 Accordingly, the UN rejected the admission of delegates from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and this temporarily secured the legitimacy of the ROC government in Taiwan.

The Korean War in 1950 provided a turning point for Chiang’s Nationalist government in Taiwan. The outbreak of the war forced the Truman administration to reconsider the American-East Asian relationship and reassess Taiwan’s strategic value. It reversed the US government’s “hands-off policy” in relation to mainland

China and Taiwan and instead supported Chiang’s Nationalist regime.25 As a result,

Chiang’s Nationalist government in Taiwan regained political and economic support from the United States. This had a tremendous impact on Taiwan politically, economically and culturally from the 1950s to the 1970s.

4.3 American Strategic Involvement

To prevent the spread of Communism, the US government attempted to establish an

East Asian defence line which included Taiwan. When the Korean War broke out in

1950, President Truman dispatched the Seventh Fleet to the Taiwan Strait to prevent an invasion from Mao’s Communist forces.26 Soon after, the Commander of the 7th

Fleet, Vice Admiral Struble and the Commander of the Far East, General

24 Ibid., 384. 25 Ibid.; Bruce Cumings, "Korean-American Relationship: A Century of Contact and Thirty-Five Years of Intimacy," in New Frontiers in American-East Asian Relations, ed. Warren I. Cohen (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 264-66, 71-72. 26 American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," ed. American Cultural Center (Taiwan: American Institute in Taiwan, 2011), 59. 93

MacArthur, visited Taiwan.27 The US government sent a survey group, led by Major

General Alonzo Fox, to inspect the condition of the Taiwan military forces, and to arrange military aid to Taiwan.28 Based on General Fox’s report, the US government also decided to dispatch a military advisory group. The US Military Assistance

Advisory Group (MAAG) arrived in Taipei in May 1951, indicating the determination of the American government to defend the islands of Formosa.29

The Chinese Premier, Zhou Enlai 周恩來, declared the PRC government’s intention to liberate Taiwan in 1954. In September the same year, Chinese Communist forces began a series of bombardments in Kinmen – a Nationalist military base near the mainland.30 This served to accelerate a formal military partnership between the

United States and Taiwan, and shortly afterwards, the Mutual Defence Treaty was signed at the end of 1954 between the two governments. While Taiwan seemed temporarily secure from falling into Chinese Communist hands, by accepting the treaty, the Nationalist government in Taiwan had agreed not to take any unilateral military action against Communist China. This meant that Chiang’s Nationalist forces could no longer return to the mainland.31 Additionally, the Mutual Defence

Treaty also empowered the US government to intervene in the political and foreign policy of Taiwan.

27 Ibid. 28 Ibid. 29 The early US government document often referred to Taiwan as Formosa. However, the islands of Formosa include more than just the island of Taiwan, but other islands such as Pescadores, Kinmen and Matsu areas as well. Thus, protecting other islands of Formosa, in particular for military strategic purposes, was also important for the American government. 30 American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," 71. 31 Chai, "Foreign Relations," 384. 94

During the years of this military partnership, many important American government and military officers visited Taiwan including Vice-President Nixon in 1953,

Secretary of State John Dulles in 1954 as well as in 1958, Secretary of State William

Rogers in 1969, and numerous Commanders and Generals from the US forces.

President Dwight D. Eisenhower also visited Taiwan in 1960. Figure 4.3 shows

Eisenhower coming from the airport with President Chiang and waving to the people of Taipei. Figure 4.4 shows a public speech given by President Eisenhower on 18th

June 1960 in front of the Presidential Hall in Taipei, in which he reaffirmed the US government’s solidarity and determination to defend the Nationalist government of

Taiwan.

Figure 4.3 US President Eisenhower’s visit to Taipei, Taiwan, 1960

Figure 4.4 Eisenhower’s speech in Taipei, 1960 95

The Mutual Defence Treaty enabled the US government to establish military bases on the islands of Formosa including Taiwan, Pescadores, Kinmen and Matsu areas.32

One year after the treaty was signed, the United States Taiwan Defence Command

(USTDC) was founded in Taipei, operating as a sub-unified command of the

Commander-in-Chief Pacific (CINCPAC).33 During this period, many American military units resided in Taiwan, such as the US Army Force Taiwan (USAFT), the

US Army Strategic Communications Command Signal Support Agency

(USASTRATCOM), the 327th Air Division, the US Air Force’s 6987th Security

Group, the US Navy Commissary Store, US Navy Hospital and the US Naval

Medical Research Unit Number Two (NAMRU-2).34 The US NAMRU-2 in particular worked with many local hospitals and research teams to influence the development of biomedical technology in Taiwan.35

A Pacific Air Force pamphlet, published in 1962 for American soldiers, provides a revealing perception of Taiwan at that time:

Under the state of “National Emergency” in Free China, because Chinese

Communist armed forces are only 100 miles away across the Taiwan

Strait, extensive security precautions are maintained against possible

Communist infiltration and subversive activities. The position of Free

China thus has limited the full realization of the civil liberties guaranteed

32 Kinmen and Matsu are two archipelagos outside of mainland China. Although administratively they are under the Fujian Province of mainland China, they are in fact under the control of the Republic of China in Taiwan and have been used as military bases since 1949. 33 American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," 61. 34 Ibid., 62-63. 35 Ibid. 96

in the Constitution. However, it is encouraging to note that the

Legislative Yuan of the National Government has passed a law

liberalizing the measures applying to the operation of newspapers and

other publications. Also, respective jurisdiction of civil and military

courts has been carefully delineated. The intent of legislation was to limit

the right of military tribunals to try offences by civilians and to provide

additional protection for civilians so tried.36

Whether Taiwan’s political situation as portrayed by the pamphlet was propaganda or not, it was this level of anti-Communist sentiment that strengthened the political partnership between the governments of Taiwan and the US.

The 1950s was a critical decade for the government of the United States. After the outbreak of the Korean War, some European countries were concerned about a potential Communist invasion from the east and sought an alliance with the United

States. It quickly transformed the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) from a political association to an intergovernmental military alliance. President Truman sent General Eisenhower to Europe and he became the first supreme commander of

NATO. When Eisenhower became the US President in 1953, a conservative atmosphere pervaded the US government. Although both the Truman’s and

Eisenhower’s administrations were anti-communist, Eisenhower’s military career provided him with a different perspective to Truman in approaching foreign

36 Emmett O'Donnell Latoszewski, "U.S. Air Force Civilian Employment: Taiwan Area Information " in Pacific Air Forces Pamphlet (Taiwan: Headquarters, Pacific Air Forces, 1962), 23. 97

relations. For example, Eisenhower strategically promoted more policies against the spread of Communism through the establishment of military bases in Europe and

Asia, and enhanced military cooperation between the US and Taiwan during his tenure from 1953 to 1961.

Among all the American military units in Taiwan, the US’s Military Assistance

Advisory Group (MAAG) had been the most significant and the longest standing in

Taiwan. The main mission of MAAG was to advise and assist in modernising the local military forces. There were four advisory groups within MAAG that provided consultation assistance to the army, navy, air force, and combined services. MAAG’s headquarters was based in Taipei but it also had branches throughout Taiwan,

Kinmen and Matsu areas. Apart from assisting military forces, MAAG also had another important mission, which was the supervision of American aid to Taiwan.

4.4 American Aid in Taiwan

After the end of the Second World War, the American Marshall Plan (also known as the European Recovery Program) provided financial and technical assistance to the

European community. During the same period, the “Economic Cooperation

Administration, Mission to China” (ECA) was established in 1948 to aid the

Nationalist government in mainland China. That aid to China, however, was suspended the following year.

International aid became American foreign policy as the Truman administration proposed an international development assistance programme in 1949. The following

98

year, Truman proposed the Point Four Program which, in addition to direct financial aid, provided “know how” to help other nations.37 This program focused on two goals: “creating markets for the United States by reducing poverty and increasing production in developing countries,” and “diminishing the threat of communism by helping countries prosper under capitalism.”38 That same year, with the onset of the

Korean War, the US allied with Chiang’s Nationalist forces again and provided aid to his government in Taiwan.

During the 1950s, there were different phases involving changes to the US international development assistance program. When the Mutual Security Act was passed by the US Congress in 1951, the Mutual Security Agency (MSA) was founded and replaced the ECA, and in the same year, the agency began to provide financial aid to Taiwan.39 The MSA’s office in Taiwan had a new name in 1953,

Foreign Operation Administration, Mutual Security Missions to China (FOA).40 In

1954, the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act, known as Public Law

480, was passed by the US Congress. This Bill enabled the US government to aid other nations, including Taiwan, through American agricultural surpluses. The FOA office in Taiwan changed its name to the International Cooperation Administration,

Mutual Security Mission to China (ICA) in 1955. In order to improve efficiency and the focus of the American aid program, the Kennedy administration proposed a

37 USAID, "US Aid History," accessed March 12, 2015, http://www.usaid.gov/who-we-are/usaid- history. 38 Ibid. 39 Xiu-Huan Zhou, "American Aid with Yan Jia Gan," in Yan Jia Gan and the International Economic Cooperation, ed. Rui-Hao Xu, Xiu-Huan Zhou, and Wen-Shuo Liao (Taipei: Academia Historica, 2013), 6. 40 Ji-Chang Zhao, Mei Yuan De Yun Yong (Taipei: Linking Publishing, 1984), 272. 99

single agency for the coordination of foreign assistance in 1961.41 The following year, the ICA office in Taiwan was replaced with the Agency for International

Development, U.S. Aid Mission to China (AID).42

Under the Mutual Security Act, the US government provided a wide range of economic aid to Taiwan in “defence support,” “technical assistance” and “direct forces support.”43 Apart from direct forces support (military aid), the US government provided approximately US $1.4 billion dollars to aid the Nationalist government in

Taiwan from 1951 to 1965.44 The lion’s share of financial aid went to “defence support” which was intended to improve public infrastructure for the state’s defence.

This infrastructure improvement included the construction of new roads and highways, bridges, power plants and natural resource development in Taiwan. For example, one of the early US aid projects in Taiwan was the Xiluo Bridge. Built in

1953, Xiluo Bridge is an upgraded Warren truss bridge stretching 1,939 metres in length and 7.32 metres in width, and it was the longest bridge in Southeast Asia at the time. The US government sent consultants from J.G. White Engineering

Corporation to assist with the construction of the bridge, and it was built by the

Taiwan Machinery Manufacturing Corporation (TMMC) and BES Engineering

41 Bureau of Public Affairs Office of the Historian, United States Department of State, "Milestones: USAID and Pl-480, 1961-1969," accessed March 12, 2015, https://history.state.gov/milestones/1961-1968/pl-480. 42 Xu, Zhou, and Liao, Yan Jia Gan and the International Economic Cooperation, 10. 43 Ibid., 7. 44 Yan-Cun Yan, The Early Years of Taiwan (Taipei: Shi Bao Wen Hua Publishing, 1989), 56. Also see government document of the U.S. Agency for International Development, "US Overseas Loans and Grants," ed. Bureau for Legislative and Public Affairs (Washington, D.C.: The U.S. Agency for International Development, 2005). 100

Corporation (BESEC).45 The local branches of TMMC and BESEC learned the relevant technologies from the US engineers and were able to complete the southern part of the bridge without American assistance.

The Shihmen Reservoir (Figure 4.5) is another example of Taiwan’s post-war infrastructure funded by American aid. With a height of 133 metres, Shihmen is a concrete gravity dam and the first multi-purpose water resource development project in Taiwan. The reservoir functions as a fresh water supply, for flood control and as a source of hydroelectric generation. Figure 4.5 shows a tablet erected next to the entry of the dam indicating that the Shihmen Reservoir project was partly funded by

American aid. At the top of this tablet was the ‘handshake’ logo of “China-US

Cooperation” (Figure 4.6). It was visibly present in all public infrastructure projects in Taiwan that were funded by American aid such as the East-West Cross-island highway and the MacArthur Highway. A similarity can be seen in relation to the

American-European Recovery Program logo in terms of the colour and form of their design (Figure 4.7).

45 National Archives Administration, "Xiluo Bridge," accessed March 12, 2015, http://theme.archives.gov.tw/tmmc/years4.aspx. 101

Figure 4.5 Shihmen Reservoir, front view, Taoyuan, 1964

Figure 4.6 China-US Cooperation logo, 1953. Figure 4.7 European Recovery Program logo, 1950s

Aside from assisting the construction of public infrastructure in Taiwan, providing financial support for economic development was an important goal for the American government. This part of the aid program funded agricultural, mining and other natural resource development in Taiwan. One of the agricultural improvement programs, for example, aided the fertiliser industry in Taiwan. According to a 102

government report from the former Minister of Finance, six companies received approximately US 27 million dollars during this period which provided 60% of the funding for the entire investment.46

The US government assisted joint ventures between Taiwan and American companies. The Taiwan Cyanamid, for instance, was funded jointly in 1960 by

American Cyanamid and Taiwan Sugar companies, which manufactured animal feed additives.47 The Mu Hwa Corporation was another example. A joint venture between

China Petroleum (Taiwan), Allied Corporation (US) and Mobil Company (US), it manufactured urea and liquid ammonia from natural gas and turned them into fertilizers as well as other industrial products.48 The Mu Hwa Corporation was the first petrochemical company in Taiwan. With the assistance of American technology, it served to establish the petrochemical industry in Taiwan.

American aid also provided financial loans to the private sector in Taiwan. It was the

US government’s intention to implement an aid program that promoted a capitalist economic system in post-war Taiwan. The private industries that benefited from

American financial loans included chemical and mechanical industries, cement, aluminium, timber, food and beverage companies. Formosa Plastics Corporation

(FPC) is one prominent company that received American aid. Founded in 1954, the

FPC produced polyvinyl chloride (PVC) resin and extended their business by

46 Jia-Gan Yan, "Mei Yuan Xian Kuang Ji Qu Shi," in Wo Guo Guo Li Zhi Fen Xi (Taipei: National Defense Research Centre, 1963), 4. 47 American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," 40. 48 Ibid., also see the video, Taiwan Digital Archives, "The Opening of the Mu Hwa Corporation in Maoli, a China-U.S. Cooperation Company" (Taiwan Film Culture Comany, December 3, 1963). 103

establishing a secondary processing company – Nan Ya Plastics Corporation in

1958.49 By receiving a large business loan (798,000 USD) from the American aid program, and also assisted by the American technical advisory group, FPC was transformed from a small business into the largest PVC manufacturer in the world.50

Many economists believed that American aid in the 1950s was vital for the recovery of the economy in Taiwan.51 Without American financial support and technological assistance, the period of modern industrialisation in Taiwan would have appeared much later.

Under Public Law 480, the US government aided Taiwan with surplus agricultural produce. From 1951 to 1962, the US government sent approximately US

$548,000,000 worth of American agricultural goods to Taiwan.52 These goods included fertiliser, cotton, soy beans, wheat and dairy products.53 For many people in

Taiwan who were born in the 1940s and 1950s, US food aid such as American flour and whole milk powder was the most indelible memory of their childhood. American food aid also influenced people’s dietary habits in Taiwan. Before the food aid program, rice was the staple food of the Taiwanese diet. During the food aid period, the USAID Food Peace Program Baking Demonstration Mobile (Figure 4.8) went around the countryside of Taiwan showing people how to utilise free American flour

49 Yan, The Early Years of Taiwan, 64-70. 50 Ibid. 51 Zhong-Xiong Lin, A Century's Experience of Taiwan Economy (Taipei: San Min Shu Ju, 1998), 16-17. Also see Yan, The Early Years of Taiwan, 75-77; Yong-Meng Wu, Kai-Sheng Gao, and Jian-Sen Huang, eds., Taiwan Economic Development (Taipei: National Open University, 2002), 275-76; Sebastien Dessus, Jia-Dong Shea, and Mau-Shan Shi, Chinese Taipei: The Origins of the Economic Miracle (Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development, 1995). 52 Yan, "Mei Yuan Xian Kuang Ji Qu Shi," 6-7. 53 Ibid. 104

and milk powder to make Western style soup and cakes, Chinese dumplings and steamed bread (Man Tou 饅頭). Additionally, the availability of American flour and milk powder in the market facilitated the growth of Western-style bakeries in major cities in Taiwan.54

Figure 4.8 USAID Food Peace Program Baking Demonstration Mobile in Taiwan, 1950s

“Technical assistance” was another significant aspect of the American aid program.

US technical aid supported a large number of people in Taiwan to travel to the

United States to study military matters and defence, transportation, agriculture, mining, public health, government administration, community development and education during the post-war period.55 According to a speech in 1960 by the US

Ambassador to the ROC government in Taiwan, over six thousand Taiwanese soldiers had been sent to America for military training in the first decade of defence

54 American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," 53. 55 Yan, "Mei Yuan Xian Kuang Ji Qu Shi," 8. 105

cooperation.56 Apart from military training, the initial goal during the early years of the American aid program was to cultivate industrial and agricultural expertise in

Taiwan in order to support economic growth. Former President Lee Teng-Hui 李登

輝, for example, was on the first-year list of selected Taiwanese youth who went for professional training in the US.57 When Lee returned from America, he began to work at the Sino-American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction (JCRR), an agency that was sponsored by the US and Taiwan governments for promoting rural research and planning.58 The JCRR was originally founded in Nanking in 1948 and there were nine departments in the JCRR: botanic production, hydraulic engineering, soil preservation, stock breeding, rural hygiene, production of food and fertilizer, agricultural economics, forestry and agricultural extension.59 When the US government renewed support for the Nationalist government, the agency began to monitor rural projects in Taiwan.60

The JCRR also worked in partnership with other international organisations such as the World Health Organisation (WHO), United Nation Children’s Fund (UNICEF),

American Bureau for Medical Aid to China (ABMAC) and the Rockefeller

Foundation (RF) for the prevention of diseases and the promotion of public health

56 Qi-Na Zhao, "The Educational and Cultural Exchange Programs between Taiwan and the U.S. Governments: 1950-1970," Journal of European and American Studies 31, no. 1 (2001): 96. 57 American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," 37. 58 Clyde Haberman, "Man in the News: Lee Teng-Hui, Taiwan's Leader and Son of the Soil," accessed April 12, 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/1988/01/15/world/man-in-the-news-lee-teng-hui-taiwan- s-leader-and-son-of-the-soil.html. 59 Ibid. 60 Shih-shan Henry Tsai, Lee Teng-Hui and Taiwan's Quest for Identity (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005), 78. 106

policy in post-war Taiwan.61 Many American medical aid projects such as the training of medical educators and public health personnel, subsidies for the construction of clinics and medical school buildings, and the recruitment of specialists and advisers from the US, played an important role in improving

Taiwan’s medical system and education.62 Not only did the US government provide medical aid and promote public health education in Taiwan, it also offered scholarships for people in Taiwan to pursue further education at American universities.

4.5 American Cultural Influence in Post-war Taiwan

American cultural influence in post-war Taiwan can be seen in many ways, from educational and cultural exchange programs to popular culture. Established in 1953,

Tunghai University was the first private university in Taiwan that was built and funded by the United Board for Christian Colleges in China (UBCCC), an American religious philanthropic organisation managed by the Methodist Church in New York since 1932.63 In a demonstration of the growing relationship between the US and

Taiwan, the US Vice-President, Richard Nixon, and the Ambassador to the ROC,

K.L. Rankin, attended the ground-breaking ceremony of the Tunghai University in

November 1953 (Figure 4.9).64 Similar to other Christian colleges that were founded later in Taiwan, such as the Chung Yuan Christian University (1955) and the

Providence University (1956), Tunghai and other Christian universities introduced

61 Tsui-Hua Yang, "US Aid and Public Health in Taiwan," in American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980 (Taipei: American Institute in Taiwan, 2011), 89. 62 Ibid. 63 Shi-Peng Lu, "Tung Hai Da Xue Xiao Shi," (Taichung: Tunghai University Press, 1981), 3-4. 64 Ibid., 17. 107

an American model of education, as well as spreading American values and the ideas of American democracy to the youth of Taiwan.65

Figure 4.9 US Vice-President Richard Nixon attended the Tunghai University ground-breaking ceremony, Taichung, 1953

Apart from American colleges established in Taiwan, the US educational exchange program also played a vital role in introducing American culture to Taiwan. Zhao

Qi-Na 趙綺娜, a researcher at Academia Sinica,66 points out that the US government implemented educational exchange as a mechanism for promoting the American educational system, values and lifestyle to the people of Taiwan, further enhancing

American influence.67 The US educational exchange program in Taiwan was

65 Ibid., 88-95, 103-08. 66 Founded in 1928, Academia Sinica is a state-financed research institution which originated in mainland China. This national academy relocated to Taiwan following the Nationalist government in 1949 and is currently based in Taipei. See www.sinica.edu.tw 67 Zhao, "The Educational and Cultural Exchange Programs between Taiwan and the U.S. Governments: 1950-1970," 82. 108

through the Smith-Mundt Act in 1952, and its aim was to focus on the future specialists and leaders of Taiwan.68 Many well-known politicians, professionals and entrepreneurs were educated in the US through this program. As mentioned, the former President Lee Teng-Hui received his American scholarship in 1952. He studied courses such as accounting, agricultural marketing and economic statistics, and claimed that his education at Iowa State University was “instrumental for his later career.”69 In the mid-1960s, Lee received a joint scholarship from the

Rockefeller Foundation and Cornell University, moved to the US again, and earned his Ph.D. degree in agricultural economics at Cornell University in 1968.70 Another former President, Ma Ying-Jeou 馬英九, also received his further education in the

United States. Instead of American funding, Ma received the Dr. Sun Yat-Sen

Scholarship in 1974, a scholarship that was founded by the Nationalist Party in

Taiwan.71 He studied law in New York University and Harvard University where he was awarded his PhD.

“The United States Educational Foundation in the Republic of China” was established in Taiwan in 1958.72 This foundation combined the resources of the

Smith-Mundt Act and the Fullbright Program (or Commission) and was in charge of

68 Zhao indicates that “the Mutual Security Act, the Smith-Mundt Act and the Fullbright Act were the three major instruments of the US government for conducting cultural diplomacy activities in Taiwan.” Ibid., 84. 69 Tsai, Lee Teng-Hui and Taiwan's Quest for Identity, 79-80. For more, see Teng-Hui Lee, Tai Wan De Zhu Zhang (Taipei: Yuan-Liou Publishing Co., Ltd., 1999). 70 Tsai, Lee Teng-Hui and Taiwan's Quest for Identity, 95-96. 71 Cai-Guan Chen, "Ma Ying-Jeou Denied the Sun Yat-Sen Scholarship Awarded Students Worked for KMT," accessed April 16, 2015, http://www.twtimes.com.tw/index.php?page=news&nid=133653. 72 Zhao, "The Educational and Cultural Exchange Programs between Taiwan and the U.S. Governments: 1950-1970," 94. 109

educational exchange programs in Taiwan.73 Between 1951 and 1970 nearly three thousand individuals received a US scholarship and studied at various American universities.74 When they returned, they were offered key government bureau positions in Taiwan. One of the implicit objectives of the educational exchange program for the US government was to cultivate potential pro-American leaders, thus securing a political and economic relationship in the future between the US and

Taiwan.75

Along with sending people in Taiwan to study in America, the US Educational

Foundation worked with the “United States Information Service” (USIS) in Taipei to sponsor American experts to visit Taiwan. These American experts included scholars from educational institutes, lawyers, public health specialists, sports coaches, choreographers and musicians. For instance, professional teams from Pennsylvania

State and Purdue Universities travelled to Taiwan to help establish the faculty of

Industrial Education for the Taiwan Normal University, and were instrumental in improving campus planning and infrastructure for the National Chen Kung

University in the 1950s.76 Other well-known professional experts who visited included basketball coach, Jim Davis, and modern dance choreographer, Martha

Graham.77 They were American “Cultural Ambassadors,” introducing American culture to the general public of Taiwan.78

73 Ibid., 94-96. 74 Ibid. 75 Ibid., 116-20. 76 American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," 90-92. 77 Ibid., 98. 78 Zhao, "The Educational and Cultural Exchange Programs between Taiwan and the U.S. Governments: 1950-1970," 102. 110

The US Educational Foundation in Taiwan also provided scholarships for Americans and overseas Chinese to study in Taiwan. Funded by the Ford Foundation and

Carnegie Endowment, the establishment of “The Stanford Center for Chinese

Studies” in Taipei, for instance, was a US government initiative to encourage foreign students to study in Taiwan.79 The US government promoted Taiwan as the “Free

China,” a “rallying point” of anti-communism, and in the process, attracted overseas

Chinese from South East Asia, in particular, to study traditional Chinese language and culture.80 From 1951 to 1965, there were 20,078 overseas Chinese who studied in Taiwan.81 Not only was the US educational exchange program used to promote

American culture to the people of Taiwan, it was a mechanism through which the US government was able to cultivate pro-American leaders, and in so doing, set up

Taiwan as an outpost to spearhead American influence in South East Asia.

In tandem with the educational exchange program to promote American culture to the general public in Taiwan, the United States Information Service (USIS) invited writers and scholars from Taiwan and Hong Kong to translate major works of

American literature into Chinese, covering a wide range of genres which included fiction, drama, poetry, literary criticism and literary history.82 This momentous translation project involved many eminent Chinese writers and scholars such as

Eillen Chang 張愛玲, Yu Kwang-Chung 余光中, Liang Shih-Chiu 梁實秋. As a

79 Ibid., 110-12. 80 Ibid. 81 Ibid. 82 Te-Hsing Shan, "American Literature Translation Series," in American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950- 1980 (Taiwan: American Institute in Taiwan, 2011), 116. 111

result, the works of Mark Twain, Ernest Hemingway, Tennessee Williams, Henry

David Thoreau and many others became accessible to the Chinese-speaking world.83

The American literature translation series provided a platform and vehicle through which Chinese-speaking readers in Taiwan were able to gain an insight into some of the greatest minds of American culture. Under the period of Martial Law, the translated American literature series became one of the few sources connecting the youth and intelligentsia of the country to the Western world.

The presence of US servicemen in Taiwan also played a part in promoting American culture. Besides a number of American airbases in the cities of Lungtan, Hsinchu,

Chiayi and Tainan, the MAAG Southern Advisory Section and the US 7th Fleet

Detachment in Kaohsiung, the MAAG Central Advisory Section and the Ching

Chuan Kang (CCK) Airbase in Taichung, the Headquarters of the MAAG, the

USTDC and some other military units in Taipei, had established extensive military compounds for American soldiers, personnel and their families to reside in Taiwan.84

For instance, more than a hundred houses were built in Taipei’s Yang Ming

Mountain for American military personnel. Different from the traditional residential buildings in Taiwan, these houses were constructed in an American bungalow style with indoor fireplaces, chimneys, gardens and car garages.85 According to the Taipei

83 Ibid. 84 American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," 60. 85 Taipei City Government Department of Cultural Affairs, "Yang Ming Shan American Military Compound," accessed May 20, 2015, http://www.culture.gov.taipei/frontsite/cultureassets/caseBasicInfoAction.do?method=doViewCase BasicInfo&caseId=AD09707000020&version=1&assetsClassifyId=3.1&subMenuId=null. 112

Cultural Heritage Register, “Yang Ming Mountain Residential Area for American

Military” represents the very first Western styled residential community in Taiwan.86

Accompanying the military presence in Taiwan was American mass communication.

Armed Forces Network Taiwan (AFNT) was established in the 1950s to service the

American community, broadcasting American music and American news. When the

American forces left in 1979, the radio station remained under the sponsorship of

American Chamber of Commerce in Taiwan, and renamed the “International

Community Radio Taipei” (ICRT).87 ICRT still operates today, and is the only

English radio station in Taiwan broadcasting a variety of American pop music to the people of Taiwan.

Due to the increase of US forces in Vietnam during the Vietnam War in the mid-

1960s, Taiwan became one of the leisure destinations for American servicemen.

MAAG in Taiwan initiated and assisted “Rest & Recreation” (R & R) plans for

American soldiers and personnel in Asia. Several thousand spent their R & R in

Taiwan in the first year alone. The number of holidaying American soldiers increased rapidly each year, and by 1970, more than 200,000 had visited Taiwan.88

The local hospitality industry also expanded in order to accommodate the growing number of visiting Americans.

86 Ibid. 87 ICRT, "About ICRT - International Community Radio Taipei," accessed December 28, 2014, http://www.icrt.com.tw/page_details.php?&mlevel1=5&mlevel2=9. 88 Jun Wang, "Wo Jian Wo Si - American Radio Station in Taiwan - Part I," accessed December 28, 2014, http://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20081112000795-260115. 113

During this period, the military compounds expanded in size with new facilities. The largest extension of the American military bases in Taiwan was the Headquarters

Support Activity (HSA). Located in Zhong Shan district of Taipei, the HSA was a

United States Navy subordinate command of the Commander Service Force, U.S.

Pacific Fleet. Its mission was to provide administrative and logistic support to

Headquarters of the USTDC, the MAAG and the Fleet Units, including overseeing activities pertaining to the local foreign community. Figure 4.10 shows the map of the HSA which contains the East and West Compounds divided by Chung Shan

North Road. Figure 4.11 illustrates the entrance wall of West Compound of the HSA with its large logo and the orientation signs on the side. The HSA was designed to be a self-sufficient American town, providing everything that a new arrival needed for living in Taiwan in accordance with an American standard of living. The HSA’s facilities included buildings for administration and education, a library, cafeteria, housing, bank, church, mess hall, gift shop, post office, laundry service, tennis court and softball field, sauna, clubs and retail stores (Figure 4.12). In short, it provided all things American for Americans abroad: from small items such as office stationery and canned food to large products such as refrigerators. Even automobiles could be purchased from the HSA’s retail shops.

114

Figure 4.10 The range of facilities and their layout at Headquarters Support Activity, Taipei, 1960s

According to photograph images from the Taiwan Report, a booklet published by the

USTDC, many employees who worked at the HSA’s facilities were local. In addition, American officers’ families also hired local household helpers such as babysitters, cooks, gardeners and drivers during their residency in Taiwan. To a certain extent, these local employees and household helpers had to be capable of carrying out a simple English conversation to work for Americans. Their service gave them first-hand experience and knowledge of American culture.

115

Figure 4.11 The entrance of West Compound of the HSA, Taipei, 1965

Figure 4.12 The US Navy Commissary Store located in the HSA East Compound, Taipei, 1965

The US military personnel and their families residing in Taiwan, and the influx of

US soldiers on R & R from Vietnam, introduced American-style food, sports and entertainment to the people of Taiwan. As such, restaurants, shops and entertainment facilities grew rapidly around American neighbourhoods. They sold hamburgers and

French fries, American music records, clothes and goods. American-style entertainment like bars and clubs also flourished in neighbourhoods near American

116

military compounds such as Cisian 3rd Road in Kaohsiung, Freedom Road in

Taichung, Zhong Yi Road in Keelong and Chung Shan North Road in Taipei.89 Bar culture (Jiu Ba Wen Hua 酒吧文化) in particular, was first introduced to Taiwan by

Americans during the post-war period.90 Other forms of American popular culture such as rock and roll music and Hollywood movies also became well-liked in the major cities. In addition, the first Western five-star hotel to operate in Taiwan was

American. Opened in 1973, the Hilton International Taipei represented “a little

America,” providing American style hospitality with fine dining restaurants and entertainment (Figure 4.13).91 The Hilton Taipei also introduced the very first hotel bar and hotel disco open to all the people of Taiwan, Americans in Taiwan and visitors at the time.

Figure 4.13 The Hilton International Taipei, Taiwan, 1973

Aside from popular culture, American sports such as basketball, softball and baseball also became popular in Taiwan in the late 1950s and 1960s. Although some

89 Ibid. 90 The Chinese word, Jiu Ba 酒吧, derived from a homonymic translation of the English word, bar. See Wei-Hsin Chiu, "The Comparison of Professional Competencies and Duties between Bar and Restaurant Manager " (Masters Dissertation, National Kaohsiung Hospitality College, 2010), 21. 91 Ibid. 117

American sports had already been introduced to Taiwan in the colonial period, they were mostly played by Japanese rather than Taiwanese – the majority of the population on the island.92 The ROC Ministry of National Defence began to establish basketball teams at army, navy and air force bases in the 1950s and they often hosted matches with American military teams in Taiwan as well as American teams coming from other Asian bases.93 The ROC government also promoted basketball, with American coaches visiting in the 1950s. Soon after, American basketball became mandatory in the school system of Taiwan.94 Other than basketball, baseball was another sport that gained popularity through American influence. After the Taichung Golden Dragon Team won the Little League 1969

World Championship in Williamsport, USA, people in Taiwan became enthusiastic fans, and baseball grew into a national sport.95

4.6 Conclusion

This chapter has established unequivocally the prevalence of the United States in

Taiwan after World War Two. During the 1950s and early 1960s, American influence was facilitated largely through extensive aid programs and a substantial military presence. American assistance and technology also enabled Taiwan to recover quickly from the wars and become a new industrialised nation in the 1960s.

92 Chen, The Early Western Experience in Taiwan, 214-15. Also see Wen-Cheng Zeng and Jun-Wei Yu, Tai Wan Bang Qiu Wang (Taiwan: I'm Publishing Ltd., Co., 2004), 29. 93 Jun Wang, "Wo Jian Wo Si - American Radio Station in Taiwan - Part III," accessed December 28, 2014, http://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20081126000782-260118. 94 Zeng and Yu, Tai Wan Bang Qiu Wang, 92-98. Also see Pin-Yi Li, "Beitou Elementary Basketball Team,” Taipei Sports, no.13 (2012): 24, and American Institute in Taiwan, "American Footsteps in Taiwan, 1950-1980," 92. 95 Ke-Min Shi, "23th World Tournament of the Little League Baseball - Wo Dui Rong Ying Guan Jun," United Daily News, Auguest 24 1969, 1. 118

In fact, the US impact on Taiwan was far reaching. By the end of the twentieth century, more than half of the members of the cabinet of Congress in Taiwan had received their further education in the US.96

American culture dominated as the mainstream Western influence and learning

American culture or studying in the US was an aspiration for many people in post- war Taiwan. This chapter has also demonstrated that this American presence was instrumental in building the modern infrastructure of post-war Taiwan. It supported the rapid growth of the middle-class during this period. High employment rates meant a greater level of income which translated into consumer activities. All of these factors establish a context for understanding the appearance of large retail buildings in post-war Taiwan. As established in the chapter, there is no question about the strength of the US influence in Taiwan after the Second World War. The following chapters will examine in more specific ways how this influence shaped the appearance of retail buildings, whether directly or indirectly.

96 Zhao, "The Educational and Cultural Exchange Programs between Taiwan and the U.S. Governments: 1950-1970," 121. 119

Chapter 5

Retail Development in Taiwan during the late 1940s and 1950s

120

The mid-twentieth century was a turbulent era in Taiwan. The country suffered from the military conflict in the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) followed by the

Pacific War (1941-1945) and the resumption of the Chinese Civil War (1946-1950).1

The island was economically weakened during these continuous conflicts and there was no large-scale retail development in Taiwan from the mid-1930s to the late

1940s. The period from 1949 onwards was a transitional time for Taiwan. There was the retreat of Nationalist forces and the Chinese elites to the island, and simultaneously American culture became the dominant Western ethos in Taiwan. As explained in the previous chapter, political and financial support from the United

States’ government was vital to the government of the Republic of China (ROC) and helped Taiwan’s recovery from the war during the early post-war era. American influence was not just political and economic, but also cultural and technological as evidenced in the large retail developments in post-war Taiwan.

This chapter explores this transitional period in terms of retail development in

Taiwan in the 1950s by focusing on two significant buildings – the Chien-Sing

Department Store in Taipei and the Daxin Department Store in Kaohsiung. The investigation of these two retail stores will trace American influence through their design, retail strategies and services. The chapter will first discuss these developments in the context of consumer culture in the 1950s, and will then present the individual histories.

1 The Second Sino-Japanese War began in July 1937. However, after the Empire of Japan attacked Pearl Harbour in 1941, the war merged into the greater conflict of the Second World War, also known as the Pacific War. 121

5.1 Consumer Culture in 1950s Taiwan

In her book The Early Western Experience in Taiwan, Rou-Jin Chen argued that a consumer culture first emerged in early 1930s Taiwan.2 This culture was interrupted in the late 1930s due to continuous wars. After the end of these wars, and with

American financial and technical support, Taiwan’s economic structure gradually shifted from an agricultural society to an industrial society over the 1950s and

1960s.3 The newly industrialised Taiwan gave rise to new wealth and the growth of a new middle class.4 Consumption grew rapidly prompting the emergence of large retail developments in the 1950s.

There were three types of customers who shopped at the large retail stores during this period: the Chinese elites who migrated from mainland China, established wealthy Taiwanese, and an emerging industrial middle-class. New arrivals from the mainland, Shanghainese in particular, had been exposed to Western culture and goods before moving to Taiwan. The new arrivals favoured the Shanghai style of retail culture, preferring stores that provided merchandise such as high quality

Chinese textiles and the latest Western consumer goods. Apart from the new arrivals, wealthy Taiwanese were also important customers of the large retail stores in post- war Taiwan. Most were educated during the Japanese colonial period and were accustomed to purchasing Chinese, Japanese and some Western goods. Additionally, with the help of American aid, a new industrial middle-class emerged during the

2 Rou-Jin Chen, The Early Western Experience in Taiwan (Taipei: Wheat Field Publishing Company, 2005). 3 Chun-Chieh Huang, Transformations and Prospects in Postwar Taiwan (Taipei: Zheng Zhong Shu Ju, 1995), 5-7. 4 Ibid., 6. 122

early post-war period in Taiwan. New retail developments such as the Chien-Sing and Daxin department stores in the 1950s were essentially developed to suite the tastes and expectations of these three target groups of consumers.

With the United States being the leading Western power after the Second World

War, there was a fast-growing interest in American goods in Taiwan. During the early 1950s, American products were brought in initially through the US food aid program. In the mid-1950s, small consignment stores began to appear around the

American military compounds in the cities of Keelung, Taipei and Kaohsiung. These small stores were selling American goods such as cigarettes, alcohol and clothing brought in by American navy sailors. A well-known example is the Sunlit Market

Arcade, a market place with an agglomeration of consignment stores located in

Zhong-Shan district of Taipei.5 The consignment stores sold goods mainly sourced directly from America in the 1950s, whereas in the 1960s they also sold goods from other American bases in the Philippines, South Korea and Japan. These consignment stores became alternative shopping places for consumers in Taiwan because they provided limited but expensive foreign goods.

Apart from the growth of the consignment stores, the appearance of large retail developments such as the new Chien-Sing and the Daxin department stores in the

1950s had indicated a resumption of consumer culture in Taiwan after the wars.

These two stores not only provided access to American goods, but later also

5 The early consignment stores in Taiwan were developed to sell goods that were brought in by American servicemen or business travellers in the 1950s and 1960s. Different to the store concept in Japan or Hong Kong, those goods were owned not by the senders (the people who brought in goods) but the store retailers. 123

exposure to modern American building technologies, such as air conditioning, fluorescent lighting and escalators as well as American-style entertainment.

5.2 The Chien-Sing Department Store

The Chien-Sing Company was the first to operate a new department store in Taiwan after the end of the Second World War. As a consequence of civil war in China, the retailer Chen Zhong-Liang relocated his store from Shanghai to Taipei in 1949.6

However, there is very limited information regarding how the Chien-Sing

Department Store was first established. From government records, newspaper articles, advertisements, and also a memoir from the Chien-Sing Department Store’s cashier Mrs. Chen, it is possible to construct the store’s history. According to government records, the Chien-Sing Department Store registered the company name in Taiwan on 20 July 1949.7 However, the newspaper Tai Wan Min Sheng Ri Bao 台

灣民聲日報 carried an advertisement on 9 April 1949 which testifies that the store had existed and operated since early 1949 (Figure 5.1).8

This particular advertisement promoted a “Spring Sale” held by the Chien-Sing

Department Store which started from the 9th of April and continued for five days.

Two addresses for the department store are provided within this advertisement. The main store address was given as No. 124 Pao-Ay Road, Taipei. The other address shows that the department store still retained a business office in Shanghai. In spite

6 Yi-Hong Jiang, "A General Profile of Taiwan Department Store Industry," Taiwan Business History Study, accessed August 3, 2012, http://bh.nccu.edu.tw/epapers/epaper003.html. 7 Commerce Industrial Services Portal, "Chien Sing Bai Huo Wu Xian Gong Si," in Department of Commerce (Taiwan: Ministry of Economic Affairs, R.O.C., 2005-2011). 8 "The Newest Department Store in Taiwan: Chien Sing Department Store - Spring Sale," Tai Wan Min Sheng Ri Bao, 8 April 1949, 3. 124

of the civil war during the late 1940s, the owner of Chien-Sing might have hoped that one day he could return to his shop to Shanghai, or perhaps maintain stores in both cities after the war. Nevertheless, once Chiang’s Nationalist government retreated from China in November 1949, the Chien-Sing Department Store removed its Shanghai office address from their December advertising (Figure 5.2).

Figure 5.3 Spring sale for the Chien-Sing Department Store, Taipei, 1949

Figure 5.4 December advertising for the Chien-Sing Department Store, Taiwan, 1949

125

If we look more closely at the newspaper advertisement and another that appeared at the end of the same year, we can see how Chien-Sing Department Store attempted to attract its customers. The first advertisement (Figure 5.1) contains a drawing of a woman wearing high heels, a long sleeve shirt and a dark coloured skirt, in other words contemporary Western fashion. The Shanghai retail developer, Chen Zhong-

Liang, used this image to attract his customers in Taipei. The later advertisement

(Figure 5.2) illustrates a woman wearing a Chinese “Qi-Pao” rather than a Western style dress.9 This may reflect the emergence of nationalist sentiment following the retreat of the ROC government to Taiwan in November 1949. Notwithstanding the

Chinese Qi-Pao, the woman appears rather modern in the sense of her fashionable look with a modern hairstyle. She holds a length of high quality fabric (possibly silk or satin), and stands above a pile of Western-style men’s shirts, neckties, socks and other modern goods. The woman’s hairstyle, along with that of the other woman depicted in the earlier advertisement, seems to emulate the hairstyle of Betty Grable, a well-known American actress at the time.

In 1948, psychologist Wayland Vaughan, described the power of the American film industry in establishing fashion trends in and throughout the 1930s.10 He notes,

“Hollywood, in its eagerness to exploit feminine beauty on the screen, inadvertently supplied the models and revolutionized American tastes and values… Not only is

Hollywood the arbiter on clothes, but its dicta on hairdressing, house furnishings,

9 “Qi-Pao” 旗袍 originally refers to Manchurian clothes dated back to the Qing period (1644-1912). The Chinese “Qi-Pao” dress shown in the 1949 Chien-Sing December advertisement was a modernised version which represents formal female dress for higher society since the 1920s China. The Oxford English Dictionary refers “Qi-Pao” as “Cheongsam.” 10 Wayland F. Vaughan, "Fashion," in Social Psychology: The Science and the Art of Living Together (New York: Odyssey Press, 1948), 551. 126

diction, and even etiquette are religiously followed by slaves of the screen.”11 He continued, “the stenographer who beautifies herself against the daily grind of the office, may be asking her roommate, ‘how shall I make my eyebrows today, like

Betty Grable’s or Greer Garson’s.’”12 Vaughan argues that Hollywood films and movie stars served to promote American fashions throughout the world since the

1930s as well as during that period.

Vaughan mentions the influence of Betty Grable, whose fame spread internationally in the early 1940s. Jane Gaines, a researcher in film, as well as the historians,

Melanie Williams and Ellen Wright, also suggest that Grable became the number one pin-up attraction around the world during the Second World War.13 As an

American icon and the number one pin-up girl, Grable’s signature hairstyles were highly influential. For example, her hit movies such as Moon Over Miami (1941),

Springtime in the Rockies (1942) and Pin Up Girl (1944) feature her golden blonde tresses worn in loose curls – known as ‘Peek-a-boo hair’ (Figure 5.3). Another popular hairstyle is represented in the image of her iconic pose in 1943 as well as on the magazine cover in 1945 (Figure 5.4). Her hair was slicked up at the sides and back and a tumble of curls sat on top. Interestingly, the hairstyle of the two women illustrated in the Chien-Sing Department Store advertisements is identical to Grable.

While the general population in colonial Taiwan could not see Hollywood movies due to the Pacific War, the advertisements for the Chien-Sing Department Store

11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Jane Marle Gaines, "In the Service of Ideology: How Betty Grable's Legs Won the War," Film Reader 5, (1982): 47-59. Also see Melanie Milliams and Ellen Wright, "Betty Grable: An American Icon in Wartime Britan," Historical Journal of Firm, Radio and Television 31 (December 2011): 555- 56. 127

suggest that the proprietors were aware of the power and associations of the imagery used.

Figure 5.3 Betty Grable in Moon Over Miami poster, 1941

Figure 5.4 Grable appearing on the cover of the Modern Screen magazine, March 1945

Another important archival source for the history of Chien-Sing Department Store is the store cashier’s memoir. Due to the situation in mainland China, the former

128

Chien-Sing’s cashier, Chen Yan Nian-Ci 陳殷念慈 and her family left Shanghai “in a rush” and boarded a military ship to Taiwan in May 1949.14 She explained the situation in her memoir: “after mainland China fell into Communist hands, my family decided to settle down in Taiwan.”15 In late autumn 1949, Mrs. Chen began to work in the Chien-Sing Department Store. A photograph from Chen’s memoir depicts the first Chien-Sing Department Store in Taipei. This photo does not provide a full image of the entire retail building, but it does indicate that the Chien-Sing

Department Store was located within a colonial shop-house (Figure 5.5). While the photograph shows only the ground floor of the store, it can be presumed that the store occupied several floors of a typical colonial three-storey building. In the mid-

1950s, the owner extended the store to another townhouse building (No. 118 Pao-Ay

Road).16 Each of these two shop-houses had approximately a six-metre store front conforming to the module used in colonial urban planning.17

14 Ling-Xian Chen, "Self-Portrait of a Resolute Mother: Memoir of Mrs. Chen Yan-Nian-Ci " accessed July 18, 2012, http://blog.udn.com/cty43115/6029655. 15 Ibid. In her memoir, she explained: “in Minguo 38th year (The Minguo year refers to the calendar year of the Republic of China), I got a cashier job working at the Chien-Sing Department Store through the owner of the Qing-Yang bookstore. It was the one and only department store in Taipei at that time. The work load was heavy as a cashier in Chien-Sing, however the pay is quite good - five hundred Taiwan dollars per month. Usually we had two days off per month; and when we have the time off from work, our office would pay us 5 dollars extra to enjoy a movie at the cinema… The Chien-Sing Department Store hired two female cooks preparing three meals per-day for us, between the work hour and the meal time we would take turn for dining. In the time of the Chinese New Year, our office would even have catering from the famous “Mei-Wei-Zhai” restaurant, delivering big meals to our office.” 16 "Chien-Sing Department Store: Free Gift to Celebrate Two Branches," Da Hua News, 12 October 1956, 2. 17 Chien-Lang Li, 20th Century Architecture in Taiwan (Taipei: Yu Shan She Publishing, 2001), 20. 129

Figure 5.5 Mrs. Chen in front of the Chien-Sing Department Store, Taipei, 1949

Chen’s memoir states that the Chien-Sing Department Store was the one and only new department store in Taipei in the late 1940s. If true, this would suggest that there was not much retail competition, and the store must have done well. Certainly, the store’s owner soon expanded the business. The second Chien-Sing Department

Store was located in a new building and the retail space was much larger than the first store. On 11 September 1956, the second Chien-Sing Department Store (also known as the Chien-Sing Hung-Yang Store) had its grand opening.

The new Chien-Sing Department Store was located at No. 127 Hung-Yang Road and it was built as a retail landmark in the capital’s major commercial district. While the new structure was primarily built for the department store, the seven-storey building also initially accommodated the Tico Supplies Station, Shin-Sheng movie theatre, the Yu-Yuan Sichuan restaurant and the Wan-Guo social club (Figure 5.6)18.

Because the site was located at the corner of Hung-Yang Road and Chunghwa Road, and facing the Ximending Circle, the building was designed with a slightly concave

18 Taiwan Digital Archives, "The Grand Opening of the Tico Supplies Station," accessed August 21, 2012, (Taiwan Film Culture Company, May 5, 1965), http://catalog.digitalarchives.tw/item/00/31/9e/fc.html. 130

front corresponding to the shape of the traffic circle. The building storefront had a broad façade facing the roundabout, book-ended by two prominent corner columns.

This stripped-back façade indicated a move toward a plain or more austere style that distinguished it from colonial-era retail architecture. The middle of the façade comprised a gridded screen and a small modernist-looking tower at the top of the building. The ground level consisted of a colonnade supporting the first floor and provided pedestrians with a covered walkway which sheltered the front entrances.19

Figure 5.6 The new Chien-Sing Department Store, Taipei, 1960s

The design of the new Chien-Sing Department Store was of modernist expression.

Considering the owner of Chien-Sing had migrated to Taipei from Shanghai in 1949, his knowledge of retail architecture may have partially been influenced by retail development in pre-war Shanghai. Historian Anne Warr points out that

“Internationalism from New York permeated Shanghai in the form of skyscrapers” beginning in the 1930s.20 Well-known examples during this period include the 18- storey Grosvenor House & Gardens designed by Palmer and Turner in 1932, and the

19 For this thesis, the naming convention of the retail floor level in Taiwan will be called “ground floor” for the street level, “first floor” for the floor above, and “basement” for the floor below. 20 Anne Warr, Shanghai Architecture (Sydney: Watermark Press, 2007), 17. 131

24-storey Park Hotel designed by the architect László Hudec in 1934.21 Architectural modernity in Shanghai can also be seen in large retail developments such as the highest and the most prominent retail building in Shanghai, the second branch of the

Wing On Department Store. Designed by American architect Elliott Hazard in 1933, this new 19-storey high-rise retail and office structure was located at a busy intersection on Nanking Road in Shanghai and was the tallest building there in the year of its completion.22

From the examination of an old photograph of the second branch of the Wing On

Department Store, also known as the Wing On Company Building (Figure 5.7), the side of the building that faces Nanking Road has an elongated tower rising above street level.23 As an American architect, Hazard’s works in Shanghai likely reflected architectural trends in the US. His design for the Wing On Department Store would have resembled the American commerical architecture at the time.24 Coming from

Shanghai, the developer of Chien-Sing would have been acquainted with the high- rise buildings of his home city and it is likely that they provided the model for what was to be the tallest commercial building constructed in Taiwan at that time.

21 Ibid., 13, 171. 22 The New Wing On Department Store became the second tallest building in Shanghai when the Park Hotel was completed in 1934. 23 Warr, Shanghai Architecture, 174. 24 Historian John William Ferry points out that American department stores were inclined to build much higher building levels than the rest of the world in the first half of the twentieth century. An example is the new 20-storey annex added to the existing Macy’s Department Store in New York between 1922 and 1924. With a further two expansions in 1928 and 1931, Macy’s gained its title as the world’s largest department store by providing over 2,000,000 square feet of retail floor space under one roof. See John William Ferry, A History of the Department Store (New York Macmillan, 1960), 61. 132

Figure 5.7 Aerial view of the new Wing On Company Building, Shanghai, 1933

In his book Shanghai Modern, Leo Ou-Fan Lee dedicated a section to retail architecture to the International Settlement of pre-war Shanghai.25 He focused on the

‘Big Four’ – Sincere, Wing On, Sun Sun and the Sun Company - department stores and explained their connection with Western modernisation in Shanghai. “With their escalators leading to variegated merchandise on different floors, together with dance halls and rooftop bars, coffeehouses, restaurants, hotels and playgrounds for diverse entertainments,” he wrote, “these edifices of commerce combined the functions of consumerism and recreation.”26 In spite of the International Settlement of Shanghai being carried out by occupying foreign powers such as the British and French

Empires as well as the United States, Lee pointed out that the four retail giants were

25 Leo Ou-Fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: The Flowering of a New Urban Culture in China, 1930-1945 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999). 26 Ibid., 13. 133

owned by overseas Chinese, and the majority of the customers were Chinese rather than foreigners. For Lee, the birth of the four edifices of commerce reflected the fast- growing consumption of an emerging modern society in pre-war Shanghai.

Lian Ling-Ling, the Academia Sinica researcher, studied the Wing On Company in pre-war Shanghai and examined how this modern retail corporation was established.27 She explains that the two retail developers of the first two modern

Shanghai department stores, Ma Ying-Piu and Guo Le (overseas Chinese), were successful fruit wholesale merchants in Sydney, Australia.28 After generating a great fortune and witnessing the fast growth of large retail developments in Sydney, Ma and Guo relocated to Hong Kong and respectively established the Sincere (1900) and

Wing On (1908) department stores. At the time there were two British funded department stores in Shanghai – the Hall & Holtz Ltd. and the Whiteaway Laidlaw

& Co., Ltd., yet these two stores provided service only to English speaking customers.29 Ma and Guo saw a business opportunity and soon established the

Shanghai Sincere Department Store in 1917 and Wing On Department Store in 1918 that primarily catered to the local market.30 Lian points out that Guo was impressed with the retail success of Anthony Hordern & Sons while he resided in Sydney31 and his experience in Sydney may have contributed to the use of some modern retail strategies in his store such as only providing the ‘latest’ goods.32 As a result, three

27 Ling-Ling Lian, "The Formation and the Transformation of Corporate Culture: A Case Study of Shanghai Wing on Company During the Minguo Era," Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica 49 (2005): 127-73. 28 Ibid., 133-34. 29 Ibid., 134. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid., 158-59. 32 Ibid. 134

quarters of Guo’s department store in Shanghai distributed the latest Western goods, with the remaining quarter devoted to Chinese products.33 Correspondingly, the founder of the Sincere Department Store may have also absorbed retail display and service skills from the Western retail stores such as David Jones in Sydney or Lane

Crawford in Hong Kong. 34

Both Sincere and Wing On would have introduced Western retail management to their stores while the types of product on sale may also have been similar. The evolution of these two modern Chinese department stores offered more than just a mimicking of foreign retail stores. Whereas cosmetic products and jewellery were displayed on the ground floor in Western department stores for example, the merchandising layout of Sincere, Wing On and the other two of the ‘Big Four’ stores in pre-war Shanghai was adjusted to Shanghainese shopping habits at the time: every day goods such as foreign dry food products (e.g. Quaker Oats), medicine, cigarettes and camera were sold on the ground floor whereas silks, satins, and other textiles were displayed on the first floor; jewellery and accessories were sold on the second floor, and home furniture and leather goods were displayed on the third floor.35 As recorded in 1920 by a foreigner survey in Shanghai, this “extraordinary type of semi-

33 Ibid., 159. 34 Lane Crawford was founded by two Scottish businessmen residing in Hong Kong 1850 and sold mainly luxury Western goods. See Lane Crawford (Hong Kong) Ltd, "Lane Crawford: A Social History," accessed November 25, 2015, http://www.lanecrawford.com/info/aboutUs.jsp. 35 For the early internal arrangement of American department stores, see Ferry, A History of the Department Store, 14-15. The architectural historian, Bak, built an online website in regard to the modern developments of the North American department stores. This source provides information of a wide variety of early North American department stores’ merchandising layout plan. Bak, "The Department Store Museum," accessed October 25, 2016, http://www.thedepartmentstoremuseum.org. For information of the Big Four’s merchandising layout in Shanghai, see Heng-Cai Chen, Qi-Di Leng, and Yan-Hua Yang, "Xiang Shan Ren Zai Shanghai," Zhongshan Daily, 22 March 2010, 3. 135

foreign and gorgeous stores” are where “Chinese and foreign elements meet.”36 In many ways, modern department stores in pre-war Shanghai discernibly incorporated both Western and Chinese retail culture within their shopping space.37

It is apparent that the new Chien-Sing Department Store in Taipei utlised pre-war

Shanghai retail strategies. This can be seen in the merchandising layout of Chien-

Sing: daily goods and silk fabrics were sold on the ground and first floors, whereas jewellery and home goods were displayed on the second and third floors. Their similarity can also be seen in the style of retail advertising. The new Chien-Sing

Department Store’s opening sale advertisement (Figure 5.8) describes it as “the grandest department store in Taiwan.”38 As proclaimed by the advertisement, these attractions were:

• High quality service.

• The use of famous designers to tailor-make suits, coats and fashion dresses.

• The distribution of well-known brands made in “Free-China.”

• The installment of the latest American Chrysler air conditioner.

• Free gifts and Ju-Shui-Xuan candies for shoppers.

The store’s intention was to project quality retail service and a modern style of living to customers in Taipei.

36 Reverend C. E. Darwent, Shanghai: A Handbook for Travellers and Residents (1920; rpt. Taipei: Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company, 1973), 14. 37 Apart from the merchandising layout design, gender equality in the work-place was also a revolutionary step for the pre-war Shanghai department stores. Sincere Department Store was the first to have the business model of employing women in front-line retail in Shanghai., see Chen, Leng, and Yang, "Xiang Shan Ren Zai Shanghai." 38 "The Grandest Department Store in Taiwan," Central Daily News, 11 September 1956, 4. 136

Figure 5.8 Opening sale of the new Chien-Sing Department Store, Taiwan, 1956

The slogans of this advertisement such as “high quality service” and the “use of famous designers to tailor-make suit, coats, and fashion dresses” can also be seen in the pre-war department stores in Shanghai. Opened in 1926, the third large department store in Shanghai, Sun Sun, advertised itself as “the ideal store” that offered “high quality, good service and reasonable price” merchandise.39 In this way,

Chien-Sing echoed the retail marketing language from the department stores in pre- war Shanghai.

The advertisement of the new Chien-Sing Department Store also reveals interesting information about social conditions at the time. For instance, due to the political turmoil of 1950s Taiwan, Chien-Sing was also careful to advertise itself as a patriotic store. As its advertisement claimed, the Chien-Sing Department Store distributed all well-known brands from “Free-China.” The phrase “Free-China” was political propaganda referring specifically to Chiang’s Nationalist government in Taiwan.

39 H. J. Lethbridge, All About Shanghai: A Standard Guidebook (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1983), 31.; the original edition was published by Oxford University Press in 1935. 137

Under American influence and protection, the ROC government in Taiwan projected itself as one of the “Free World” nations in contrast to the Communist nations. The owner of the Chien-Sing Department Store responded swiftly to political changes, and employed patriotism as a theme in its advertising and the store.

5.3 American Technology

While it is difficult to determine the exact source of influence for Chien-Sing’s retail strategies, one clear example of American impact is the prominence given to

Chrysler Air Conditioning listed as one of the key attractions of the new store.

Chien-Sing’s opening sale advertisement indicates that its new building was serviced by an American mechanical cooling system. According to Sze Tsung Leong and

Srdjan Jovanovic Weiss, the modern shopping environment “could not have become as effortless as breathing without air conditioning.”40 The development of mechanical cooling was inspired by a physician, John Gorrie, in the mid-nineteenth century, and realised by the engineer Alfred R. Wolff when he installed a cooling system at the Cornell Medical Building in New York City in 1899.41 In 1906, engineer Willis Carrier patented a cooling device that offered new techniques to manipulate the level of humidity.42 His invention became the prototype of modern air conditioning. Air conditioning systems were installed within different types of

40 Sze Tsung Leong and Srdjan Jovanovic Weiss, "Air Conditioning: Life Support for the Consumer," in Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping, ed. Rem Koolhaas, et al. (Köln: Taschen Gmbh, 2001), 93. 41 Ibid., 94-95, 99. The first time that an American mechanical cooling system was experienced by people from all over the world was at the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair. See Barry Donaldson and Bernard Nagengast, Heat and Cold: Mastering the Great Indoors (Atlanta: American Society of Heating, Refrigeration and Air-Conditioning Engineers, 1994), 277. 42 Willis Carrier invented the first modern electrical air conditioning in 1902 and was granted a patent of an improved device in 1906. Leong and Weiss, "Air Conditioning: Life Support for the Consumer," 103. 138

commercial establishments in the US from the late 1910s, with growth in the 1920s and 1930s extending to public buildings and residences.43

American department stores were also early commercial buildings to realise the economic value of air conditioning.44 Air conditioning became an ideal man-made temperature control facility for the shopping environment. As stated by Leong and

Weiss, “the ability to create artificial indoor climates and the increased flow of customers attracted to the new consistent levels of comfort made possible larger shopping spaces” since the 1930s.45 Air conditioning also served to support the development of a new kind of American shopping environment in the 1950s – the suburban mall – the enclosed shopping centre that is dependent on the technology of climate control. In his book Centers for the Urban Environment, Victor Gruen claimed that “in providing a year-round climate of ‘eternal spring’ through the skill of architects and engineers, the shopping center consciously pampers the shoppers, who react gratefully by traveling from further afield, visiting the center more frequently, staying longer, and in consequence contributing to higher sales figures.”46

Cloud Wampler points out that “comfort air conditioning is a producer of profit” and it draws trade.47 It increases “consumers productivity by encouraging them to shop

43 Carrier invented the first residential air conditioning, the “Weathermaker” unit. See ibid., 121. 44 Willis Carrier, Realto Cherne, and Walter Grant, Modern Air Conditioning, Heating and Ventilating (New York: Pitman, 1940), 3. 45 Leong and Weiss, "Air Conditioning: Life Support for the Consumer," 109. 46 Victor Gruen, Centers for the Urban Environment: Survival of the Cities (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1973), 74. 47 Cloud Wampler, Dr. Willis H. Carrier: Father of Air Conditioning (New York: The Newcomen Society of England, American Branch, 1949), 11. 139

longer and to spend more.”48 This logic may also have been pertinent to the developer of Chien-Sing. It is likely that the air conditioner used in the new Chien-

Sing Department Store was the Chrysler Airtemp. The Airtemp air conditioner was originally designed for the Chrysler Building in Manhattan, in 1930.49 It was engineered with a superior high-speed radial compressor which was invented to fulfil the building requirements for a skyscraper. In the 1950s, the military alliance between Taiwan and the US government would explain why the Chrysler Airtemp

Corporation, an auxiliary company for the US military during World War Two, was able to export the product directly to Taiwan.50 Furthermore, Chrysler Airtemp specifically was being promoted in terms of modern retail space in America. For example, an advertisement for Chrysler Airtemp in 1946 stated: “Air Conditioning is a potent builder of good will in men’s stores. Patrons like to be cool and comfortable

– they stay longer and buy more” (Figure 5.9).51 The ad continued, “Packaged Air

Conditioners, pioneered by Chrysler Airtemp, provide cool shopping comfort… fit into plans for any business establishment… they are compact, easily moved, occupy less floor space and can be quickly and easily installed.”52 Although there is no archival evidence indicating which model of Chrysler air conditioners were used in the new Chien-Sing Department Store, the Packaged Air Conditioners from the

Chrysler Airtemp could well have been the chosen model.

48 Leong and Weiss, "Air Conditioning: Life Support for the Consumer," 120. 49 Imperial Club, "Airtemp: Chrysler's Airy Solution to the Long, Hot Summer," accessed August 15, 2012, http://www.imperialclub.com. Also see David Zatz, "A Brief History of Chrysler Airtemp," accessed August 20, 2012, http://www.allpar.com/corporate/airtemp.phps. 50 Zatz, "A Brief History of Chrysler Airtemp." 51 "Simplified Air Conditioning for All Business," Architectural Record (May 1946): 133. 52 Ibid. 140

Figure 5.9 Advertisement for the Chrysler Airtemp Air Conditioners, 1946

5.4 The Daxin Department Store

The Daxin Company was the first to operate a new department store in Kaohsiung – the second largest city of Taiwan – after World War Two. This company was a retail pioneer featuring the very first commercial escalator, fluorescent lamps and mechanical rides in its store during the post-war period. According to government records, the establishment of the Daxin Company dates back to September 1953. In contrast to Chien-Sing’s developer, who was a new arrival from mainland China, the founder of the Daxin Company, Wu Yao-Ting, was born and raised in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period. Wu was born in 1926 as a first child of a poor farmer in Bei-Men village, Tainan. When he graduated from junior high school, he left the village and had different jobs in the city of Kaohsiung.53 An ex-employee of

53 Su-Li Lu and Xiu-Li Lin, "The South Retail Giant, Wu Yao-Ting Passed Away at the Age of 86," News Chinatimes (accessed August 27, 2012), http://news.chinatimes.com/focus/11050105/112012020900106.html. 141

the Datong Department Store, the second department store that Wu built, described how Wu developed an interest in the retail business. Quoting Wu he states:

When I was seventeen, I earned my first big pay - 40 Taiwan dollars - and

I wanted to use this money to buy a nice gift for my mother. I went to the

‘Yoshi Department Store,’ which was the largest department store in town

at that time, and I laid my eyes on a hand mirror with beautiful ornament

around it. I asked the store’s clerk about the price but the sales lady

snubbed and ignored me so I left the store with tears in my eyes. It was

then that I told myself that one day I will build a department store that it

would be larger than Yoshi, with a better customer service, and with

affordable products.54

While some may doubt the story’s veracity, Wu Yao-Ting did work as a salesman promoting imported goods in his early career. In 1950, Wu rented a retail space on the second floor of the Kaohsiung Department Store (the previous Yoshi Department

Store)55 and began his wool yarn business. Within two years, the price of the wool yarn market doubled and soon he generated a small fortune. Instead of spending the money he made from his wool yarn business, Wu used the accumulated capital to purchase a parcel of land across the street from the Kaohsiung Department Store. In order to build the best store in town, he travelled to Tokyo to work in the Isetan

54 Opened in 1941, the Yoshi Department Store was the first modern department store in Kaosiung. See Xiao Wan, "Reminiscence of Datong," accessed August 27, 2012, http://library.taiwanschoolnet.org/cyberfair2004/gloomy/reading.htm. 55 The Yoshi Department Store had a change of ownership in 1945 when the ROC government repatriated all the Japanese residents in Taiwan back to Japan; the ROC government took over the ownership and renamed the Yoshi Department Store to the Kaohsiung Department Store. 142

Department Store, learning retail management.56 A few months later, Wu returned from Japan and began to build his own store. The Daxin Department Store was located at 86 Dayong Road, Yencheng district, Kaohsiung. Wu operated retail space on the ground floor while the construction of the department store continued. He further purchased two well-known retail brands, the Xin-Gao wool yarn company and the Zhong-Guo shirt company, and placed them on the ground floor of his new store. Two years later the construction of the building was completed. On 14

September 1958, the five-storey department store had its grand opening.57

5.5 The Architecture of the Daxin Department Store

The Daxin Department Store was designed in a distinctly modern idiom. An original photo from the History Museum of Kaohsiung shows a view of the department store when it was first built (Figure 5.10). The building façade faced the main street

(Dayong Road) and the ground level consisted of a row of concertina folding gates that allowed pedestrians to glimpse the store’s display during non-operating hours.

Four square-shaped columns supported the second floor and provided pedestrians with a covered walkway. The façade of the building contained horizontal strip windows on the second, third, fourth and fifth floors. The surface of the façade had masonry work of pebble-dash which gave a flush and unadorned look except for the attachment of the signage. The two sides of the building had four rows of various sized industrial-made windows differentiating the appearance of the building sides and the façade.

56 Found in 1886, Isetan is one of the long established retail companies in Tokyo that built modern department stores in pre-war Japan. See Wan, "Reminiscence of Datong". 57 See description of the opening entitled, "The Grand Opening of the Daxin Department Store in Kaohsiung," accessed August 27, 2012, http://newnrch.digital.ntu.edu.tw/prototype/query.php. 143

Figure 5.10 The Daxin Department Store, Kaohsiung, 1958

The Daxin Department Store had a clear modern form. The source of its design can be considered in two ways. The first is the connection between the owner of Daxin and his experience in Japan. Wu had spent a few months in Japan learning about

Japanese retail management. It can be assumed that he had visited other retail shops in Japan and may have been inspired by their design. This experience would have given Wu some level of understanding of modern department store design that he could assimilate for his own business interests back in Taiwan. Secondly, there was the broader context of the worldwide spread of the so-called “International Style” which occurred before and after the Second World War, particularly within countries that were experiencing a period of post-war economic recovery in the 1950s. The economic boom period of the 1950s was a time when a large amount of reconstruction and investment took place. Due to the reasons mentioned above, we

144

need to consider the development of commercial buildings in Japan and Taiwan and their adoption of the “International Style.”58

There are very few sources in English that address the retail architecture of pre-war

Japan. Botond Bognár and David B. Stewart have studied the appearance of modern commercial buildings in Japan. While Bognár refers to the work of Togo Murano as a significant contribution to modern Japanese commercial architecture, Stewart describes the work of Kikuji Ishimoto, who was the first Japanese architect to study with Walter Gropius in 1922. Stewart further points out that Ishimoto was the first architect to design a modernist style department store in Japan.59 With a façade articulated by expressed structure, modular windows, a curved corner, horizontal bands and a large amount of glazing, Ishimoto’s Shirokiya Department Store of 1931

58 The term “International Style” first appeared in conjunction with an architectural exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art in New York in 1932. The exhibition was curated by Henry-Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson who formulated a stylistic name for certain buildings that fitted into their argument about what the underlying principles of modern architecture were. Their influential document, The International Style, accompanied the exhibition. In this document, Hitchcock and Johnson defined the parameters of the style and stated: “The prime architectural symbol is no longer the dense brick, but the open box. The great majority of buildings are in reality, as well as in effect, mere planes surrounding a volume.” They credited four architects: Walter Gropius, Le Corbusier, J.J.P. Oud and Mies van der Rohe, as the founders of this style. Beside the characteristics of white stucco, flat roofs and horizontal windows, Hitchcock and Johnson described three principles of this style. The first was to see architecture as a volume. They stated that the prime quality of International Style architecture was that the volume appeared immaterial, weightless, and as a geometrically bounded space. The second principle concerned the aesthetic view of regularity in architecture: this principle is “expressed in an ordering of design,” where it was felt that the principle of regularity tends to increase the “horizontal aesthetic” of buildings. The third principle was the avoidance of applied decoration, that buildings do not contain unnecessary adornment and display the “clean perfection” of surface and proportion. Henry-Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson, The International Style, 1966 ed. (New York: W.W.Norton & Company, 1932), 48, 56. International Style architecture has been further identified with light weight technique, modularisation, synthetic modern materials, and the free plan. See Kenneth Frampton, Modern Architecture: A Critical History, 2007 ed. (New York: Thames & Hudson Inc., 1980), 248-61. 59 David B. Stewart, The Making of a Modern Japanese Architecture: 1868 to the Present (Tokyo and New York: Kodasha International, 1987), 119. 145

is a clear demonstration of the language of the early International Style (Figure

5.11).

Figure 5.11 Shirokiya Department Store, Tokyo, 1931

Like Kikuji Ishimoto, a number of the first generation modern Japanese architects, who also received further education in Europe such as Tetsuro Yoshida and Bunzo

Yamaguchi, had contributed to the development of International Style architecture in the late 1920s and the early 1930s Japan.60 However, with increasing militarisation and the growth of political nationalism, the modern architectural movement in Japan collapsed in the late 1930s.61 At the same time, many significant modernists left wartime Europe for the United States. Mies van der Rohe who taught at the Illinois

Institute of Technology in Chicago, Walter Gropius and Marcel Breuer accepted positions at Harvard in 1937, and Victor Gruen who migrated to New York in 1938

60 Botond Bognár, Contemporary Japanese Architecture (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, 1985), 81-83. Also see David B. Stewart, The Making of a Modern Japanese Architecture: From the Founders to Shinohara and Isozaki, 2002 ed. (Tokyo and New York: Kodasha International, 1987), 95-99. 61 Bognár, Contemporary Japanese Architecture: 84. 146

and promoted innovative retail design in the 1940s.62 These architects were highly influential in bringing early architectural modernism to the United States. Their design concepts were spread through their students and apprentices in the 1940s.

Architectural historian Alan Colquhoun describes how the corporate office buildings designed by architects such as Mies van der Rohe, Eero Saarinen, Skidmore,

Owings, and Merrill led commercial architecture in the 1950s.63

Similar to Taiwan’s experience, Japan also experienced the cultural impact of the

United States in the early post-war period. Cultural historian, Shunya Yoshimi, provides a vivid description of the image of the United States in Japan after the war:

“America became a symbol of wealth and freedom onto which Japanese people themselves pinned their hopes… Numerous powerful cultural influences – jazz, fashion, sexual culture – spread out from the American bases and took root very soon after the beginning of the occupation.”64 He further argues that “American military facilities became the centres for the consumer culture of youth” in Japan.65

That pervasive influence also extended to architecture. Sociologist Magali Sarfatti

Larson affirms that Japan was one country into which the American style of modern architecture spread in the second half of the twentieth century.66

62 Alan Colquhoun, Modern Architecture (Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 242- 43. Also see M. Jeffrey Hardwick, Mall Maker: Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 3-4. 63 Colquhoun, Modern Architecture, 237-46. 64 Shunya Yoshimi, "‘America’ as Desire and Violence: Americanization in Postwar Japan and Asia During the Cold War," Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 4, no. 3 (2003): 434, 39. 65 Ibid., 440. 66 Magali Sarfatti Larson, Behind the Postmodern Facade: Architectural Change in Late Twentieth- Century America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). 147

The war left many Japanese urban areas in ruins. The post-war rebuilding of Japan began with institutional building, housing and some commercial projects. Large retail developments in the early 1950s included the Takashimaya Department Store,

Kyoto branch, in 1950, the Tamato Yashiki Department Store in Himeji in 1951, and the additional Takashimaya Department Store, Tokyo branch, in 1952.67 The first two retail buildings had been remodelled with additional floor space and their exteriors were redesigned. The third retail building was designed by Togo Murano.

According to Bognár and Stewart, Togo Murano is considered the most prolific commercial architect of early modern Japan.68 Murano had been extensively involved with the design of commercial building since the beginning of his career such as the well-known “Morigo Shoten,”69 Tokyo Branch, in 1931 and the Sogo

Department Store in Osaka in 1936. Murano continued to be a productive retail architect after the war. His early post-war projects include the Takashimaya

Department Store, Tokyo branch, in 1952, the Maruei Department Store, Nagoya branch, in 1953, the Kintetsu Department Store in 1957 and the Sogo Department

Store (Yomiuri Hall), Tokyo branch, in 1957. More than any other Japanese architect of his time, Murano recognised and understood New York’s capitalist-driven modern architecture. His design strategy in adopting the principles of International Style, as

Stewart describes, pursued “the goal of simplicity as it accrues in technically and economically rationalised structures like some American skyscrapers.”70 Both

67 Tōgo Murano, Tōgo Murano 1928-1963 (Tokyo Shinkenchiku-sha 1983), 54-55. 68 Bognár, Contemporary Japanese Architecture, 83. Also see Stewart, The Making of a Modern Japanese Architecture: From the Founders to Shinohara and Isozaki, 142-43. 69 “Shoten” literally means “shop” in the Japanese language. The Morigo Shoten Tokyo Branch was originally a seven-storey tall building in 1931. The eighth floor was added on later in 1960. 70 Stewart, The Making of a Modern Japanese Architecture: From the Founders to Shinohara and Isozaki, 145. 148

Stewart and Bognár suggest that Murano’s work was strongly influenced by the skyscrapers of Manhattan.71 This view is supported by Murano’s own travel account of America earlier in his career. It is highly likely that Mr. Wu, owner of the Daxin

Department Store, visited Japanese department stores including those designed by

Murono during his trip to Japan. Along with this, Wu may have also considered more recent commercial buildings in Taiwan in designing his new store.

Early architectural modernism in Taiwan is poorly recorded. Judging by a limited range of resources, the first significant modern commercial building developed in

Taiwan after the Second World War was the office building of Taisuco – the Taiwan

Sugar Corporation – completed in 1951 (Figure 5.12).72 According to the journal

Architect, the office building of Taisuco Taipei Branch was designed by Hua-Gai

Allied Architects, an architectural firm from Shanghai.73 Established in 1933, Hua-

Gai Allied Architects was one of the most important architectural firms in mid- twentieth century China. During the late 1920s and early 1930s, many Chinese graduates in architecture from American universities were returning to Shanghai setting up practices and lecturing at the schools of architecture in China.74 The founders of Hua-Gai Allied Architects, Chen Zhi, Zhao Shen, and Tong Jun, were among the first generation of modern Chinese architects who received their

71 Ibid., 142. Also see Bognár, Contemporary Japanese Architecture, 30-31. 72 Taisuco, the Taiwan Sugar Corporation, was founded in 1946. When the ROC government took over the sugar industries from the Japanese colonial government in 1945, they merged four large sugar companies, the Great Nippon, the Taiwan, the Meiji, and the Ensuiko into one state-owned company. 73 Taisuco Taipei Branch was leased to the Ministry of Economic Affairs in the 1950s, and known as the Building of the Industrial Development Bureau 經濟部工業局. 74 Warr, Shanghai Architecture, 17. 149

architectural training in the US, specifically at the University of Pennsylvania.75

They had designed a number of Beaux-Arts and Art-Deco architectural projects in

Shanghai in the 1930s and their design practice shifted to International Modernism from the US after the Second World War. They designed a number of modernist buildings in the late 1940s for the US Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) in mainland China as well as other modernist projects such as the Zhejiang No. 1

Industrial Bank in Shanghai (c.1951) and the Taisuco Building in Taipei (c.1951).76

In describing the architectural features of Hua-Gai’s Zhejiang No. 1 Industrial Bank in Shanghai, Anne Warr explains that “the façade provides a powerful modernist expression as the concrete framed building cranks around its corner site carrying seven brick-clad floors above a stone-clad base. Streamlined horizontality is expressed through bands of windows tied together with thin protruding lids.”77 Hua-

Gai’s Taisuco Building in Taipei also had similar architectural features to the

Shanghai project. This four-storey building was composed of horizontal strip windows on the first, second and third levels. At the top and the bottom of these windows, horizontal masonry lintels and sills created lines on the building surface.

The façade also had string courses between each floor. At ground level, square- shaped columns supported the second floor and provided pedestrians with a covered walkway, a reflection of the archetypical arcade in Taiwan. The Taisuco Building may have been the first International Style building in Taiwan.

75 Yong Fang, "The Series of the Early Chinese Architects, Hua Gai Allied Architects - Tong Jun and Chen Zhi," Chinese Architect (March 1994): 110-13. 76 Ibid. 77 Warr, Shanghai Architecture, 59. 150

Figure 5.12 Taisuco Building Taipei Branch, Taipei, 1951

Judging by available sources, there are some similarities between the Daxin

Department Store and the Taisuco Building. Along with his travel experience in

Japan, the owner of Daxin, Wu, must have also visited the Taisuco Building in

Taipei, which may have influenced his inclination to adopting the architectural idiom of the International Style for his department store in Kaohsiung. Apart from Wu’s travel experience, the architect of Daxin, whose identity is currently unknown, may also have been exposed to the architectural journals available from the United States

Information Service (USIS) in Taiwan. The Architectural Record, for instance, was filled with examples of modern commercial design including the Remington-Rand

Building (Figure 5.13), designed by Thalheimer & Weitz Architects, which was similar to the Taisuco Building and the Daxin Department Store.78 These three projects were all low-rise modernist commercial buildings and shared comparable architectural details such as the horizontal strip windows, which suggests a cross- pollination of design ideas.

78 Fredrie Arden Pawley, "Small Business Buildings," Architectural Record (January 1950): 94. 151

Figure 5.13 Remington-Rand Building, Philadelphia, 1950

5.6 Daxin Retail Strategies

The developer of Daxin, Wu, presented two new retail strategies to people in

Southern Taiwan which distinguished Daxin from other retail stores in Taiwan.

Daxin was the first department store which had ‘open-display shelves.’ The customer could pick the merchandise themselves without asking help from the store’s clerk or sales people. Wu once said that “customers like to experience the merchandise by touching it themselves rather than observing things from a distance.”79 Secondly,

Daxin was the first ‘fixed-price’ department store in Taiwan. According to Wu,

“fixed-price merchandise is about the commercial ethic, in this way the customers shall have no concerns about overpaying for a product.”80 In fact, before Wu

79 Wan, "Reminiscence of Datong". Reminiscing on Datong 80 Ibid. 152

introduced his innovative department store services, the retail display strategies he used already existed in Taiwan – in the American military compound retail stores.81

In his book A History of the Department Store, John Ferry pointed out that “it is generally conceded that American department stores are foremost in retail innovation” during the first half of the twentieth century.82 “Open vista” or open- display shelves, for example, was one of the distinguishing features of American stores.83

During the 1950s, civilians in Taiwan were not allowed to enter American military compounds. However, many employees who worked at American retail stores in the military compounds were locals. In addition, well-known entrepreneurs in Taiwan occasionally received invitations to attend American social functions. As one of the most successful entrepreneurs in southern Taiwan, it is likely that Wu would have visited American compounds and their social clubs and retail stores in Kaohsiung.

Wu’s experience of department stores in Japan was also a source of inspiration.

Sociologist Tomoko Tamari explains how the birth of the modern department store in Japan had a close connection to American retail culture.84 In relation to the first modern retail store in Tokyo – Mitsukoshi Department Store – she cited the store’s media declaration which proclaimed that “it would henceforth increase the variety of

81 USTDC, "Taiwan Report ", ed. The United States Taiwan Defense Command (San Francisco: Public Affairs Office of the USTDC, 1973):38-40. 82 Ferry, A History of the Department Store, 13. 83 Ibid. 84 Tomoko Tamari, "Rise of the Department Store and the Aestheticization of Everyday Life in Early 20th Century Japan," International Journal of Japanes Sociology 15, no. 1 (2006): 100-01 153

goods it stocked and sold, and become like an American department store.”85 Tamari found that many of the features that appeared in the Mitsukoshi Department Store were strongly influenced by the Western store model. She named Selfridges in

London, Marshall Fields and Wanamaker’s department stores in the US.86 Another

Japanese researcher, Naoko Akahori, also affirms that modern Japanese department stores were influenced by American models, referring to the first modern Mitsukoshi

Department Store and how it adopted an “American system.”87 However, Akahori’s research focuses more on Japanese department stores built in the 1980s and 1990s that applied American retail strategies to attract customers. Although there is no archival document that indicates which source Wu derived his retail strategies from, it is highly likely that he learnt from American retail systems as employed in

Japanese department stores, and retail strategies employed within American compound retail shops in Kaohsiung.

5.7 American Technology and Entertainment

Along with retail strategies, Wu also introduced numerous new features and services in his department store in Kaohsiung. These included fluorescent lamps, escalators, and a children’s amusement playground and made Daxin a leading department store at the time.

85 Mitsui Gofukuten was a traditional Japanese fabric store. When it was transformed into the first modern department store in Japan, the developer renamed the store to Mitsukoshi. Tamari quoted the Mitsui (Mitsukoshi) Gofukuten’s “Department Store Declaration” from the Tokyo Nichinichi Shinbun newspaper in December 1904., ibid., 101. 86 Ibid., 108. 87 Naoko Akahori, "The Japanese Department Store as a Fantasy World," Journal of the A.P.O.C.S., no. 4 (2007), http://www.apocs.jp/apocs_04_akahori.pdf. 154

The Daxin Department Store was the first retail store in southern Taiwan equipped with fluorescent lighting to illuminate its interior. This technology can be traced back to America. The fluorescent lamp was first released to the general public by GE and Westinghouse at the 1939 New York World’s Fair and the Golden Gate

Exposition in San Francisco.88 Although fluorescent lighting is much brighter and has a high luminous efficiency, it was very costly at the beginning of its commercialisation compared to the incandescent lamp. However, the cost of fluorescent lighting came down to an affordable level after the end of the Second

World War. Fluorescent lighting design was new and fast growing in the United

States duing the mid-1940s.89 The fluorescent lamp was considered to have “almost unlimited possibilities in tailoring lighting and lighting equipment” for architects to design commercial spaces.90 Matthew Luckiesh studied the properties of fluorescent illumination and explained various design applications. One of his studies showed how fluorescent strip lighting recessed in the ceiling, gave office employees, such as those of the Otis Elevator Company, “good seeing conditions without the usual clutter of hung fixtures” (Figure 5.14).91

88 Smithsonian Institution, "Preconditions to 20th Century Lamps," accessed December 2, 2015, http://americanhistory.si.edu/lighting/20thcent/prec20.htm. 89 Matthew Luckiesh, "Designing with Fluorescent Lighting," Architectural Record (January 1946): 62. 90 Ibid. 91 Ibid., 65. 155

Figure 5.14 Fluorescent lighting design for the Otis Elevator office, Farmington, Connecticut, 1946

Fluorescent lamp technology was introduced to Asia from the US after the end of the

Second World War. Manufacturing started in Japan and later in Taiwan with the

New Asia Fluorescent Lighting Company (also known as the Xinya Company) beginning in 1954.92 When Daxin opened its ground floor retail space first in 1956, it was the first retail store in southern Taiwan to install fluorescent lighting. Many times brighter than incandescent lamps, rows of fluorescent lighting fixtures within the store’s ceiling generously illuminated the merchandise and displays (Figures 5.15 and 5.16).

Figures 5.15 and 5.16 Daxin Department Store’s fluorescent ceiling lighting in the household goods floor, and the ladies’ wear floor, Kaohsiung, late 1950s

92 "Lighting and Architecture," Chien Chu, no. 4 (1962): 26. 156

Along with fluorescent lighting, the Daxin Department Store also contained escalators in the centre of the building which were installed one year after it opened.93 Because it was the first of its kind in Taiwan (Taipei did not have one until a few years later), Daxin made headlines in the news the day the escalators started operation.94 The store was crowded at the time with people hoping to experience the new technology (Figure 5.17).

Figure 5.17 The escalator in the Daxin Department Store, Kaohsiung, 1959

Srdjan Weiss and Sze Tung Leong have pointed out the commercial logic of the escalator: “a direct equation between a building’s cash flow and number of visitors is formulated: maximum circulation = maximum sales volume.”95 They indicate that the escalator was “heralded as a technology critical to the post-war prosperity.”96

The early promotion of the commercial escalator around the world can be understood

93 In Taiwan, the Kikumoto Department Store (c.1932) was the first large retail store to operate an elevator service for customers. Later, other large department stores also provided elevators in their stores such as the Haiyashi (c.1932), the Yoshi (c.1941), and the Chien-Sing department stores (c.1956). However, as for the escalator service in retail building, the Daxin Department Store was the first to operate one in 1959. 94 "The Grand Opening of the Daxin Department Store in Kaohsiung". 95 Srdjan Jovanovic Weiss and Sze Tsung Leong, "Escalator," in Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping, ed. Rem Koolhaas, et al. (Köln: Taschen Gmbh, 2001), 346. 96 Ibid. 157

through the history of the American corporation – Otis Elevator Company. The first commercial moving staircase was manufactured in 1899 based on a patented prototype design owned by Charles Seeberger, who partnered with the Otis Elevator

Company and also trademarked the name Escalator.97 By 1911, the Otis Elevator

Company had purchased patents from Seeberger and others and dominated escalator production.98 Jason Goodwin points out that Otis products led the market in Europe and Australia at the beginning of the twentieth century.99 He also indicates that Otis dominated the market in countries in the Pacific region, particularly escalator production in Japan.100 In 1914, the Otis Elevator Company installed their first escalator within a commercial building in Japan, which was also the first time that an escalator service appeared in Asia.101

In 1930, Otis further established Tokyo-Otis, a joint venture with Mitsui Company in

Japan, and built a factory in the Karmata district of Tokyo, and manufactured Otis products.102 Based in Japan, Tokyo-Otis set up offices in other Asian cities including

Shanghai, Hong Kong, Manila and Singapore to distribute their products.103

American technology had a great impact on industrial development in Japan which prompted the Mitsubishi Electric Corporation to manufacture their own escalator in

1935.104 The escalator in the Daxin Department Store came from the Mitsubishi

97 David A. Cooper, "The History of the Escalator," Lift Report, (January-February 2000): 64. 98 Ibid. 99 Jason Goodwin, Otis: Giving Rise to the Modern City (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2001), 153-58. 100 Ibid., 158. 101 Otis Elevator Company, "Otis: A Visual Timeline," accessed December 2, 2015, http://www.otisworldwide.com/d31-timeline.html. 102 Goodwin, Otis: Giving Rise to the Modern City, 159. 103 Ibid., 160. 104 Mitsubishi Electric Corporation, "About Us -1920s-1970s," accessed December 2, 2015, http://www.mitsubishielectric.com/company/about/history/1920s-70s/index.html. 158

Company and it was installed by the Taiwanese Yongxin Electrical Engineering

Company in 1959.105 It may have been because of Wu’s travel experience to Japan as to why he installed a Japanese escalator. However, the concept and technology of the commercial escalator in Japan had its origins in the United States.

Wu was the first businessman in Taiwan to introduce an American-style amusement space within a large retail building. A children’s amusement area was added to the top of the Daxin Department Store building in 1962, featuring a Ferris wheel provided a panoramic view of the city. The amusement park was an American invention from the turn of the century as explained in Chapter Three. After the

Second World War, the appearance of Disneyland Park in 1955 established “a key symbol of contemporary American culture” which placed great influence on the development of amusement grounds worldwide (Figure 5.18).106 Wu ambitiously promoted entertainment within a retail building by introducing children’s amusement ground for the people in southern Taiwan. American entertainment technology such as mechanical rides and the Ferris wheel were already part of popular entertainment in many Western countries, yet the American-inspired entertainment on the top of the Daxin Department Store was a first in Taiwan, and it became an instant attraction in Kaohsiung.

105 Ibid. 106 Nicholas Olsberg, "Foreword," in Designing Disney's Theme Parks: The Architecture of Reassurance, ed. Karal Ann Marling (Paris-New York: Flammarion, 1997), 9. 159

Figure 5.18 Children on the Giant Teacup ride at Disneyland, Anaheim, 1955

5.8 Conclusion

This chapter has studied two significant department stores operating in the 1950s that signalled a transitional change in large retail developments in Taiwan. The cultural background of their developers, the architecture of the stores and the retail strategies and technologies employed reveal American influences. Some influences came directly from the United States and some were filtered via retail developments in pre-war Shanghai and Japan. In other words, American influence on 1950s retail buildings in Taiwan was substantially mediated through Japan and pre-war

Shanghai.

In addition to the department store, there was another type of retail development that emerged in post-war Taiwan. The following chapter will explore this type of retail development and investigate links to American influence.

160

Chapter 6

From Market Place to Shopping Complex –

– The Chunghwa Commercial Strip

161

Whilst department stores continued to be the dominant form of retail development in post-war Taiwan, there was another form of development that appeared in the early

1960s. This was the Chunghwa Commercial Strip, also known as the “Zhong Hua

Shang Chang” 中華商場, completed in 1961.1 In the context of this study, this name will be translated and abbreviated to ‘Chunghwa Strip.’ It was the most important example of this form of building structure to demonstrate the progressive modernisation of retail architecture in Taiwan at the time. In contrast to a department store, which is explicitly commercial and profit-oriented, the Chunghwa Strip was built for a variety of purposes. The site was previously used for temporary housing as well as a “marketplace.”2 Therefore, one of the functions of the newly built Strip was to provide lease accommodation for the temporary residents who lived on the site previously for over a decade. Chunghwa Strip was also planned as a commercial complex providing retail shops to replace the on-site marketplace.

This chapter will examine the transformation of the Chunghwa Strip from the provision of temporary housing and a marketplace into a shopping complex. To ensure a better understanding of the Strip’s cultural significance, the historical and

1 Chunghwa Commercial Strip is also known as “Zhong Hua Shang Chang” 中華商場 in the pinyin system of English translation. Because most of the archival materials in post-war Taiwan were translated based on the Wade-Giles system of English translation, therefore, in this study the naming convention of translation for the commercial strip will apply the term ‘Chunghwa’ rather than using ‘Zhong Hua.’ Some scholarly studies in Taiwan, however, have different translations of this development. For example, researchers, Chen Yu-Chueh, translated Chunghwa Commercial Strip into the ‘Zhonghua Shopping Yard’ whereas Yen Hsun-Yeh used the term ‘Zhonghua Market’ for his thesis. See Yu-Chueh Chen, "Modernization of Architecture and Development of Taipei City after World War Two in Taiwan: A Case Study on Zhunghua Shopping Yard" (Master Dissertation, Chung Yuan Christian University 2016); Hsun-Yeh Yen, "Diasporic Experiences and Memories of Place of Mainlander Chinese in Taipei’s Zhonghua Market, 1950-2001" (Master Dissertation, National Chiao Tung University, 2015). 2 The word “marketplace” in English denotes a place where a market is held or acts as an arena for commercial dealings. E.S.C. Weiner and J.A. Simpson, "Marketplace," in The Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 387. 162

social background of the building site and its antecedents are reviewed, and the study will then proceed to ascertain the level of American influence.

6.1 Background

The site of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip was part of the castle wall of Taipei when the island was ruled by the Qing Empire in the late nineteenth century. When the wall was removed in 1904, the Japanese colonial government turned the site into a three-lane avenue, which was renamed Chunghwa Road after World War Two.3

An influx of military forces and exiles into Taiwan in 1949 resulted in a population boom and led to a tremendous housing shortage.4 Returnee soldiers, for example, squatted in Taipei’s Nouveau Park which is approximately 600 metres away from

Chunghwa Road.5

In the early 1950s, a number of these soldiers and exiles established temporary shelter along Chunghwa Road, initially from the North Gate of the road and extending 650 metres to the south. In her study of Chunghwa Road, architectural historian Shih Shin-Chen notes that the temporary shelter structures were built with bamboo and canvas and had no walls initially. 6 The temporary shelter had very

3 Shyh-Meng Huang, "The Process of Taiwan Urban Planning in Japanese Colonial Era," in The First Annual Conference of the Chinese Architectural Institute (Taipei: National Taiwan University, 1988), 95-98. 4 The Kuomintang government was unstable and failed financially after the Chinese Civil War. They could not solve the housing shortage instantly for soldiers and exiles after relocating to Taiwan. Thus, many temporary shelters were established in cities under the government’s tacit approval in the early 1950s. 5 Han-Ren Wu, "Bao Dao Xin Le Yuan," accessed June 18, 2013, http://www.shtwo.gov.cn/cht/newsdetail.aspx?id=39460. 6 Shin-Chen Shih, "A Study of the Transformation Traces of Urban Space Examples in Taipei – Taking the Zhonghua Road for Example" (Master Dissertation, Tamkang University, 2008), 40. 163

limited space, with each unit measuring approximately four metres square.7 When more people moved into the area, the shelters became more substantial using timber construction, and the development expanded south to 1200 metres in length. In less than three years, the temporary shelter of Chunghwa Road had transformed into more solid built housing.8 As the community expanded, commercial activities began to appear. In the mid-1950s, the shelters and the surrounding area became an informal marketplace for small-scale trading and retailing.

The population continued to grow in the temporary shelters. By the late 1950s, 1,593 shelters had been established in three rows alongside Chunghwa Road’s railway and

1,394 units contained both residential and commercial spaces (Figure 6.1).9 Shih investigated the commercial activities on Chunghwa Road and found that the business operations occupied three distinct areas.10 The first area, with higher rents, mostly accommodated retail stores. The second area, with medium rents, contained hand-craft shops, pedicab stores, food vendors and hardware stores. The third area, with lower rents, had various types of repair shops and smaller retail businesses.

7 Ibid. 8 Ibid., 41. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 164

Figure 6.1 The temporary shelters along Chunghwa Road, Taipei, late 1950s

The temporary dwellings on Chunghwa Road were named “the New Civilian

District” by Arthur F. Raper, an American councillor of the Mutual Security Mission to China (MSA).11 In the early 1950s, Raper was assisted by two other researchers,

Quan Han-Sheng 全漢昇 and Chen Shao-Xin 陳紹馨 from the National Taiwan

University, in conducting an urban and rural study of Taiwan that was funded by

American aid from the Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction – a corporate government agency of the Republic of China (ROC) and the US government.

Published in 1954, their research report, The Cities and the Industries of Taiwan, provides an overview of urban conditions in the early 1950s and illustrates a number of commercial activities at the time. It was the first such urban research study undertaken by US officials in Taiwan. In the report, Raper described the residents along Chunghwa Road as mostly soldiers and exiles from mainland China with a few

11 “The New Civilian District” is also known as Xin Jian Pin Min Qu 新建平民區. See Arthur Franklin Raper, Han-Sheng Quan et al., The Cities and the Industries of Taiwan (Taipei: The U.S. Foreign Office of the Mutual Security Mission to China and the National Taiwan University 1954), 178-98. 165

being Taiwanese from the countryside.12 Due to the limited space in each unit, residents had little privacy and had to share facilities such as toilets and showers.

Without proper drainage, rain water often flooded the alleyways and sanitation was poor. Raper indicated that the condition of Chunghwa Road’s shelters was close to the kind of conditions found in a ghetto which suggested the need for government action in improving the area.13

ROC President, Chiang Kai-Shek, went for an inspection of the shelters along

Chunghwa Road in 1959. He subsequently appointed the Taipei City Government

(TCG) and the Taiwan Garrison Command (TGC)14 to work together to improve the living conditions of Chunghwa Road’s temporary shelters.15 The enormous number of unofficial residents who ran businesses within the informal market on Chunghwa

Road was a major consideration for the TCG. After a few preliminary meetings, the

TCG and the TGC proposed to build a large mixed-use complex on the site to accommodate all the occupants and their commercial activities.16 Consequently, the

Taipei City Government established a Renovation Committee in charge of the planning and construction of the new complex, while the Taiwan Garrison Command was responsible for communicating with the residents affected by the demolition of the temporary shelters. With financial aid and pressure from the government, the

12 Their research report, The Cities and the Industries of Taiwan, is also known as Tai Wan Zhi Cheng Shi Yu Gong Ye 台灣之城市與工業 as published in ibid., 30. 13 Ibid. 14 The Taiwan Garrison Command 台灣警備總司令部 was a state security command which existed under the martial law period in Taiwan. 15 Yi-Wen Huang, "Zheng Jian Zhong Hua Shang Chang Jing Wei," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo 22 April 1961, 1. 16 Shih, "A Study of the Transformation Traces of Urban Space Examples in Taipei – Taking the Zhonghua Road for Example," 42. 166

construction of the new mixed-use complex – Chunghwa Commercial Strip – was completed in six months.

While there is no direct evidence of American aid associated with the project, according to the existing archives, most of the important government projects in early post-war Taiwan were funded by American aid. Well-known examples such as the Shimen Reservoir and the MacArthur Highway, mentioned in Chapter Four, were funded this way. Besides agriculture, industry and transportation, American financial aid also funded urban development in post-war Taiwan. For instance, according to the document “American Operational Program Summary” of 1956,

American grants to Taiwan comprised $43,000 United States dollars (USD) plus

$67,793,000 New Taiwan dollars (NTD) for category number 80, the fund for

“community development, social welfare and housing.”17 Additionally, one of the

Taiwanese government’s own social welfare documents also indicates that American funds were used for the settlement of exiles from mainland China, housing veterans and people in need.18 As the largest government-sponsored project of the late 1950s, it is highly likely that the construction of Chunghwa Strip benefited from American financial aid.

Chunghwa Commercial Strip was the first major urban renewal project in Taiwan after the Second World War and it would appear that there were two major reasons why this large plan was initiated. Firstly, according to the news media at the time,

17 This information is based on one of the American aid archives for Taiwan – the FY1957 Operational Program Summary (As of Sept. 30, 1956). Rui-Hao Xu, Xiu-Huan Zhou et al., eds., Yan Jia Gan and the International Economic Cooperation (Taipei: Academia Historica, 2013), 171. 18 Ibid., 123. 167

the establishment of the Strip was due to a direct order from the leader of Taiwan –

President Chiang Kai-Shek. This may have been part of Chiang’s strategy of employing “monumental propaganda”, that is the creation of monumental scale structures that symbolised the modernisation that his government brought to

Taiwan.19 In this context, the Strip’s buildings can be seen as a fine example of the heroic modernist architecture of the 1960s. Secondly, one of the goals of American aid to Taiwan was to reduce poverty and help the country prosper. The detailed description on the condition of Chunghwa Road’s slums in the critical 1954 urban report was American led and funded. The report was employed as a guideline for the

ROC government officials at the time, suggesting many important projects in

Taiwan for modernisation, such as reservoirs, plants, bridges and roads. Serving both agendas, the planning of the Strip as part of Chunghwa Road’s “new civilian district” was an important part of Taiwan’s modernisation in the post-war period.

6.2 Planning and Construction

Chunghwa Commercial Strip was located on Chunghwa Road and on the eastern side of the railway line. It was designed by the architectural firm Zhong Guo Xing

Ye Architects & Associates 中國興業建築師事務所 in 1960. The design firm proposed a row of eight buildings in alignment, allowing the main cross-streets of

Luo-Yang, Han-Kuo and Chang-Sha streets to pass through the site (Figure 6.2). As built, the total length of the entire Chunghwa Commercial Strip extended 1,171 metres.20 Each building in the Strip was constructed in reinforced concrete, using

19 David Wild, Fragments of Utopia: Collage Reflections of Heroic Modernism (London: Hyphen press, 1998), 39. 20 Jia-Ju Xu, "Zhong Hua Shang Chang Yuan Jing Zai Wang," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo, 8 June 1960, 2. 168

90,000 sacks of cement and 1,300 tons of steel reinforcement bars. The cost of the construction was NTD$50 million and more than 100,000 workers participated in building the project.21

Figure 6.2 Aerial view of Chunghwa Commercial Strip situated along the Chunghwa Road, Taipei, 1961

Figure 6.3 is a 1960 drawing of the front elevation of one of the building units within the proposed Strip complex. The design of the structure is characterised by emphatic horizontal and vertical partitions, reflecting a modernist aesthetic. Palm trees and automobiles in this drawing give a romantic impression of the urban environment.

The rendering is somewhat reminiscent of Le Corbusier’s well-known sketch of his proposal for the Immeubles-villas conceived in 1922 (Figure 6.4). In this instance, the proposal was for a group of 120 stacked villa units on five levels, each two- storey villa having its own garden on a balcony terrace.22 Le Corbusier’s sketch

21 Ibid. 22 Le Corbusier, Towards an Architecture, trans. John Goodman, 2007 ed. (Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 1924), 275. 169

expressed a contemporary vision of urban living with a modernist structure situated on a spacious avenue, with trees and automobiles, not unlike the rendering of the

Chunghwa Strip complex.

Figure 6.3 Architectural drawing of Chunghwa Commercial Strip, front elevation, Taipei, 1960

Figure 6.4 Immeubles-villas, street view, Le Corbusier, 1922

Opened on 22 April 1961, the Chunghwa Commercial Strip was composed of eight

3-storey buildings with 1,644 units in all (Figure 6.5).23 Originally, the Strip was planned to provide retail shops at the ground level whereas the first and second levels would be residential. When the Strip was completed, however, the first level and partially the second level were eventually turned into retail and entertainment

23 "The Grand Opening of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo, 22 April 1961, 1. 170

space. Considering the standard shop-house was 3.6 metres in height at the time,

Chunghwa Commercial Strip provided higher storefronts at 4.1 metres for each level resulting in a total building height of 12.3 metres.24 There were four main entries to the eight buildings of the Strip. The main entrance was a tower-like structure, centred between two buildings and containing a pedestrian stairway. This structure consisted of two square-shaped columns on ground level, a large lattice concrete block wall on the second and third levels, and mosaic tiles for the rest of the building surface.

The main pedestrian stairway of the Strip’s buildings had a traditional wreathed stair design. Two 7-metre-wide staircases, located at each end on the ground level, rose to a mid-level landing where they merged. From there, a central 14-metre-wide staircase continued to the next floor. Secondary stairways were provided inside each end of the buildings. On the ground floor of each building there were two rows of units facing east and west, each unit being 2 metres in width and 4.5 metres in depth.

On the first and the second floors there was only one row of units per floor, each unit measuring 2 metres in width and 6 metres in depth.25 All the units were partitioned by hollow brick walls for the purposes of fire and earthquake proofing.26

24 Xu, "Zhong Hua Shang Chang Yuan Jing Zai Wang," 2. 25 "The Grand Opening of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip," 1. 26 "The Introduction of Strata Levy for Chunghwa Commercial Strip," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo, 10 April 1961, 4. 171

Figure 6.5 Prior to the opening of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip, Taipei, 1961

The Strip’s building complexes had setbacks providing a covered walkway for pedestrians, 3.5 metres wide, on the ground floor, as well as a setback hallway on the first and the second floors (see Figures 6.6 and 6.7). Due to the city’s long hot summer, mild winter and unreliable rainfall, the architects must have considered

Taipei’s sub-tropical climate by including these sheltered walkways. The architects also incorporated a distinctive strip of lattice concrete blocks featured at the end of each building, as well as at the entrance stairways, that allowed for ventilation. There were also awnings built between the ground and the first floors which provided pedestrians an extended covered walkway to access the shops on ground level.

The first and second floors contained hallways 3 metres wide. The hallway columns were surfaced with pebble-dash and mosaic tiles. The units on the first and the second floors had wooden sliding front doors with windows above (Figure 6.6 and

172

6.7). As for the common amenities, each building had six public toilets for men and women and a rubbish collecting room in the basement in each block.27 Other modern amenities included thirty-one electronic clocks and thirty-six public phones installed within the Strip’s buildings for the public’s convenience.28

Figures 6.6 & 6.7 The setback hallway of Chunghwa Commercial Strip on the first and the second floors, Taipei, 1961

The eight buildings of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip were given numbers and names by the Taiwan Provincial Governor – Huang Jie. Their titles and numbers were: 1. Zhong 忠, 2. Xiao 孝, 3. Ren 仁, 4. Ai 愛, 5. Xin 信, 6. Yi 義, 7. He 和 and 8.

Ping 平. Each building’s title represented one virtue derived from the “San-min

Doctrine” – also known as the Three principles of the People 三民主義 - a political philosophy developed by the founder of the Republic of China, Sun Yat-Sen, in

27 Qun Zhou, " Zhong Hua Shang Chang Fu Diao," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo, 22 April 1960, 1. 28 "Thirty-One Electronic Clocks for Chunghwa Commercial Strip," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo, 10 April 1960, 4. 173

1912. In order, they represent the virtues of loyalty, filial piety, kindness, compassion, honesty, justice, harmony and equality. Naming the Strip’s buildings according to the eight virtues was an act of political propaganda by the ROC government as they can be seen as a continuation of the “New Life Movement,” originally promoted by the President of mainland China, Chiang Kai-shek, in the

1930s.29 It therefore conveyed the strong political statement that Chiang’s government in Taiwan was the legitimate ‘Free China’ rather than Communist

China, allying with the US as part of the ‘Free World’ nations.

Chunghwa Commercial Strip had an open-front entry for shops on the ground level.

The space on the first and second floors of the Strip was originally designed to be residential. However, due to the popularity of the Strip, retail shops and eateries took over the residential spaces soon after its opening. The Strip instantly became the most popular destination for shoppers because of its newness and uniqueness as the first modern archetype shopping centre in Taiwan. In the following years, outdoor escalators were installed for customer convenience. Seven pedestrian bridges were also built to connect the shops between each building at first floor level in the late

1960s.30

6.3 Design Sources

Chunghwa Commercial Strip was significant for its explicit expression of a modernist design language. According to available information, the architects were

29 The New Life Movement 新生活運動 originated in 1934 but was discontinued in 1949 due to the Chinese Civil War. 30 "The Proposal of Pedestrian Bridge for Chunghwa Commercial Strip," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo, 25 Octtober 1964, 2. 174

Zhao Feng 趙楓 and Gu Shou-Shu 顧授書, founders of the architectural firm Zhong

Guo Xing Ye Architects & Associates.31 In terms of deciphering the influences underpinning the design of the Strip, it is significant to note that both Gu and Zhao were among the mainland Chinese elites who migrated to Taiwan due to the Chinese

Civil War in the late 1940s.

According to the Architects Association of the Republic of China’s archive from the late 1950s, Zhao went to an engineering school in Nanjing whereas Gu had studied civil engineering in Shanghai Nanyang Luji School 上海南洋路磯學校.32 Gu was among the first civil engineers 土木技師 to be licenced to practice architecture by the

Beijing City Government in 1932.33 Beside Gu, there were thirteen other professionals who had also been given a professional licence that year in Beijing.

Some, such as Yang Kuanlin 杨宽麟 and Guan Song-Sheng 關頌聲, were considered the first generation of modern Chinese architects.34 Architectural historian, Zhang

Fuhe 张复合, explains that the modern term ‘architect’ in Chinese, 建築師, did not appear until 1936, when Chinese architects were first given their title and licence by

31 Chien-Lang Li, 20th Century Architecture in Taiwan (Taipei: Yu Shan She Publishing, 2001), 109. 32 Ming-Dao Yuan, "The Development of Architectural Education in Taiwan During the Japanese Colonial Period" (Chung Yuan Christian University, 2005), Appendix p.3. 33 Fuhe Zhang, The Modern Architectural History of Beijing from the End of the 19th Century to 1930s (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 2004), 308. 34 Ibid. 175

the ROC government.35 Before that date, the professionals who designed buildings were predominately civil engineers.36

Unlike many of the early modern Japanese architects who studied in Europe in the

1920s, a large number of the first-generation modern Chinese architects travelled to the United States for their higher education during the early part of the twentieth century. Architectural historian, Ruan Xing 阮昕, explains that “China’s modern architectural education and practice took off in the 1920s through the 1940s” and

American Beaux-Arts was adopted in China via the Chinese architects who had trained at higher educational institutes in the US.37 Prominent architects such as

Liang Sicheng 梁思成, Yang Tingbao 杨廷宝, Chen Zhi 陳植 and Tong Jun 童寯, for example, received their architectural training at the University of Pennsylvania in the late 1920s. In fact, more than half of the active foreign-trained Chinese architects who practiced in China in the 1920s and 1930s received their architectural training in the US.38

There were three main factors that motivated many young Chinese to study in the US rather than Europe during the first half of the twentieth century. First was the

35 The first official title of architect from the government was coined in 1936. However, the first private professional institute – the Society of Chinese Architects – appeared much earlier in 1925. See Xing Ruan, "Accidental Affinities: American Beaux-Arts in Twentieth-Century Chinese Architectural Education and Practice," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 61, no. 1 (2002): 31. Also see Zhang, The Modern Architectural History of Beijing from the End of the 19th Century to 1930s, 310. 36 Zhang, The Modern Architectural History of Beijing from the End of 19th Century to 1930s, 310. 37 Ruan, "Accidental Affinities: American Beaux-Arts in Twentieth-Century Chinese Architectural Education and Practice," 30. 38 Ibid., 31. 176

establishment of Tsinghua College in Beijing in 1911.39 This college was funded by the American government as a preparatory school for Chinese students who were sent by the government to study in the US via American scholarships. Many first generation, modern Chinese architects initially studied at Tsinghua College and then later in the US in the 1920s and 1930s. The second major factor was the widespread establishment of American Christian Colleges in mainland China from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. American missionaries established schools, such as the St. John’s College (1879) in Shanghai, which cultivated and supported first-generation Chinese architects to pursue further education in the US.40

The third factor was the rise of American power from the early twentieth century.

When the United States emerged as the new world leader after the First World War, with strong economic power and advanced technology, it became the most popular

Western destination for Chinese students to study aboard.

Despite the fact that the architects of Chunghwa Commercial Strip, Gu and Zhao, did not study in the US, American architectural education and practice still greatly influenced the first generation of modern Chinese architects during their professional schooling in mainland China. Additionally, once they had migrated to Taiwan in the late 1940s, Gu and Zhao would have had access to the latest information on Western

39 Tsinghua College 清华学堂 was established in 1911 in Beijing and the funding came from the “Gengzi indemnity,” also known as the Boxer indemnity. The American government made use of their Gengzi indemnity from the Qing court and ran Tsinghua College as a preparatory school. See Tsinghua University, "History of Tsinghua," accessed January 20, 2016, http://www.tsinghua.edu.cn/publish/newthuen/newthuen_cnt/about-th/about-3.html. 40 Some of the first generation modern Chinese architects, for example, Yang Kuanlin 杨宽麟, Guan Song-Sheng 關頌聲 and Wang Da-Hong 王大閎, had studied at St. John’s College before further architectural education in the US. See Wu Yang, "A Brief History of St. John's College," accessed January 20, 2016, http://stjohns.ubc.ca/about/founding/. 177

contemporary architecture via the United States Information Service (USIS).

Western, particularly American publications including architectural books and journals were available in post-war Taiwan through this service.

Many of the design elements of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip are common to projects that were featured in American architectural journals of the period. The simple, rectangular modernist structure that comprised the basic building unit of the

Strip is common to many contemporary American projects and covers a range of typologies. The Harrison Hightower Textile Engineering Building is an example. It appeared in the Architectural Record in June 1950, and shares the same basic formula though designed for a completely different purpose, by Bush-Brown Gailey

& Heffernan Architects for the Georgia Institute of Technology (Figure 6.8).

Figure 6.8 The Harrison Hightower Textile Engineering Building, front view, Atlanta, 1950

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Figure 6.9 The opening of Chunghwa Commercial Strip, front view, Taipei, 22 April 1961

Precedents can also be found in the Architectural Record for the lattice concrete block screening used at various points in the façade of the Chunghwa Commercial

Strip. Of particular relevance is the work of modern American architect Edward

Durrell Stone.41 In 1958, the February issue of the Architectural Record featured an article entitled “Educational Works of Edward D. Stone.” The discussion reveals

Stone’s acute awareness of environmental issues, and especially his advocacy of the

“concrete veil” to overcome issues of “heat, glare and privacy”.42 Examples that featured in the issue include the University of South Carolina Dormitories, the

University of Arkansas Married Student’s Apartments43 and the Stuart Company in

California (Figure 6.10).44 A similar responsiveness to local environmental issues

41 For details on Stone’s career see Alan Colquhoun, Modern Architecture (Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 247. 42 "Educational Works of Edward D. Stone," Architectural Record (February 1958): 186. 43 Ibid., 181. 44 "Splendor in the Factory," Architectural Record (April 1958):161-68. 179

can also be perceived in the lattice concrete block elements of the buildings on the

Chunghwa Strip.

Figure 6.10 The Stuart Company, Edward D. Stone, Pasadena, California, 1958

6.4 A Mixed-Use Complex

The Chunghwa Commercial Strip was the first grand urban development in post-war

Taiwan. It was significant for being part of an urban regeneration plan that introduced large scale mixed-use buildings designed in accordance with the principles of modern architecture. Contrasting with the old colonial urban fabric of

Taipei at the time, its massive scale and explicitly modernist design must have been impressive to the people of Taiwan: in any event, after the establishment of the Strip,

Chunghwa Road became one of the busiest streets in Taipei.

Over time, many stores and commercial activities occupied the spaces of this monumental structure. ‘Monumentality’ was the descriptor used by a number of individuals when the Chunghwa Commercial Strip was demolished in 1992. On the

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day of its demolition, 20 October, it made news headlines in newspapers and on television in Taiwan. Many articles at the time were written by historians and journalists who sought to explain the social and cultural meaning of the building.

Qiu Xiu-Zhi reminisced about the Strip’s specialty shops whereas Lu Yao-Dong and

Bin Jing-Sun described the culture of the Strip’s eateries.45 Zheng Yi-Ying discussed the variety of retailing, entertainment, specialty shops and authentic eateries that had operated within the Strip’s complexes.46 All these writers agreed unanimously that the Chunghwa Commercial Strip was the most popular shopping destination from the 1960s to the 1980s.47

As noted earlier, the original residents and business operators of the Strip were mostly veteran soldiers and exiles coming from various provinces and the autonomous regions in mainland China. As such, it is no surprise that one popular attraction was the variety of authentic mainland cuisines served in its restaurants –

Sichuan Wu Chao Shou, Shanghai Dim Sum World, Qing Zhen Guan (Chinese

Muslim food), Zhen Bei Ping and many others. According to Bin, “for the new immigrants from China, the regional and authentic cuisines comforted their nostalgia while for the youth in Taiwan, the authentic eateries in Chunghwa Commercial Strip provided their first cultural experience of mainland China.”48 Apart from authentic

45 Xiu-Zhi Qiu, "Zai Jian Zhong Hua Lu Te Kan," China Times, 31 October 1992, 5. Also see Yao-Dong Lu, "Zai Zou Yi Tang Zhong Hua Lu," China Times, 31 October 1992, 5, and Jing-Sun Bin, "Chen Shi Qing Chun Zu Qu," CommonWealth 1999. 46 Yi-Ying Zheng, "Zhong Hua Shang Chang De Xing Shuai," accessed August 02, 2013, http://km.moc.gov.tw/myphoto/show.asp?categoryid=79. Also see NTU Graduate School of Civil Engineering, "Redevelopemnt Proposal for Taipei Ximen Commercial District," ed. Department of Urban Planning (Taipei: Taipei City Government, 1986), 189-93. 47 Lu, "Zai Zou Yi Tang Zhong Hua Lu"; Qiu, "Zai Jian Zhong Hua Lu Te Kan"; Zheng, "Zhong Hua Shang Chang De Xing Shuai". 48 Bin, "Chen Shi Qing Chun Zu Qu," 311. 181

regional cuisine, the Strip also provided the people of Taipei with a common source of personal and collective history. Over the years, the Strip became associated with common memories, such as the acquisition of one’s first high school uniform made in one of the Strip’s tailoring shops.49 Many had purchased their first pair of shoes bought with their first pay cheque or their first vinyl record of Western classical music, traditional Chinese opera or pop music from the Columbia,50 Wuzhou or

Jinmen record stores.51 These music stores were an important disseminator of

American popular culture via pop music records and posters of Hollywood movie stars (Figure 6.11). From the mid-1970s, the Strip became the largest marketplace in

Taiwan for electronic products. It was the experience of authentic food, music, signature retail shops, cultural activities and youthful recollections of hanging out with friends and peers in the Strip, that came together to form a collective memory of place. In summary, Chunghwa Commercial Strip constituted a highly significant element within the cultural landscape of post-war Taipei.

49 Qiu, "Zai Jian Zhong Hua Lu Te Kan." 50 The name of the music store ‘Columbia’ in Taipei was a direct take from the American music company – Columbia Records; however, the store did not only sell American Columbia Records’ products but also distributed other music companies’ products during the post-war period. 51 Zheng, "Zhong Hua Shang Chang De Xing Shuai". 182

Figure 6.11 The Columbia Record Store in Chunghwa Commercial Strip, Taipei, 1960s

6.5 Chunghwa’s Neon Towers

The historian, Lu Yao-Dong, recalls when Chunghwa Commercial Strip was completed in 1961 and the night-time effects of its great stretch of fluorescent lighting. “The eight linked buildings of Chunghwa Strip were staggering,” he described, “now the metropolis Taipei had a new city wall – an illuminated wall glowing after dark.”52 Three years later, in 1964, ten neon towers were erected on the top of the Strip’s buildings. When the night fell, these new and massive neon towers were programmed to illuminate with spectrums of colourful, moving lights radiating against the sky.53 This beacon of light could be seen kilometres away.

Around the world, neon signs were associated with modernity in the 1920s and

1930s.54 Following the expiration of Claude Neon’s American patents in 1932, the

52 Lu, "Zai Zou Yi Tang Zhong Hua Lu." 53 "The Press Conference of the Chunghwa Commercial Strip's Neon Tower," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo, 21 November 1963, 3. 54 Christoph Ribbat, Flickering Light : A History of Neon trans. Anthony Mathews (London Reaktion Books, 2013), 7-8. 183

neon business grew exponentially in the US particularly in New York.55 As Rinaldi has described, neon signs were an “inescapable part of the New York cityscape.”56

New York City alone had more than 20,000 neon advertisements in 1934 and was arguably the neon capital of the world.57 As the “birthplace of American mass- market entertainment,” Broadway was at its epicentre. Broadway, New York City, also known as “the Great White Way,” refers to the 42nd Street, Broadway and Times

Square area that often blazes with electric advertisements at night.58 The journalist

Will Irwin described vividly the energy of the Broadway theatre district in 1929, noting: “mildly insane by day, the square goes divinely mad by night. From then on, every wall, above every cornice, in every nook and cranny, blossom and dance the electric advertising signs… All other American cities imitate them, but none gets this massed effect of tremendous jazz interpreted in light.”59 Broadway’s signage continually advanced with the spectrum of brilliant colours and design.60 From the

55 George Claude advanced the gas discharge lighting technology by introducing the noble gases, discovered by the British chemist – William Ramsay. Designed by Claude, the first neon advertising sign lit up a barber’s shop namely ‘PALAIS COIFFEUR’ in Paris in 1912. This advanced discharged light tube that was blown by mouth and shaped by hand, quickly evolved into an “advertising medium” and “an element of architecture” in Europe. See Ribbat, Flickering Light: A History of Neon, 7-8, 31- 34. While most historians recognised the French engineer George Claude was the inventor of the neon lamp, Rinaldi argues that the Moore tube light “paved the way for the ascendance of neon illumination in subsequent decades.” See Rinaldi, New York Neon, 19. 56 Rinaldi, New York Neon, 22. 57 Ribbat, Flickering Light: A History of Neon, 35. 58 “The Great White Way” originally refers to a stretch of Broadway from the 23rd to 34th streets, blazing with electric advertisements in the mid-1890s. When the development of the Broadway theatre district moved further up town, the nickname of “The Great White Way” was widely recognised as applying to the 42nd Street and Times Square area. Edwin G. Burrows and Mike Wallace, Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898 (New York Oxford University Press, 1999), 1066. Also see Kelli Trapnell, "History of Nyc Streets: The Great White Way," accessed June 30, 2016, http://untappedcities.com/2012/12/06/history-of-streets-the-great-white-way/, and The City of New York, "Spotlight on Broadway: The 40 Theaters," accessed June 30, 2016, http://www.spotlightonbroadway.com/broadway-history 59 York, "Spotlight on Broadway: The 40 Theaters". 60 At the turn of the twentieth century, “architects realised that the safer electric light bulb had enormous advertising potential.” The world’s first commercial electric bulb sign was erected on Broadway at Madison Square in 1897: "Spotlight on Broadway: The 40 Theaters". Also see Ken Bloom, Broadway: Its History, People, and Places: An Encyclopedia (New York Routledge, 2004), 490. 184

1930s onwards, with its ever-bright streets ablaze with neon advertising signs,

Broadway New York presented an urban spectacle to the world (Figure 6.12). Later, during the 1950s and 1960s, New York was almost eclipsed by the “neon oasis” of the Nevada desert – Las Vegas - so famously documented by Robert Venturi, Denise

Scott Brown and Steven Izenour in Learning from Las Vegas.61

Figures 6.12 Times Square, at the intersection of Broadway and Seventh Avenue, New York, 1932

Neon advertising also played an important role in Asia in the first half of the twentieth century.62 Japan was a pioneer in adopting Western technology. According to Hiroyuki Ono, a Japanese historian, neon signs first appeared at Yokohama’s

Hiroshimaya Ryokan in 1921 followed by Osaka’s Shirokiya Department Store in

1925. However, these early neon signs were made and imported from overseas.63

When the Tokyo Shibaura Electric Company demonstrated its first domestically

61 Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas, 1977 ed. (Cambridge: The Massachusetts Instotute of Technology, 1972). 62 Ribbat, Flickering Light: A History of Neon, 8. 63 Hiroyuki Ono, "History of Neon-Sign Illumination," Journal of Illuminating Engineering Institute of Japan 86, no. 4 (2002): 229. 185

made discharged noble gas light – an eleven metres long neon tube – at Tokyo's

Hibiya Park in 1926, Japanese advertisers began to adopt neon technology.64 Neon signs gradually became a popular form of advertising in Japan particularly during the

1950s. At that time, some notable Japanese artists were involved in the design of large neon towers. Well-known examples include Yokoyama Misao’s Morinaga

Globe (1953) and Kenji Itoh’s Kyukyodo (1954) in Ginza, Tokyo.65 These two neon towers had a sphere and a star shape that indicated neon signs in Japan had entered a more versatile design in three-dimensions. However, before the appearance of the neon towers in Ginza, large three-dimensional neon signs already existed in the US.

Acclaimed examples include the sphere-shape neon tower namely “Seattle P-I” in

Seattle (1948) and the 15 metre high neon cowboy sign on Fremont Street in Las

Vegas (1951).66

Another renowned neon sign in Ginza was developed by the “Totsuken” company.67

Documented in the Totsuken archive, the company studied the neon lights and billboards of Broadway in New York and noted, “each was striking in its own way: the famous Camel sign with its smoker puffing out perfect smoke rings; Pepsi Cola's showpiece with its hundreds of thousands of lights; and Admiral TV's news flashes, to name a few.”68 After the company resolved to match Broadway’s splendour, it

64 Ibid. 65 Ibid., 231. 66 Ribbat, Flickering Light: A History of Neon 78. Also see Hiroshi Matsubara, "The History of Signboard and Its Historic Value," accessed August 16, 2016, https://www.junglecity.com/people/essay-gairoju/history-and-signage/ 67 ‘Totsuken’ refers to the “Tokyo Tsushin Kenkyujo,” or “Tokyo Telecommunications Research Institute,” the previous company name of the SONY Corporation. SONY Corporation, "Chapter 7: Is 'Pocketable' Japanese-English?," accessed August 16, 2016, http://www.sony.net/SonyInfo/CorporateInfo/History/SonyHistory/1-07.html 68 Ibid. 186

constructed a gigantic 9.75 metre x 10.9 metre neon sign in December 1957, rebranding the company’s name as “SONY” (Figure 6.13).69

Figures 6.13 A vintage Ginza nightlife postcard, illustrating SONY’s neon sign and the Morinaga Globe neon tower on the right, Tokyo, late 1950s-early 1960s

As a colony of the Japanese Empire, Taiwan soon had its own neon lights. The country’s first neon sign, imported from Japan in 1930, was made for the Meiji

Confectionary Store located on today’s Heng-Yang Road in Taipei.70 Although a number of neon signs came to be used in the 1930s in the same district – Ximending

– they were small scale and vertical. The use of neon signage resumed in Taiwan after the Chinese Civil War and began to appear in Taipei in the 1950s. Yet, it was not until the advent of the Chunghwa Strip that three-dimensional neon towers of such scale could be seen in the country.

69 Ibid. 70 During the Japanese colonial period, the three-storey Meiji Confectionary building was located at Sakaimachi Street in Daihoku, today known as Heng-Yang Road, Taipei in Taiwanese jurisdictional language. Rou-Jin Chen, Tai Wan Xing Fu Bai Shi (Taipei: Athena Press, 2011), 138-39. 187

Similar to much of the signage on Broadway, New York, the neon sign towers on the

Chunghwa Commercial Strip were not tailored to retail and entertainment activities within the Strip, but for other commercial products. One sign, for example, was for a pharmaceutical company which displayed its signature health supplement product,

Liu-Ke-Gan (tablets). Most of the neon signs on the Chunghwa Strip, however, did not advertise a specific product, but rather a brand. For instance, the best-known sign was for the National Electronic Company, erected in 1964. The longest surviving neon sign of the Strip, it contained a single word - National - without mentioning any actual products (Figure 6.14). Similar single-word advertising was also used by other corporations such as the Taiwanese electronic company - Tatung, the beverage company - HeySong, and the textile company - Vonnel (Figure 6.15). One of the major American neon sign producers, the Artkraft Strauss Sign Company once said,

“make your trademark a landmark.”71 The same strategy was adopted by these

Taiwanese enterprises. Through their neon sign towers atop the Chunghwa Strip, they were seeking to transform their corporate image into a bright and permanent landmark in the central business district of Taipei. When passing by the Taipei CBD at night, people would not have been able to avoid the blinking and flashing lights of

Chunghwa Strip’s massive neon light towers. These lights were designed to move around, blinking and twitching, turning on and off, shooting across, running from the bottom of the signs and speeding to the top. Similar to the Ginza in Japan in the

1950s, Chunghwa Strip’s neon towers represented a New York-style spectacle in

Taipei.

71 Bloom, Broadway: Its History, People, and Places: An Encyclopedia, 492. 188

Figure 6.14 One of the ten neon towers of Chunghwa Commercial Strip, street view, Taipei, 1964

Figure 6.15 Chunghwa Commercial Strip at night lit with neon towers, street view, Taipei, 1969

189

In their book Learning from Las Vegas, Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown and

Steven Izenour studied the architecture of the commercial strip and the iconography of urban sprawl in Las Vegas.72 Their field study in Vegas began in 1968, a time when the Chunghwa Commercial Strip had already been operating for a few years.

They pointed out that Vegas strip signs had a particular position in space, imparting graphic meaning and identity.73 “They make verbal and symbolic connections through space, communicating a complexity of meanings through hundreds of associations in a few seconds from far away.”74 In the case of the Chunghwa Strip, even though the architects did not initially consider sign design, the Strip buildings supported the signs as the neon towers were built on top of the multi-storey buildings. Similar to the advertising signs’ functions in Vegas, the large neon towers of Chunghwa Commercial Strip were a play of lights at night, acting as an attraction, and they were designed for great visibility from the surrounding areas. These neon towers were positioned and scaled in such a way that they could not have been missed by pedestrians or automobile drivers in the city.

6.6 Conclusion

The construction of Chunghwa Commercial Strip substantially originated from an

American-led study report and is likely to have depended, at least in part, on

American aid. The level of American influence on its design is more difficult to establish in exact terms. The influence on the Strip’s architects would have been

72 Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas, 1977 ed. (Cambridge: The Massachusetts Instotute of Technology, 1972). 73 Ibid., 13. 74 Ibid. 190

more indirect, via their architectural education and their ready access to American architectural journals.

The architectural style of Chunghwa Commercial Strip was bold and aesthetically distinctive in its long series of striking white rectangular volumes. It embodied a vision for a new form of mix-used building, heralding the modernisation of urban development in post-war Taiwan. In addition, Chunghwa Strip is acknowledged to be the first modern shopping centre in Taiwan. Millions of people shopped, ate and passed through the Strip every day during its operating years, and these activities constituted an important part of Taipei city life. Along with modern retail shops, specialty stores, restaurants and entertainment spaces, Chunghwa Strip was a great attraction for the people of Taipei and its visitors, and immediately became a city landmark.

Chunghwa Commercial Strip was the first serial building complex in Taiwan lit exclusively by gigantic neon sign towers. Echoing the lights of New York, Las

Vegas and Tokyo, it provided an irresistible night-time beacon for the people of

Taipei. The commercial benefit for those companies who advertised their corporate image through the neon sign towers on the Strip was immeasurable. Perhaps, it was an attempt by the Taipei City Government – the owner of the Strip – to turn

Chunghwa Road into “The Great White Way” of Taiwan.

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While American influences on the Chunghwa Strip were indistinct, they became more discernible from the mid-1960s. The following chapter will discuss some prominent department stores that revealed such influences.

192

Chapter 7

Department Stores in 1960s Taiwan

193

Large retail developments in post-war Taiwan were linked to economic growth and increased levels of consumption. Benefiting from American financial aid, the

Taiwanese economy began to grow dramatically from the late 1950s and into the

1960s.1 During this period, small and large-scale retail stores quickly appeared in the cities of Taiwan as a result of increasing consumption. This chapter explores the development of department stores in 1960s Taiwan, focusing on three prominent retail buildings: the Di-Yi, the Jin-Ri and the Far Eastern department stores, all of which were located within Taipei’s central business district – Ximending. These stores were significant commercial buildings, operating as the either the largest or the most distinguished retail stores at the time. The chapter also discusses a number of connections between the three department stores, particularly pre-war Shanghai entertainment culture and American retail design culture. The research explores how the Di-Yi Department Store reflected American influence in its architecture and interior retail spatial planning; how a hybrid type of retail architecture, the Jin-Ri

Department Store, expressed close links to pre-war Shanghai entertainment culture as well as American taste and ideas; and the extent to which the Far Eastern

Department Store adopted American retail design and strategies. Due to a paucity of original documentation of these three projects, discussion of their design will be extensively drawn from professional journals and newspapers.

7.1 Growth in Consumption Activity into the 1960s

A dramatic increase in consumption in the 1960s directly prompted the development of new large department stores in Taiwan. Three factors explain the rapid growth of

1 Yan-Cun Yan, The Early Years of Taiwan (Taipei: Shi Bao Wen Hua Publishing, 1989), 75. 194

consumption during this period. Firstly, foreign exchange reform between 1958 and

1960 ensured a stable exchange rate in the 1960s and bolstered the export of industrial products. This reform changed Taiwanese foreign exchange from a multiple exchange rate system to a single exchange rate system.2 It cleared the last obstacles to economic development during the post-war era and, as a result, foreign trade grew rapidly and brought wealth to business people in Taiwan. A new middle- class quickly emerged.

A second stimulus was the American aid program. Apart from agricultural products, the program brought raw materials and commodities to Taiwan in the 1950s and

1960s. With cotton imports from the United States and funding assistance from the

ROC government’s Production Management Council, many Taiwanese entrepreneurs started investing in the textile industry and it became one of the fastest growing industries in the 1960s.3 The prosperity of the textile industry prompted the growth of export trading and an increase in domestic retail consumption in Taiwan.

Some well-known textile entrepreneurs such as Xu Wei-Feng 徐偉峰 and Xu You-

Xiang 徐有庠 operated small retail shops which began by distributing their own company’s products exclusively. These entrepreneurs ended up extending their business and transforming their small shops into highly prominent department stores

2 The Taiwan foreign exchange mechanism used a multiple exchange rate system from 1949 to 1958. The Foreign Trade Bureau promoted a bilateral exchange rate and in November that year introduced the single exchange rate system. This foreign exchange system helped Taiwan’s export economy and was used until 1973. Ibid., 74-75. Also see the bilateral exchange rate from taiwanpedia.culture.tw 3 Established in 1949 by the Ministry of Economic Affairs, R.O.C., the Production Management Council was a government agency that supervised state-owned enterprises in Taiwan. During the early post-war era, the Council also provided funding assistance to private enterprises. Guo-Ding LI, Li Guo-Ding: My Taiwan Experience (Taipei: Yuan Liu Publishing Co. Ltd, 2005), 80. Also see Yan, The Early Years of Taiwan, 52-56. 195

in the 1960s.

Thirdly, from 1950 to 1960 Taiwan experienced an accelerated population growth of up to three million people.4 This dramatic boost in population, a low unemployment rate, and increased household income, commercial activities and trade stimulated consumption activity.5 This included leisure and entertainment activities, such as spending on restaurant food, cinemas, theatre going, and dance clubs as well as retail purchases. Among the increasing number of new shops and stores established in the

1960s to cater to this demand, the Di-Yi Department Store was to have a significant influence on the development of other retail stores. The Di-Yi Department Store was also the first large retail store in Taiwan with a noticeable influence of American retail design.

7.2 The Di-Yi Department Store

7.2.1 Background

The Di-Yi Department Store, located on the corner of Chunghwa Road and Han-Kou

Street, was founded by Xu Wei-Feng 徐偉峰. Like many Chinese businessmen who migrated from mainland China to Taiwan as the result of the Chinese Civil War, Xu moved to Taipei from Shanghai in 1949 and continued his textile business in manufacturing the brand, Nan-Hua Underclothes. Xu expanded his textile business in Taiwan by promoting a second brand, the Fou-Si-Tuo Shirt. He used the profits he made from these clothing companies to build the Di-Yi Hotel in the early 1960s and

4 Department of Household Registration, "One Hundred Years Census Data " (Taiwan: Ministry of Interior, R.O.C., 2011). 5 Zhong-Xiong Lin, A Century's Experience of Taiwan Economy (Taipei: San Min Shu Ju, 1998), 178- 80. 196

soon generated a large fortune.6 Xu then founded the Di-Yi Company to manage his clothing business, built headquarters for his company, and broadened his retail enterprise by establishing his own department store within the company building.

Opened on 5th October 1965, the Di-Yi Department Store became the largest department store in Taiwan. The store hired over three hundred employees working in sales and customer services and there were more than fifty thousand items on sale including scooters and cars.7 The owner’s stated ambition was to build the largest store in Taiwan and to provide the best retail service in the country.8

The Di-Yi Company Building was a reinforced concrete structure, 14 stories high with a basement floor. It cost over 30 million New Taiwan dollars, and comprising a total floor area of 15,374 square metres (Figure 7.1).9 Besides retail space, which occupied the basement up to the fourth floor, and a large nightclub on the top floor, the rest of the building was used for offices.

6 Han-Ren Wu, "Shanghai Department Store: The Hybrid Retail and Entertainment Centre," accessed April 2, 2013, http://www.shtwo.gov.cn/cht/newsdetail.aspx?id=39554. 7 Ibid. 8 "The Grand Opening of the Di-Yi Department Store," Zheng Xin Xin Wen Bo, 6 October 1965, 5. 9 Yue-Zhen Yu, "Wan Qi Guan Guang Da Xia," Chien Chu - Architecture, no. 19 (1966): 21. 197

Figure 7.1 The Di-Yi Company Building, front façade, Taipei, 1965

Compared to the retail stores of the 1950s, the department stores of the 1960s were distinctly larger in scale. At the time, building regulations dictated that construction in Taiwan be limited to twelve stories in height. The Di-Yi Company successfully applied for a special development licence which allowed its building to override existing building height restrictions, making it the tallest commercial structure in

Taiwan at the time of its completion. In addition, the special licence also gave the architects a high degree of flexibility in terms of architectural design. The developer intentionally surpassed the soaring heights of commercial buildings at that time to attract public attention for more customers. When the building was completed, it became a prominent landmark in the city, defining the surrounding area, and functioning as the developer predicted as a major attraction.

The Di-Yi Company Building was placed at the corner of two major streets facing 198

Chunghwa Road and Han-Kuo Street and had a curved façade. The ground floor was a setback design conforming with city zoning regulations and which provided a cover for a pedestrian walkway. The second floor also had a setback design with balcony for shoppers to enjoy the streetscape below. The third and fourth floors of the building had floor-to-ceiling glazed windows which provided street views and allowed natural light to enter the store. From the fifth to the top floor, there were modular repeated windows. Above each row of windows was a grid of six dark blue tiles placed to form a rhythm across the façade. The remainder of the façade above the second level was covered in pink mosaic tiles.

7.2.2 Architectural Design

The Di-Yi Company Building was designed by the Zhong Guo Xing Ye Architects

& Associates. This architectural firm produced many prominent commercial buildings in the 1960s including the Chunghwa Commercial Strip. Since the architects’ educational background has already been discussed in the previous chapter and since there appears to be no extant documentation pertaining to the design of the building, the focus of discussion will be the street elevations of the Di-

Yi Company Building.

The most distinctive feature of the building’s facade is the pattern created by the vertical concrete partitions or brise-soleil. This device would have served a practical purpose in mediating the amount of light and heat entering the building. Lessons of heat loading on modern buildings had contributed to new ideas for façade design in the work of some Western architects since the middle of the twentieth century. Le

199

Corbusier, for instance, incorporated brise-soleil shading into the projects of the

Palácio Gustavo Capanema (1943)10 in Rio de Janeiro and the Unité d'Habitation

(1947-52) in Marseille.11 Certainly, sun shading devices were a common element in

American commercial buildings by the late 1940s. One example is the Waterman

Building in Mobile, Alabama (Figure 7.2) which featured in Architectural Record in

January 1949 and also in Frank G. Lopez’s Commercial Buildings published in New

York in 1953.12 Completed in 1947, the 16-storey Waterman Building was designed by Platt Roberts & Associate Architects as the headquarters of the Waterman

Steamship Corporation.13 The architects applied external sun screening for shading against the hot Alabama sun. On the west side of the building where it was flooded with unrelenting sunlight, the façade consisted of vertical fixed stone mullions for deflecting solar heat into the building.14 Other examples of American commercial buildings incorporating this form of shading within their facades, and documented by Lopez in Commercial Buildings, is the General Petroleum Building (1949) in Los

Angeles (Figure 7.3), and the Employers Insurance Building (1950) in Dallas, Texas

(Figure 7.4).15 Many more examples of sun screen devices used in American

10 The project was originally designed by a team composed of Lucio Costa, Affonso Eduardo Reidy, Ernani Vasconcellos, Carlos Leão and Jorge Machado Moreira. Le Corbusier was invited as consultant to the project in 1936 and received credit for the design. His contribution included the design of a glass-encased slab on pilotis and the horizontal concrete panels (brise-soleil) for shade. Deborah Gans, "Brazilian Ministry of Education and Public Health," in The Le Corbusier Guide (Princeton & London: Princeton Architectural Press, 1987), 140-42. 11 Charles-Édouard Jeanneret-Gris Le Corbusier, Le Corbusier: Last Works, ed. Willy Boesiger, vol. VIII, The Complete Architectural Works of Le Corbusier and Pierre Jeanneret (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), 16-25, 50-60. 12 Platt Roberts, "Waterman Building, Mobile, Alabama," Architectural Record (January 1949): 108- 11. Also see Frank G. Lopez, Commercial Buildings (New York: F. W. Dodge Corp., 1953), 124-27. 13 Ibid. Also see Scotty E. Kirkland, "Waterman Steamship Corporation," accessed October 25, 2016, http://www.encyclopediaofalabama.org/article/h-1550. 14 Roberts, "Waterman Building, Mobile, Alabama," 108. 15 Built in 1949, the General Petroleum Building in Los Angeles was designed by Walter Wurdeman & Welton Becket, and the main façade of the building featured a grid system of aluminium fins for sunshade. See Lopez, Commercial Buildings, 154-55. Completed in 1950, the 13-storey Employers 200

commercial buildings can be found in the Architectural Record, from the late 1940s and into the 1950s.

Figure 7.2 Waterman Building, Platt Roberts & Associate Architects, Mobile (Alabama), 1947

Insurance Building in Dallas, Texas, was designed by George L. Dahl, Architects & Engineers. The building façade consisted of vertical aluminium fins which contained air conditioning pipes as its sunshade design. See George L. Dahl, "Employers Insurance Building," Architectural Record (September 1950): 101-02. 201

Figure 7.3 General Petroleum Building, Walter Wurdeman & Welton Becket, Los Angeles, 1949

Figure 7.4 Employers Insurance Building, George L. Dahl, Architects & Engineers, Dallas, 1950

202

In Taiwan, the headquarters of the Taiwan Cement Corporation (TCC) was likely the first commercial structure to incorporate shading devices within its facade. Built in

1959 and designed by Lin Ching-Feng 林慶豐, the TCC building featured vertical adjustable aluminium fins on its main façade for sun screening (Figure 7.5).16 No other large building in Taiwan appears to have been designed with shading devices after TCC until the Di-Yi Company Building, six years later. The TCC building may have been a precedent, yet it was the Di-Yi Company Building that became the first commercial structure in Taiwan to incorporate fixed sun-screening into its design façade. There is no existing documentation that indicates the source of the architects’ sun screening design ideas. But it is highly likely that they would have been alert to current design trends in post-war Western countries via architectural books and journals. The sole source for Western publications in early post-war Taiwan was the

United States Information Service (USIS) in Taipei.

Figure 7.5 Taiwan Cement Corporation Building, Taipei, 1959

16 Chien-Lang Li, 20th Century Architecture in Taiwan (Taipei: Yu Shan She Publishing, 2001), 106. 203

7.2.3 Interior Design

The Di-Yi Department Store provided a comfortable and high-quality shopping environment within modern building facilities and design. Just as its name “Di-Yi” suggests (literally meaning ‘first’ or ‘number one’ in Chinese) it contained many innovative and previously unseen features and services.

The department store occupied the basement up to the fourth floor of the building which accommodated over 7,000 square metres in retail space. The store incorporated up-to-date technology in the form of automatic entry doors, air conditioning, service elevators, and escalators for customers – a first within the city.17 Looking at the image of the department store’s floor plan at the time which this research collected from a journal’s advertisement, we see that the escalator was placed at the main entry of the store (Figure 7.6). There were also three elevators located to the left for customers and office employees. A goods elevator was located at the back for loading merchandise.

Figure 7.6 The ground floor plan of the Di-Yi Department Store, 1965

17 Wu, "Shanghai Department Store: The Hybrid Retail and Entertainment Centre". 204

Western influences can be observed in the planning and organisation of the Di-Yi

Department Store. First, the store sold a wide range of retail items, including scooters and cars. A department store like Di-Yi with such a comprehensive range of small and large retail goods was similar to American stores, that sold items ranging from stamps to bikes and automobiles, inside American military compounds in

Taiwan (discussed previously in Chapter 4). Secondly, the ground floor of the Di-Yi

Department Store (as shown in Figure 7.6) contained large floor to ceiling windows common to American style storefronts. However, based on the few remaining historical photos, these large ground floor windows seem only to provide an open view for pedestrians to glance into the store’s interior. There is no direct evidence illustrating that the windows were used for display during the early period of the store’s operation. The third design feature of the Di-Yi Department Store was that it had wide circulation spaces for the comfort of its customers. According to a

Taiwanese newspaper at the time, this spacious circulation plan was “modelled on

American department stores.”18

Another aspect of the Di-Yi Department Store that reveals a Western influence was its escalators, the very first to appear in Taipei in a retail context. Morris Ketchum, a prominent American retail architect of the post-war era, indicated that the function of a department store’s escalators was “to link the sales floors together”19 and in Di-Yi they were used to link all five levels of the store. It is unknown exactly what model of escalator was used in the Di-Yi Department Store. However, due to the fact that

18 "The Grand Opening of the Di-Yi Department Store." 19 Morris Ketchum, Shops and Stores, 1957 ed. (New York: Reinhold Publishing Corp., 1954), 12. 205

the American Otis Company had established its office in Taipei in 1963, the first escalator in Taipei that operated within the Di-Yi Department Store in 1965 were more than likely a product of the American Otis Taipei Company.20

In addition, the Di-Yi Department Store may have been the first in Taiwan to apply a shopping structural system proposed by the Otis Elevator Company. Srdjan Jovanvic

Weiss and Sze Tsung Leong point out that since 1948 the Otis Elevator Company introduced a “effortlessly generic shopping structural system” to retail architects.21

Essentially, this innovative shopping structure was created combining Le

Corbusier’s Maison Domino (Figure 7.7) with the Otis escalator centred in the retail space (Figure 7.8) for maximising the flow of shoppers.22 This model was immediately adopted for numerous large retail developments in the United States including the department stores designed by Antonin Raymond, Ladislav Rado and

Louis Parnes in 1948, as well as the first indoor urban shopping centre – the

Midtown Plaza – designed by Victor Gruen in 1959.23 When we look at the architectural drawings of the Di-Yi Department Store (Figure 7.6), the architects also placed the escalators in the centre of their floor plan, similar to the Otis model.

Additionally, the Di-Yi Department Store had added one more escalator on each floor to maximise the customer circulation.

20 Otis Elevator Company, "Otis History Timeline for Taiwan Branch," accessed October 25, 2016, http://www.otis.com/site/tw/pages/OtisHistory.aspx?menuID=6. 21 Srdjan Jovanovic Weiss and Sze Tsung Leong, "Escalator," in Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping, ed. Rem Koolhaas, et al. (Köln: Taschen Gmbh, 2001), 350-51. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid., 352-56. 206

Figures 7.7 & 7.8 Domino Frame and Otis’s Ideal Shopping Structure, 1948

To identify itself as the leading and most modern store in Taiwan at the time, the Di-

Yi Department Store implemented advanced methods of retail display. For instance,

Figure 7.9 is a contemporary photograph that illustrates a view of the store’s fashion section. It shows a saleslady helping a female customer to inspect dresses. Also, the mannequins on display are Western in appearance in terms of hair colour, facial characteristics and dress. Western fashion, together with a Western sense of style were promoted by the Di-Yi Department Store. Whether or not Western-based merchandise dominated within the retail offerings within the department store is not known. However, the customer who dressed in a Western dress and the Western- appearing models highlights a process of Westernisation.

207

Figure 7.9 The interior of the Di-Yi Department Store, Taipei, 1967

The image in Figure 7.9 also shows generous spaces for comfortable circulation within the Di-Yi Department Store. In this instance, a new material – vinyl

(polyvinyl chloride) – is used for the flooring, with a terrazzo like effect (Figure 7.9).

Since first displayed at the Century of Progress Exposition in Chicago (1933), vinyl tiles became a popular flooring material for American retail buildings from the late

1940s,24 chosen for their durability and ease of maintenance in high circulation areas. The vinyl flooring in the Di-Yi Department Store may represent its first application in a Taiwanese retail environment.

The photograph also reveals that the Di-Yi Department Store had introduced an innovative lighting design into its display spaces similar to American stores. Every

24 Ketchum, Shops and Stores, 116-17. Also see Azom -Online Publication for the Materials Science, "Vinyl Flooring," accessed October 25, 2016, http://www.azom.com/article.aspx?ArticleID=1018#_Background. 208

retail floor of the store had double fluorescent tube ceiling lights to generally illuminate the space. Accent lighting was also used in order to accentuate certain areas and displays, adding drama and style to the retail environment. Morris

Ketchum explains that American store lighting was designed to sell merchandise.25

“Light can contribute to a sale in three ways,” he said, “by giving the customer a good first impression of the sale space; by creating a desire to buy; and by helping the customer to appraise the merchandise.”26 According to Ketchum, accent lighting was a popular feature of American stores in the 1950s.27 The Di-Yi Department

Store appears to have been the first to apply the technique to retail display in Taiwan.

Due to the business success of the Di-Yi Department Store, the owner soon opened another store near its flagship company building. This new retail structure not only provided multiple levels of retail space, it also integrated entertainment into the higher levels of the building.

7.3 The Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre

7.3.1 Background

When political power shifted in 1945, Taipei’s major commercial and leisure district

– Ximending – suddenly declined as a result of the repatriation of Japanese residents. The situation then changed in 1949 due to the influx of Chinese immigrants from the mainland, particularly business people from Shanghai. Many started their business in the Ximending district and they brought Shanghai business

25 Ketchum, Shops and Stores, 56. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid., 56-64. 209

culture to Taipei. Ximending came alive again and flourished with Shanghai style business and entertainment: print culture, shops, coffeehouses, hair salons, Shanghai style saunas, Chinese opera houses, dance halls, movie theatres and restaurants with popular music and performances.28 More and more places in Ximending provided live music performances featuring popular singers from Shanghai, Chinese opera as well as Western music in the 1950s. For instance, two famous sites for live performances were the Hu-Yuan Teahouse (1949) and the Bi-Yun-Tian coffeehouse

(1955). These entertainment facilities and leisure activities brought Shanghai lifestyle to Taipei while offering comfort to many new immigrants from mainland

China.

The broadcast media also played a part in promoting entertainment in Taiwan.

Established in 1962, the Taiwan Television Enterprise Company released its first television program in Taiwan – a singing show, namely, Stars Showcase.29 The film industry in Taiwan also recovered from the war and flourished in the 1960s. A well- known film, Liang Zhu,30 for example, popularised the Huang Mei Diao style of musical film throughout the 1960s.31 Due to the prosperity of the leisure and entertainment industries in early 1960s Taiwan, the developer of the Di-Yi

Department Store, Xu Wei-Feng 徐偉峰 and his younger brother, Xu Zhi-Fen 徐之

28 Han-Ren Wu, "From Shanghai to Taipei," accessed April 2, 2013, http://www.shtwo.gov.cn/cht/newslist.aspx?f=1&s=0&t=0&page=2. 29 Yi-Mou He, Tai Wan Dian Shi Feng Yun Lu (Taipei: The Commercial Press, 2002), 68-69. 30 Liang Zhu 梁祝 (Liang Shan-Bo Yu Zhu Ying-Tai 梁山伯與祝英台) was a commercial film from Shaw Brothers Ltd. in Hong Kong. This Huang Mei Diao 黃梅調 style movie had its premiere in Taipei on 23 April 1963 and it was a huge success. The film was shown in Taipei’s cinemas for 162 days and close to a million people saw the film in 1963. Han-Ren Wu, "Liang Zhu - the Most Representive Film in the 1960s," accessed April 2, 2013, http://www.shtwo.gov.cn/cht/newsdetail.aspx?id=39567. 31 Huang Mei Diao 黃梅調, also known as Huangmei Opera, is one of the popular forms of Chinese Opera that originated as a form of rural folksong and dance in China. 210

豐, sought to create a comprehensive retail and entertainment centre in Taipei. This became the Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre, close to the Di-Yi Department

Store.

7.3.2 Architectural Design

The Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre (originally known as Today

Entertainment Company) started operations in May 1968. The building was located on the corner of E-Mei Street and Kunming Street in Taipei. The developer Xu took the idea of creating a hybrid retail and entertainment space from what he had seen in pre-war Shanghai.32 The Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre was an eight-storey tall structure designed by Zhong Guo Xing Ye Architects & Associates – the same architectural firm that designed the Di-Yi Company Building and the Chunghwa

Commercial Strip.

Like other commercial structures in Taiwan, the Jin-Ri building also had a set-back design to provide a covered pedestrian walkway at ground level. The building had a chamfered-edge facing the corner of two major streets that provided the surface for the display of the company’s name. The main elevations of the building consisted of modular concrete box-frames, some encasing reddish-coloured tile panels and others incorporating windows (Figure 7.10).

32 "Shanghai Department Store: The Hybrid Retail and Entertainment Centre". 211

Figure 7.10 The façade of the Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre, Taipei, 1968

The Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre was the first retail building to be largely clad with prefabricated concrete panels covering three quarters of its surface area.

This type of exterior panelling became popular in American retail buildings after the

Second World War. A well-known example is the suburban Macy’s store in White

Plains, New York (1949), documented by the Architectural Record in October that year.33 In the 1950s, many large retail stores in the southern states of the US also applied exterior panelling to building surfaces to counteract the long summer and negative impact of unrelenting sunlight and heat. An instance is the Rich’s

Department Store (1955) in Knoxville, Tennessee, designed by Stevens and

33 Wilfred McLaughlin, "A Store Front Designed to Reduce Veiling Glare," Architectural Record (October 1949): 126-27. Also see Bak, "The Department Store Museum: Macy's," accessed October 25, 2016, http://www.thedepartmentstoremuseum.org/search?q=Macy%27s. 212

Wilkinson (Figure 7.11).34 The large area of concrete wall panelling not only shielding the building from the solar light, but gave an expressive character to its storefront. The same year, the Thalhimer Brothers Store in Richmond, Virginia, went through a major exterior renovation when reopening its downtown store.35 This store became known for its use of the latest building technology which clad the building façade with an aluminium curtain wall (Figure 7.12). Whatever the specific origins of the façade design for the Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre, the point to be made is that the use of exterior panelling in large retail buildings was already common in the US prior to the development of the Jin-Ri building.

Figure 7.11 The façade of the Rich’s Department Store, Knoxville, 1955

34 Jeff Clemmons, Rich's: A Southern Institution (Charleston: The History Press, 2012), 107-10. 35 The Thalhimer Brothers Store was a retail economic indicator of the Southern states which also named itself “the fashion store of the south” in the 1950s. See Elizabeth Thalhimer Smartt, "Thalhimers Department Store: Story, History, and Theory" (Master Dissertation, Virginia Commonwealth University, 2005), 31. 213

Figure 7.12 The façade of the Thalhimer Brothers Store, Richmond, 1955

7.3.3 Interior Design

The developer, Xu Zhi-Fen 徐之豐, conceived the Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment

Centre as a leisure and entertainment complex rather than a standard retail store. His building complex not only offered shopping but also had food stalls, restaurants and various live performances. The lower part of the building was devoted to retail and food outlets whereas the upper part of the building housed amusements. The Jin-Ri

Department Store occupied the basement up to the third floor, and the fourth to the eighth floors were designed to house seven performance halls. Each of the performance halls was named after a Chinese mythical creature to symbolise prosperity and fortune: Kirin, Phoenix, Pine Crane, Golden Horse, Peacock, Silver

Lion and Coral.36 It was not common to see such diverse uses within one large building during the post-war era. In fact, the Centre was the first retail building in

36 The Kirin Hall provided Peking opera performances led by the art director Zhou Linkun. Taiwanese opera was hosted at the Phoenix Hall. It was performed by the Zheng Sheng Tian Ma Opera Group and led by the art director Yang Li-Hua. A puppet show was held at the Pine Crane Hall with the performing group named Wu Zhou Yuan. Other Chinese regional operas performed in the Golden Horse Hall. The Peacock Hall was a popular music performing place and the Silver Lion Hall often had dance or acrobat shows. The Coral Hall sometimes had magician performances and group games. Xin-Xin Cai, "The Jin-Ri Company and the Kirin Hall," accessed April 3, 2013, http://taiwanpedia.culture.tw. 214

Taiwan that combined retail space with multiple forms of live entertainment.

Considering the developer was a Shanghai businessman, this hybrid multi-use of interior space and his business ideas may have been influenced by the famous “Great

World” of pre-war Shanghai. Built in 1917, the “Great World,” known as “Da shijie

大世界” in Chinese, was a large indoor amusement arcade in Shanghai.37 This six- level emporium of entertainment had a Beaux-Arts façade with a tower on top while the interior combined the ancient Roman-style circular theatre with Chinese kiosks that housed a variety of local shows and food shops, and later, cinemas, within one place.38 The “Great World” became China’s biggest entertainment centre in pre-war

Shanghai. Its name and the ideas, according to Yue Meng’s research, were inspired by Osaka Luna Park (Shinsekai) that itself was an imitation of the entertainment section of the world expositions that originated in Europe and America.39

At the beginning of its business operation, the “Great World” featured various types of Chinese provincial operas and acrobats. However, American elements also came to be incorporated. These included American-style variety shows and parlour games, musicals, exotic dance and magic shows, as well as slot machines.40 The developer of the Jin-Ri Retail and Entertainment Centre seems to have adopted ideas from the

“Great World” and stretched the concept a step further by incorporating a large retail

37 Leo Ou-Fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: The Flowering of a New Urban Culture in China, 1930-1945 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), 13-14. 38 Teresa Poole, "Six Teeming Floors of Oriental Pleasure - All Yours for Just 15p," accessed February 14, 2016, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/six-teeming-floors-of-oriental-pleasure-all- yours-for-just-15p-1315901.html. Also see Meng Yue, Shanghai and the Edges of Empires (Minneapolis & London: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), 186. 39 Shanghai and the Edges of Empires, 191-92. 40 Poole, "Six Teeming Floors of Oriental Pleasure - All Yours for Just 15p". 215

department store within the same building to maximise his company’s revenue. In addition to the performing halls, an American-style children’s amusement park was built on the top floor of the centre in the 1970s featuring the latest mechanical rides such as the Spinning Teacup and the Pirate Swing Boat.41

The retail space of the centre, namely the Jin-Ri Department Store, was over 6,000 square metres in area and offered more than 100,000 items of merchandise for sale.

For its opening, the store presented a new food machine which could produce 60 serves of dim sum within one minute as a major attraction.42 The basement had a large grocery store selling dry food, frozen food and house commodities. The ground floor had 42 sections selling cosmetics, accessories, wool clothes and shoes. The same level also had a customer service counter with 12 full-time female employees.

The second floor had 41 sections selling office supplies, handcrafts, jewellery, electrical products, baby’s clothing, men’s suits and women’s dresses. The third level was a children’s playground with mechanical toys, restaurants, and a space science education centre providing information that came from NASA in the US.43

Although the retail products sold at the Jin-Ri store were common to the mother store – the Di-Yi Department Store – the Jin-Ri Department Store promoted itself as a fashion centre and often hosted fashion shows. There are two photo images of the store that illustrate a fashion show curated by French designer, Lady Ferrera, on 20th

April 1969 (Figure 7.13 and 7.14). The show was held on the second floor of the

41 Jason Cheung, "A History of the Jin-Ri Department Store: 1968-1997," accessed August 24, 2016. http://jasonblog.tw/2014/06/history-of-todays-company-1968-1997.html 42 "The Ji-Ri Department Store - Opening Tomorrow," Economic Daily News, 7 December 1968, 3. 43 Ibid. 216

department store with six fashion models from five different countries. The ceiling was 15 metres in height which was taller than other department stores at the time.44

This may have been because the building was designed to accommodate large-scale performance equipment, so its floor to ceiling height was greater than other commercial buildings. As shown in Figures 7.13 and 7.14, there were display cases surrounding the structural columns. These large glass display cases, in this instance containing clothing fabric, were major features of the retail floor. Simple double fluorescent tube lighting generally illuminated the space, supplemented in parts with incandescent bulbs suspended within hanging ‘baskets’ of flowers. A long lightbox, also appears to have been installed above the catwalk. On the whole, the Jin-Ri

Retail and Entertainment Centre represented a new cultural space for consumption in

Taipei, injecting ‘performance’ even into its retail spaces.

Figures 7.13 & 7.14 Fashion show at the Jin-Ri Department Store, Taipei, 1969

44 Ibid. 217

7.4 The Far Eastern Textile Company and the Far Eastern Department Store

7.4.1 Background

Like the developers of the Di-Yi and the Jin-Ri department stores, the developer of the Far Eastern Department Store in Taiwan also began his career in the textile business before opening his own store. Xu You-Xiang 徐有庠 grew up in the Jiangsu province in China. When Xu was a young man he established multiple companies that produced cooking oil and he also owned a cotton ginning business. In 1942, Xu founded the Far Eastern Textile Company which manufactured Yang Fang Pai underclothes. These were distributed throughout mainland China. Due to the chaos of the Chinese Civil War, Xu moved his textile factory to Taiwan in 1949.

Benefiting from American small business aid, Xu’s company expanded its textile business rapidly during the 1950s by manufacturing shirts and other types of clothing.45 Distribution to customers was through retailers and department stores.

In 1955, Xu established the Yang Fang Pai underclothes store in Taipei to sell his product direct to customers. Soon he operated many stores that retailed the clothing and textile products that came from his factory. Xu realized that consumers in

Taiwan were interested in a great variety of clothing and textiles and other modern commodities. This prompted him to expand his business by rebuilding the company’s first retail shop in Taipei, thereby transforming it into a department store.

7.4.2 Architectural and Interior Design

Opened on 10th October 1967, the first Far Eastern Department Store was located on

45 Yi-Hong Jiang, "The Store Managerial Pattern in Relation to Family Business - Case Studies of the Far Eastern and the Shin Kong Mitsukoshi Department Stores" (Masters Dissertation, National Chengchi University, 2008), 29. 218

Yong-Sui Road in the Ximending area of Taipei and was the second largest department store building in Taipei next to the Di-Yi Department Store.46 The building was designed by Chung Lynn Architects and Engineers. Unfortunately, this architectural firm no longer exists and very little written information was available within the department store’s archives. The developer, Xu, spent over 40 million

New Taiwan Dollars to rebuild and transform the old retail store into a six-storey structure.47

The main façade of the Far Eastern Department Store faced Yong-Sui Road where an arcade supported by four square-shaped columns provided pedestrians with a covered walkway. Figure 7.15 is a drawing of the front elevation of the store which shows large windows on the ground and first levels for retail display. The building façade contained horizontal strip windows from the second to the fifth floors. The storefront incorporated masonry work and the ground level’s four columns and façade above were clad with white marble. The strip bands from the second to the sixth floors had masonry work of pebble-dash with a thin strip of mosaic tiles to differentiate each level. The incorporation of masonry cladding generated a new aesthetic for the Far Eastern Department Store as it created a textural pattern and visual strength to the facade of this new retail building.

Figure 7.16 shows the ground floor plan of the Far Eastern Department Store. This drawing indicates that the store had a central atrium. From the ground to the fifth

46 "The Far Eastern Department Store Openned Yesterday," Economic Daily News, 11 October 1967, 7. 47 "Far Eastern Department Store Will Have Its Grand Opening Today's Afternoon," Economic Daily News, 28 October 1967, 7. 219

floor, there were two elevators located on the rear of the store and three escalators were placed at the edge of the atrium for customer usage.48 There was also a spiral staircase for shoppers between the fourth and fifth floors. The building basement was devoted to the sale of food and beverages; the ground floor up to the fourth floor was retail space; the fifth floor had a children’s amusement area; and the sixth floor was office space for the store’s employees.49

Figures 7.15 & 7.16 Building front elevation and the ground floor plan of the first Far Eastern Department Store, Chung Lynn Architects and Engineers, Taipei, 1967

7.4.3 American Influence in Far Eastern Department Store

The Far Eastern Department Store has many aspects that reveal the influence of

American design. The first is environmental control. Like the Chien-Sing and Di-Yi department stores, the Far Eastern Department Store provided a fully air-conditioned shopping environment, but added a new type of environmental control device – the air curtain.50 An air curtain is control device that is “a continuous broad stream of air

48 Ibid. 49 "The Far Eastern Department Store Opened Yesterday." 50 "The Far Eastern Department Store Will Have Its Grand Opening Today's Afternoon," 7. 220

circulated across a doorway of a conditioned space. It reduces penetration of insects and unconditioned air into a conditioned space by forcing an air stream over the entire entrance. The air stream layer moves with a velocity and angle such that any air that tries to penetrate the curtain is entrained.”51 The American air curtain patent was first issued in 1904 to Theophilus Van Kemmel and began to be installed in buildings from the early 1920s.52 The popularity of air curtains rose substantially in the US and Europe in the 1950s, primarily for commercial buildings that included retail spaces.53 The Far Eastern Department Store was the first to introduce this

American technology to Taiwan. The air curtain was used to keep the air conditioning within the Far Eastern store and to block the infiltration of Taipei’s warm and humid air from outside.54 Information on the specific type (or model) of air curtain that used in the Far Eastern Department Store has been lost. However, by virtue of the fact that this type of technology was not produced in Taiwan in the

1960s, the air curtain installed in the Far Eastern Department Store was very likely an American product.

Figure 7.17 is a photograph of the Far Eastern Department Store’s street frontage in the late 1960s. It shows that the store name and a metallic bronze logo were attached to the masonry band between the ground floor and the first floor. In between the

51 Refrigerating and Air-Conditioning Engineers American Society of Heating, 2004 Ashrae Handbook: Heating, Ventilating, and Air-Conditioning Systems and Equipment (Atlanta: American Society of Heating, Refrigerating, and Air-conditioning Engineers, 2004), 17.9. 52 Edward Black, "Air Curtains Screens Ventilation Device to Separate Climate Zones Learn More About Types Advantages," accessed February 14, 2016, http://www.newslikethis.com/air-curtains- screens-ventilation-device-separate-climate-zones-learn-more-about-types-advantages. 53 Ibid. Also see Laurent Stalder, "Air, Light, and Air-Conditioning," Grey Room 40, (Summer 2010): 86. 54 TECO, "Air Curtain," accessed April 22, 2013, http://www.teco.com.tw/aa/02product5-1.htm. 221

horizontal windows, strip bandings were angled to visually enhance the façade. On the ground and first levels of the store there were large showcase windows for the display of merchandise. Significantly, one of the windows is dominated by the image of a blond, Caucasian woman. Unlike the advertising used by the Chien-Sin

Department Store in the 1950s, in which the models were always Chinese - whatever their dress or hairstyle - this shopfront promotion was explicitly Western.

Figure 7.17 The storefront of the Far Eastern Department Store, street view, Taipei, 1967

Street front window displays became larger in Taiwan in the 1960s and became a crucial part of a store’s image. Much of the pioneering work in this area of shopfront design originated in the US, particularly through the work of architects Victor Gruen and Morris Ketchum. Gruen’s work of the 1930s and 1940s in New York is recognised as particularly innovative. In 1939, for example, the CIRO Jewellery store that he designed in New York features glass cases as the store’s arcade to

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create more display space.55 In another example, the Altman and Kuhne Candy Store in 1939, he further devised a completely glass store front for the candy store, creating, in his own words, “the store as show window.”56 In the 1940s, Gruen designed the Robinson and the Grayson chain department stores which featured spacious show windows on the ground floor (Figure 7.18), with displays at several scales to cater for both pedestrians and motorists. Morris Ketchum was another acclaimed American retail architect and author of the influential book Shops and

Stores in 1948. His architectural firm – Ketchum, Gina & Sharp – designed many renowned American stores including the Store for Ed Steckler, Inc. in 1939 (Figure

7.19) and the Florsheim Shoes Salon in New York in 1946 (Figure 7.20). Ketchum argued that “glass plays a vital part in both the advertising and display zones for the storefront design.”57

Figure 7.18 The storefront of the Grayson Department Store, Gruen & Krummeck, Seattle, 1941

55 M. Jeffrey Hardwick, Mall Maker: Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), 27. 56 Gruen as quoted in Ibid., 35. 57 Morris Ketchum, "Commercial Installations," in Window and Glass in the Exterior of Buildings, ed. National Research Council (Washington, D.C.: National Research Institute, 1957), 150. 223

Figure 7.19 Store for ED Steckler, Inc., Ketchum, Gina & Sharp, New York, 1939

Figure 7.20 Florsheim Shoes Salon, Ketchum, Gina & Sharp, New York, 1946

Echoing this American trend, the Far Eastern Department Store incorporated shopfront windows on a scale previously unseen in Taipei. On both the ground and first floors, they served to open up the interior of the building to the outside as well 224

display the store’s merchandise to passing pedestrian and vehicular traffic. For an unaccustomed public, the window displays of the Far Eastern Department Store must have had the same level of impact that was attributed to the 1940s works of Gruen and Ketchum in the US.58 The Far Eastern Department Store offered a new form of spectacle in Taipei’s lively and competitive retail district.

To differentiate itself from other retail stores in Taiwan, the Far Eastern Department

Store also promoted its store as a collection of “Specialty Shops” when it opened for business in 1967.59 This was a retail strategy frequently used by American department stores where “specialty shops” were used to hold promotional events that centred on limited items.60 The Far Eastern Department Store also held American- style beauty pageants in, for example, the promotion of wool sweaters.61 Although most of the Far Eastern Department Store’s archival materials were lost due to fire incidents, at least one direct source of American influence on its retailing strategies can be identified. On 31th January 1971, the San Antonio Express reported that John

H. Morse, the former president of Joske’s Store in Texas, “accepted an assignment with the International Executive Service Corps (IESC) to serve as a volunteer retailing counsellor in Taiwan.”62 Founded in 1964 by philanthropist David

Rockefeller, the IESC is a non-profit organisation that focuses on international economic development in emerging nations.63 Its mission is to improve living

58 Hardwick, Mall Maker: Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream, 34. 59 Da-Fang Ruan, "The Annual Celebration of the Far Eastern Department Store " Economic Daily News, 26 October 1968, 5. 60 Ketchum, "Commercial Installations," 150-51. 61 Ruan, "The Annual Celebration of the Far Eastern Department Store " 5. 62 "Morse Gets Assignment," San Antonio Express-News, 31 January 1971, 3. 63 IESC, "Celebrating 50th Years – 1964-2014," (Washington, D.C.: International Executive Service Corps 2014). 225

standards within developing countries by sending senior executive volunteers to help and strengthen private enterprise.64 According to the IESC website, “in the 1970s, we strengthened young businesses for an Asian miracle.” Taiwan was one of the

Asian nations to benefit from the organisation.65

The IESC sent Morse to Taiwan to act as a retail consultant for the Far Eastern

Department Store in Taipei as well as its second branch in Taichung.66 According to the San Antonio Express, Morse’s work would involve “counselling with the owners of the store in all phases of retailing: merchandising, sales promotion, operations and control; the major segments of operating a large store.”67 This confirms direct

American involvement with the Far Eastern Department Store. Whether it was the first time that a large Taiwanese store had such direct contact with an American retail and management strategist is unknown.

In addition to its American retail consultant, the Far Eastern was the first department store in Taiwan to initiate large scale events promoting Western goods. When the

ROC government in Taiwan decided to relax import merchandise control in the early

1970s, the Far Eastern was the first retail company to seize this business opportunity.68 Before the bill was passed, an American “Merchandise Promotion

Agreement” had already been signed between the Far Eastern Department Store and

64 "Prosperity and Stability through Private Enterprise," (Washington, D.C.: International Executive Service Corps 2012), 4. 65 "History and Mission," accessed October 25, 2016, http://iesc.org/history-and-mission.aspx. 66 "Morse Gets Assignment," 3. 67 Ibid. 68 The ROC government in Taiwan relaxed import merchandise control on 3,000 items; apart from a few items such as “firearms, gold and silver ingots, almost everything else could be imported to Taiwan.” "'Buy American' Not a Mere Slogan," Los Angeles Times, 6 October 1974, 5. 226

the US Commercial Service in Taipei in March 1973.69 It was a commercial agreement to promote a large variety of American products through all the Far

Eastern branch stores in Taiwan. Bo Shun-Ru 柏舜如, the Far Eastern general manager at the time, declared that the American “Merchandise Promotion

Agreement” was to meet the requirement of a fast-growing market for American products.70 His statement affirmed an increasing demand for American goods by

Taiwanese consumers, and the Far Eastern Department Store played a crucial role in facilitating this emerging market.

Eight months after the commercial agreement was signed, an ‘American Product

Exhibition’ was helped in the Far Eastern Department Store in Taipei.71 The day before the opening, an advertisement appeared in the major newspapers of Taiwan with the central slogan “Eyes Wide Open,” an exhibition sponsored by the US

Embassy, the US Commercial Service in Taipei and the Far Eastern Department

Store (Figure 7.21).72 “The greatest manned mission and the treasure of the century,” referred to the fact that photographs of NASA’s moon landing mission, American astronaut outfits and a piece of moon rock would be on display.73 The advertisement also includes a portrait of the 1973 Miss USA, Terry Anne Meeuwsen, who would host the opening. In the panel next to Ms Meeuwsen’s photograph, a large slab of

69 "Merchandise Promotion Agreement Signed between the Far Eastern Department Store and the US Commercial Service in Taipei," China Times, 4 March 1973, 5. 70 Ibid. 71 In 1972, the Far Eastern Department Store opened a much larger store on the Hung-Yang Road which was just across the street from the new Chien-Sing Department Store. Over the next few years, the company gradually moved their retail spaces from the Yong-Sui store to the Hung-Yang store and enlarged the new store’s retail spaces. 72 "American Product Exhibition Will Have Its Grand Opening Tomorrow Morning at Ten-Thrity," Independent Evening News, 26 October 1973, 4. 73 Ibid. 227

text is framed by the same logo design used for the European Recovery Program and the China-US Cooperation in the 1950s. The first line of the text reads “The lifestyle of the Century”, followed by an encouragement to view the store’s exhibition and

“enjoy modern American style of living” via a wide variety of American products.74

Figure 7.21 The advertisement for the ‘American Product Exhibition,’ Taipei, 1973

Opened on 27th October 1973, the ‘American Product Exhibition’ took up the entire fourth floor of the Far Eastern Department Store in Taipei and displayed hundreds of items of merchandise.75 While the entry showcased the American astronaut outfits and the moon rock, the rest of the exhibition promoted the latest American electronic appliances such as RCA’s remote control TV and Stereo as well as GE’s dishwashing machine and kitchen oven.76 The opening ceremony featured both the

CEO of the Far Eastern Company, Xu You-Xiang, and the US Ambassador to the

ROC in Taiwan, Walter McConaughy.77 Premier Chiang attended the opening along with three of the five ROC government’s ministers (Figure 7.22).78 Also in

74 Ibid. 75 Five categories of items were sold in the halls of Lady, Gentlemen, Children, Home Accessories and Electronic Appliances during the exhibition. See "The Opening of American Product Exhibition," Central Daily News, 27 October 1973, 3. 76 "Premier Chiang Attended the Grand Opening of American Product Exhibition," Great China Evening News, 27 October 1973, 2. 77 "The Opening of American Product Exhibition," 3. 78 "Premier Chiang Attended the Grand Opening of American Product Exhibition," 2. 228

attendance was the CEO of the Taiwan Central Bank, the Mayor of Taipei and several diplomatic representatives from the US Embassy in Taiwan.79 Never before had such a large group of high ranking officials from both the government of Taiwan and the US attended a retail event. The exhibition stayed in Taipei for two weeks before moving down to other Far Eastern Department Store branches in Taichung and Kaohsiung for another month.80

Figure 7.22 Premier Chiang accompanied by the CEO of the Far Eastern Company and the US Ambassador viewing the ‘Moon Rock’ at the ‘American Product Exhibition,’ Taipei, 1973

Following the rapid growth of Taiwan-US trade, from 200 million USD in 1962 to 4 billion in 1974, the 1970s saw an expansion in the importation of American consumer goods into Taiwan.81 Despite the proximity of Japan and their relatively lower priced merchandise, American goods were indeed the most popular imports in

1970s Taiwan.82 The increase in demand for American goods was facilitated by the

Far Eastern Department Store which, in turn, had a direct influence on other

79 Ibid. 80 Ibid. 81 "‘Buy American’ Not a Mere Slogan." 82 Isandore Barmash, "Taiwan Rates U.S. High in Consumer-Goods Sales," New York Times, 26 Febuary 1974, 53. 229

Taiwanese stores and their active promotion of American merchandise during the

1970s.

7.5 Conclusion

The process of Americanisation in post-war Taiwan can be clearly discerned in the retail development of the 1960s. This chapter has identified links to American influence in some of the most prominent department stores of the period, related to architectural and interior design, display, services and facilities. Due to the fact that major retail developments in Taipei were mostly founded by migrant Shanghai businessmen, American influence was sometimes mediated via Shanghai retail and entertainment culture. However, in some cases the influence was direct, as with the

American retail strategist that was brought in to provide advice to the Far Eastern

Department Store in Taipei. What this chapter has also revealed is that stores such as

Far Eastern played a crucial role in stimulating a market for the consumption of

American goods and a “modern American style of living”.

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Chapter 8

Conclusion

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The thesis has shown that modernisation in post-war Taiwan was directly associated with a process of Westernisation. As a Japanese scholar, Tomoko Tamari, has observed, “the term, ‘the West,’ inevitably came to mean ‘something advanced,’

‘something superior,’ ‘something new,’ and the image of the West was identified as the epitome of ‘modern.’”1 The research has identified that modernisation in post- war Taiwan was assisted in various ways by the United States – the key Western influence. Importantly, this thesis has shown that within the realm of retail development, which itself played a crucial role in the process of modernisation, the influence of the United States is also apparent.

Americanisation and retail architecture in post-war Taiwan are the two broad subjects of this thesis. The aim of this study was to examine how American culture, particularly its retail culture and technologies, may have shaped retail developments in post-war Taiwan. The thesis employs the term Americanisation as the viewpoint and mechanism to examine those developments. It has investigated the origins of

American influence and how, in various forms, it manifested itself within the built retail environment.

Investigating design and planning influences on retail buildings in post-war Taiwan is the core focus of this thesis. Thinking about influence was informed by aspects of reception theory and the studies of Squire, Gough, O’Regan and Brine. The essential affinity between this thesis and the theoretical investigations of these scholars within

1 Tomoko Tamari, "Rise of the Department Store and the Aestheticization of Everyday Life in Early 20th Century Japan," International Journal of Japanese Sociology 15, no. 1 (2006): 102. 232

the fields of architecture and art is the emphasis placed on examining the ways in which architects, developers and businessmen were exposed to and gained the ideas that may have informed their conception of retailing and their planning and design of retail buildings in Taiwan.

In focusing on the study of reception in post-war Taiwan in relation to the influence of the United States, the research has found that there were two modes of influence – direct and indirect. For example, it was shown that ideas derived from pre-war

Shanghai department stores were embedded within early retail development in

Taiwan via émigré Shanghai businessmen. Pre-war Shanghai was a melting pot of

Chinese and Western influences. The city’s modern department stores were modelled on Western precedents, which themselves were directly influenced by retail developments in the West including the United States. As this thesis has shown, immigrant businessmen from Shanghai were responsible for most of the major large retail developments in Taiwan post World War Two. The research has demonstrated this indirect influence in Taiwan through these businessmen in the study of the Chien-Sing Department Store by examining the Hollywood-inspired sense of fashion through its store’s advertisements as well as the layout of Chien-

Sing’s new store and the entertainment spaces with the Jin-Ri Retail and

Entertainment Centre. The time these men spent in pre-war Shanghai was crucial to the maturation of their business planning and the generation of ideas for their own retail developments in post-war Taiwan. The research also demonstrated how they may have been exposed to Western retail influences during that period. Even the locally born Taiwanese businessman, Wu Yao-Ting, travelled to Japan prior to the

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development of his first large retail store, the Daxin Department Store in Kaohsiung in 1958. His early exposure to Japanese and Western retail influences is discernible within his own retail project.

In terms of direct American influence, the research has revealed that the retail developers in post-war Taiwan played a key role in introducing the latest architectural design, retail services and related technology directly from the West, most particularly from the United States. The thesis has shown, for example, that the origins of one of the first major retail developments in the country, the Chunghwa

Commercial Strip, can be linked to an American-led report on the urban fabric and industries of Taiwan, and is likely to have been supported by American aid. The investigation of this and other key retail developments in Taiwan over the period of the 1950s and 1960s has suggested stylistic affinities with the type of architecture most commonly featured in the American architectural journal, the Architectural

Record. Significantly, this journal was available in Taiwan through the United States

Information Service (USIS) which, at that time, constituted the country’s sole official channel for the distribution of Western publications. It is reasonable to suggest that the agency, and its architectural publications, provided an important resource for both retail developers and architects in Taiwan during the post-war era.

Other key elements within Taiwan’s modernised retail environments that were derived primarily from the United States included new building technologies and services. These ranged from the steel frame and reinforced concrete construction of tall structures, to interior services such as escalators and air-conditioning. While

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some technologies were imported from the United States, others were made locally, based on American models, such as the Xinya Company’s fluorescent lighting fixtures. There was also the Woto Lighting & Advertising Company that produced the first series of outdoor neon towers in Taiwan for the Chunghwa Commercial

Strip.

In undertaking this research, this thesis has brought to light the importance of a previously under-recognised architectural practice, that of Zhong Guo Xing Ye

Architects & Associates, who designed the Chunghwa Commercial Strip as well as the Di-Yi and the Jin-Ri department stores. Further research would be well directed to uncovering the other commercial buildings of this firm in order to gain a better understanding of their significance to post-war architectural modernism in Taiwan and any connection it might have had to American architecture.

The thesis has identified a key milestone in the Americanisation of Taiwan’s retail environment. In 1973 the ROC government removed its ban on the importation of foreign merchandise, allowing for an influx of American products and commercial activity. The thesis has shown that the “American Products Exhibition” promoted by the Far Eastern Department Store across its three major retail outlets was at the forefront of this new wave of retail activity. Not only were genuine American goods now freely available to Taiwanese consumers, the exhibition provided an opportunity to explicitly promote American culture and lifestyle as never before.

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8.1 Contribution

This thesis contributes to scholarship pertaining to the modernisation of post-war

Taiwan. The research expands the knowledge of post-war modernism in Taiwan by drawing attention to commercial buildings, particularly focusing on the development of large retail structures. The thesis has demonstrated that retail architecture in post- war Taiwan consisted of leading commercial structures that registered American influence. In addition, because commercial architecture is a part of the modern architectural history of Taiwan, this thesis makes the case for retail architecture to be considered as an integral part of the architectural history in post-war Taiwan.

To date, there is very limited published history of retail architecture in Taiwan after

1945. This thesis is the first detailed study of retail development in Taiwan from the perspective of architectural design and retail culture since that time. While focussing on the period of the late 1940s to 1960s, it provides a basis for understanding the origins of, and dominant influences within, contemporary Taiwanese retail architecture. In documenting a number of key retail projects, the study also makes a contribution to the history of modernist architecture in Taiwan.

Despite the fact that information and archival materials for retail architecture in post- war Taiwan is very limited, the thesis has shown how a detailed study can be undertaken. This research has demonstrated how far a study can be carried out into the realm of commercial architecture by looking at aspects of architects’ and developers’ backgrounds, the logic of building design, as well as the introduction of building technologies.

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The presence of America and its cultural influence in Taiwan is a significant part of post-war Asian history. In addressing this in terms of retail architecture, this thesis has shown how American influence brought Western modernity into the lives of middle-class people in Taiwan, giving them access to modernist consumer spaces lit by fluorescent lighting, cooled by air conditioning and showing them the latest

Western fashion and consumer goods.

8.2 Potential Future Research

The thesis provides a basis for understanding the process of Americanisation in post- war Taiwan in relation to retail architectural development. It provides a model for similar research in the context of other East Asian countries that have also undergone a process of Americanisation. In terms of Taiwan specifically, the study might also provide a springboard for developed research within three broad themes: 1) modern architecture in post-war Taiwan, 2) a comprehensive retail architectural history in

Taiwan extending into the 1970s and beyond, and 3) Americanisation in Taiwan.

Recent publications testify to a growing interest in modern architecture in post-war

Taiwan. This thesis has opened up the field of modern commercial architecture in post-war Taiwan and the research has contributed to this aspect of architectural history. However, the research only looked at the most prominent retail buildings of post-war Taiwan. To develop a broader retail architectural history of Taiwan, there are also numerous small to medium size retail stores that would need to be examined. In addition, many other interesting examples of modern commercial

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buildings in post-war Taiwan were discovered during the investigation. These buildings are yet to be comprehensively documented and it constitutes a compelling potential research area for further study.

There was a shift in the relationship between the government of the United States and Taiwan in the 1970s.2 After President Nixon visited mainland China in 1972, the relationship between the US government and Taiwan changed significantly. Along with the Carter administration’s adoption of the One-China policy in 1978, diplomatic ties between the US and Taiwan government ended.3 Soon after, diplomatic relations between the US and the People’s Republic of China were made official in 1979.4 Although US military and personnel left in the late 1970s,

American influence still persisted in Taiwan.

In broad as well as specific ways, this thesis has described and analysed American cultural impact on Taiwan during the 1950s and 1960s. American influence in

Taiwan continued throughout the 1970s and to the present day. For this reason, there is still much to explore regarding the on-going architectural modernisation and retail developments in Taiwan related to Americanisation. One example is the Datung

2 Due to the deterioration in its own international balance of payments, the US government reassessed Taiwan’s gradually increasing economic development and decided to suspend its financial aid in 1965. In addition to this, the large withdrawal of American forces in Asia in the late 1960s and the early 1970s also began to alter American foreign policy in the Far East. See Robert G. Sutter, Taiwan: Entering the 21st Century (Lanham & London: University Press of America, 1988), 15. 3 Ibid. 4 In January 1979, the US government switched diplomatic recognition from the Republic of China to the People’s Republic of China. While the American government was preparing to withdraw the rest of its military units (the USTDC and the MAAG) out of Taiwan, the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) was passed through the US Congress. The TRA replaced the Sino-American Mutual Defence Treaty with the MSA to ensure that people in Taiwan were still under the American government’s protection. See John F. Copper, Taiwan: Nation-State or Province?, Sixth ed. (Boulder: Westview Press, 2013), 200-01. 238

Department Store in Kaohsiung. When Datung was built in 1975, it was the largest retail building of Southeast Asia at the time. Following the success of the Far Eastern

Department Store, Datung Department Store also contacted the International

Executive Service Corps (IESC) in the US and invited American retail experts to participate in the planning process for the store. Research into the 1970s could be a sequel study to this thesis.

The emergence of the retail affiliation between the Taiwanese and Japanese department stores from the 1980s onward began to alter the domination of American retail design in Taiwanese department stores. Renowned examples include the

Pacific-Sogo and the Shin Kong-Mitsukoshi department stores. Nonetheless,

American design influence began to appear in the development of shopping malls in

Taiwan. Well-known examples include the Lion Plaza (1979) in Taipei, the Tainan

Shopping Centre (1987) in Tainan, TaiMall (1999) in Taoyuan, and the Core City

Mall (2001) in Taipei which was designed by The Jerde Partnership. This research has laid the groundwork for understanding these later developments in what is a captivating intersection of architecture and the development of consumer culture and society in Taiwan.

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