DOCSLIB.ORG

Call for Alliance Between English and A

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Call for Alliance Between English and A Page3 JUNE 1983 __________________________________________________'~~nt---------~--~~----------~----~~--------V I Prof. Sampie Terreblanche Interviewed by. Sunday Times VERLIGTE ADVISOR In what the "Sunday Times" called "an Call For Alliance Between amazingly frank and controversial interview - For every R800 spent on headlined "IT'S TIME FOR A NEW a white child, lessthan Rl00 ALLIANCE BETWEEN ENGLISH AND is spent on a black child. English And A We must close the educa- AFRIKANERS" -' Prof. Sampie tion gap as quickly as Terreblanche, the noted verligte academic of "We in the N.P., since the split, now have the New National possible. Stellenbosch University and one of the Party; and we will need the support of English-speakers ... but .Our growing economy Government's key advisers, told Stanley Uys: the P.F.P have not adapted - what we need now is a New P.F.P.," needs all the skilled people • Since the split in the NP, English said PROF. SAMPIE TERREBLANCHE in an interview with it can' get. We have simply speaking support has increased Stanley Uys of. the Sunday Times, not spent enough on blacks. • The New National Party will unleash But that kind of Below is an extract from They have never counted After the Second World reforming powers of unexpected dynamism . expenditure would put a that interview: the economic cost of War, democratic systems • The tax cápacity of the economy. sets .heavy burden on the whites. There has been a chronic political democratisation. were granted to Third important limits on contitutional and political Yet it will have to be tendency in the National South Africa is a Third I World countries, but hardly undertaken: not for change causing it to adapt stage by stage . Party to do too little too World country, with a any of them have remained humanitarian reason - we • If P.F.P. demands were met immediately late. dynamic, modern sector. democracies. are not at that point yet - there would be an economic collapse; a Only since the split have But it is a very small sector . Democracy coupled with ' but to keep the wheels of breakdown in ci~ standards we really had the potential considering that the total a trade union movement this capitalist economy • To bring about evolutionary change we to become a reform party, population numbers nearly generates massive demands turning. and it is perhaps too early 30-million. will need to change the hearts and minds of through parliament on the Even that would not be to judge whether, in the new If the blacks sit in whites - and this will take a long time economic system and only enough. We would have to circumstances, the . Parliament. they will have • .The P.F.P. and the English-language highly industrialised improve housing, transport, the bargaining power to press, with certain exceptions, have become a Government will be able to co uritries are able to, recreational and other make all manner of stumbling block to reform, because they want do enough. support the burden. \ facilities for the newly demands. But the tax But I believe the New South Africa is a IimiJeil skilled people. to go too far too fast capacity of the economy National Party, as I call it, democracy - limited to the All the services, like • South Africa can proceed up to a certain sets important ilmits on will unleash reforming whites. I don't think this is pensions, for which the point at this stage; and then to a further point constitutional and political powers of unexpected justified any longer. The TERREBLANCHE Government is responsible at a later stage • change. dynamism and that in 10 base needs to be broadened, reflect discrimination. But Why did Britain refuse to Apartheid is more than a • The N.P. have made adaptations, but the years South Africa will be a but in such a way and at equalisation at this stage is very different country. allow one man one vote in such a pace that it does not policy. It's a structure. And P.F.P. has not adapted; we have a New it's not possible to abolish just not possible. National Party - now what we need is a New We can't talk about the 1832 Reform Acts? over-stress the economy. All we can do at this Afrikaner unity any longer. Because the country was a structure overnight. P.F.P. stage is to narrow the gap, stiU in the early stages of the SCALE DOWN . All we can do is to start (Sunday Times Interview 27th March 1983) The National Party is no and whites must realise they industrial ..evolution. STANDARDS dismantling our structure longer the party of will have to take a knock Even modest reforms in over a very, very long HUMAN FACE Afrikaner unity. What and make big sacrifices. 'tapse, a breakdown in civi- South Africa would make it period. happened last year was • Many' English- . Another favourite lised standards. Here, I am necessary for whites to scale But there is no realisation traumatic. There was a speakers will accept this but demand of the P.F.P. and not talking about the white down their standard of of' this among English- complete change of attitude many others often dismiss the English-language Press man's luxurious lifestyle, living overthe next 10or 20 speakers - that it will within the N.P. Afrikaner the Prime Minister's is for civil rights without but about South Africa's years by at least 20 percent: necessarilyhave to be a long unity has been finally initiative as "cosmetic". discrimination. civilised standards, as an that would be the price we and painful process, even shattered. Have they done their Discrimination can be industrialised, Western- English-speakers are would have to pay for.' a for the richest whites, and homework on the economic abolished though only if orientated country. modest process of demo- possibly particularly for welcome to join the implications of putting too there is one man one vote. As whites we are all cratisation. them. The problems of National Party. About 25 much bargaining power too Personally, I don't like terribly spoiled. To bring percent of them supported' If coloureds and Indians South Africa cannot be discrimination. I admit about evolutionary change ' acquired bargaining power solved by economic growth early in the hands of poor the N.p. in the 1977 general and unproductive people? there are indefensible forms we will need to change the elections, and possibly the on a Parliamentary level - alone. The Government's of it, but Ialso believe it is hearts and minds of whites, same percentage in the 1981 and blacks for what it is Consider the gap between constitutional reforms are possible to give apartheid a and this will take a long general elections. Since the worth on a eonfederal level Staté expenditure on whites much more significant than .more human face, and I time. For this we will need split in the N.P., English- - and if we wanted to and blacks. To close the is generally recognised. hope that is what is the help of the Afrikaans speaking support, we gap, Government spending Once they get off the happening now, churches, whose role will be believe, has increased. would .have to be at least ground and acquire their H the Government meets crucial. The N.P. for too long one-and-a-half tirnes the own momentum, they are the P_F.P's demands there was an Afrikaner clan, and GNP and this is just not going to be truly significant. will be an economic col- cont. on pg. 8. with-people like Treurnicht Story of the. Businessman possible. on its right wing who would blame the English-speaker MR. CHRIS HEUNIS, Minister of for not supporting the Consitutional Development, says that Government? But the whenever he met a certain important English- situation has changed speaking businessman, the man would say to . entirely. him: "Please teUthe Prime Minister I supperr him." Mr 'Chris*** Heunis Eventually, Mr Heunis replied: "No, I wiU (Minister of Constitutional not tell him until I am sure you have voted for Development) says that a National Party candidate." To which the whenever he met a certain businessman replied: "But I can't do that - important English-speaking .I am chairman of a P.F.P. branch." businessman, the man • 'This is not good enough, writes Prof. would say to him: "Please Terreblanche. If people support the Prime tell the Prime Minister I support him." Minister in his initiative they must also support Eventually, Mr Heunis him in his struggle against the right wing. replied: "No, I will not tell him until I am sure you have voted for a National . It was only during the spend adequately on Party candidate." To which First World War that education and on improving the businessman replied: Britain and the industria- their quality of life, whites "But I can't do that - I am lised countries got effective would not be able to chairman of a P.F.P. universal franchise. maintain their present branch." Once a country has an position of privilege and electoral democracy there is protection. SUPPORT IN inevitably a welfare state - . The way the English- HIS STRUGGLE health, education, welfare language press talks, one This is no good. 'If people spending, medical services. would imagine that if support the Prime Minister Thé crucial factor then is apartheid were to be lifted in his initiative they must whether it can afford this tomorrow, the economy also support him in his economic price. would jump like a jack out . struggle against the right of a box and there would be wing.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
    The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition.
    [Show full text]
  • State Reform Policy in South Africa
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. TRANSFORMATION 7 (1988) ARTICLE STATE REFORM POLICY IN SOUTH AFRICA Mike Morris & Vishnu Padayachee INTRODUCTION A variety of contradictions and conflicts within capital and between the state and the popular classes coalesced in the late 1970s and early 1980s causing an economic and political crisis within South African society. It became clear to all and sundry that the narrow strictures of apartheid policy could no longer provide the social basis for political stability and sustain further accumulation. The social structure of accumulation that underlay the previous cycle of social and economic development brought forth more contradictions than it resolved. Hence a major restructuring by the state was required and a new social structure of accumulation had to emerge if the crisis that had been engendered was to be resolved. In this regard a number of trajectories were always potentially available to South African society depending on the particular configurations of class forces that were thrown up. It is not, however, our intention to dwell on historically 'lost options', except to bear in mind that what held true for the past also holds for the present and future. There are always different possible means of resolving a crisis of the social structure of accumulation in any society, and different resolutions - which are always class resolutions - will produce different paths of social/economic development.
    [Show full text]
  • Colin Eglin, the Progressive Federal Party and the Leadership of the Official Parliamentary Opposition, 1977‑1979 and 1986‑1987
    Journal for Contemporary History 40(1) / Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis 40(1): 1‑22 © UV/UFS • ISSN 0285‑2422 “ONE OF THE ARCHITECTS OF OUR DEMOCRACY”: COLIN EGLIN, THE PROGRESSIVE FEDERAL PARTY AND THE LEADERSHIP OF THE OFFICIAL PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION, 1977‑1979 AND 1986‑1987 FA Mouton1 Abstract The political career of Colin Eglin, leader of the Progressive Federal Party (PFP) and the official parliamentary opposition between 1977‑1979 and 1986‑1987, is proof that personality matters in politics and can make a difference. Without his driving will and dogged commitment to the principles of liberalism, especially his willingness to fight on when all seemed lost for liberalism in the apartheid state, the Progressive Party would have floundered. He led the Progressives out of the political wilderness in 1974, turned the PFP into the official opposition in 1977, and picked up the pieces after Frederik van Zyl Slabbert’s dramatic resignation as party leader in February 1986. As leader of the parliamentary opposition, despite the hounding of the National Party, he kept liberal democratic values alive, especially the ideal of incremental political change. Nelson Mandela described him as, “one of the architects of our democracy”. Keywords: Colin Eglin; Progressive Party; Progressive Federal Party; liberalism; apartheid; National Party; Frederik van Zyl Slabbert; leader of the official parliamentary opposition. Sleutelwoorde: Colin Eglin; Progressiewe Party; Progressiewe Federale Party; liberalisme; apartheid; Nasionale Party; Frederik van Zyl Slabbert; leier van die amptelike parlementêre opposisie. 1. INTRODUCTION The National Party (NP) dominated parliamentary politics in the apartheid state as it convinced the majority of the white electorate that apartheid, despite the destruction of the rule of law, was a just and moral policy – a final solution for the racial situation in the country.
    [Show full text]
  • RUTH HAYMAN: a Tribute by Alan Paton 11 PLEA to the N.G
    its ^' • liflifsi : .;:«: \--*m. -^A\- :-?&••..• . - "•••'•'•• •• •:•:••'"., 1 •.:.;•:••• • ••;:..••.:' •VWfiHBJitlllllSS ••• •••••• ••:::,: \\::M: .•: •. .:••:::::••:••. • i«i.-.i:-i;v.:- • \,LV":>.-:,'- • v^:-:;,;.:;-:., ;•.•-••.•--.,•• .•••,,•'••••... MmSBMimm r^^^^^¥^.^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^i^^^^^s^^^^ . ;:'%.<y:«5*? ,;•;:,.. ' v.::- ... -. ••--.. ••••• ••:;:/;••.:. •. m <• •••:•:•;'. ••>&- V--:- ••.•,t::- v^, : f iMMmZmMiM ' Illi A JOURNAL OF LIBERAL AND RADICAL OPINION Vol. 14 No. 1 ISSIMOO34-0979 January 1982 A in this issue... EDITORIAL The Eye of the Beholder 2 ALAN PATON'S 'AH, BUT YOUR LAND IS BEAUTIFUL' by Peter Brown 3 GLIMPSES INTO SOUTH AFRICA-JULUKA MUSIC by Nhlanhia Ngcobo. 4 JUSTICE - TRANSKEI STYLE by Tiresiaa 7 RUTH HAYMAN: A tribute by Alan Paton 11 PLEA TO THE N.G. KERK FROM THE NYANGA BUSH PEOPLE 12 PASSES AND PLACES TO STAY by L F Platzky 13 THE REMOVAL OF ROOSBOOM by Elliot MngadL 17 Articles printed in Reality do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the Editorial Board. EDITORIAL THE EYE OF THE BEHOLDER It's amazing the things you can see if you want to. Not The truth of the matter is that the Indian people were not long ago the Minister of Internal Affairs, Mr. Chris Heunis, an enthusiastic electorate and they do not want separate went on an apartheid-boosting trip to the United States. representation in a multi-national institution. Even those There he is reported to have said 'The majority of Afri­ who stood in the election insisted that they were only doing kaners have matured and become more inclusive so in the hope that it would be a step towards an effective this heralds a beautiful new dispensation for all of us .... say in the central Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • CRI11CAL ARTS a Journal Ipr Media Studies CRITICAL ARTS
    CRI11CAL ARTS A Journal ipr Media Studies CRITICAL ARTS Editor Keyan G Tomaselli Consulting Editors Organizers Susan Gardner Durban: Mike Vaughan Joe Muller Oxford: Shaun Johnson Ian Steadman Sao Paulo: Ismail Xavier Ruth Tomaselli USA East Coast: Peter Davis Harriet Gavshon USA West Coast: David Mesenbring Editorial Board Business Manager Eve Bertelsen Neale Ferguson Tim Couzens Graham Hayman David Maughan Brown Robert Stam Published by: Distributed by: Critical Arts Study Group Critical Arts Study Group Printed by Central Printing Unit Rhodes University University of the Witwatersrand P O Box 94 I Jan Smuts Avenue Grahamstown 6140 2(H)1 Johannesburg, South Africa South Africa Copyright is vested with Editors ami individual authors. Contents Vol Z No 3 198 2 Notes on Contributors ii Editorial iii Preface: The National Press Union and the Steyn Commission: Getting the Press to do its Own Dirty Work -- Irvin Manoim iv MAJOR ARTICLES 'How to Set Your House in Order1: Read All About it in Steyn Commission II -- Keyan Tomaselli & Ruth Tomaselli 1 Soviets and Surrogates: Black Nationalism and the Steyn Commission -- Tom Lodge 23 BIBLIOGRAPHY The Steyn Commissions: An Annotated Bibliography Abner Jack 29 CONFERENCE REPORT Class, Race or Culture: Kho is the Enemy? The Botswana "Culture and Resistance" Conference -- Graham Hayman 33 INTERCHANGE Breaker Uorant: A Response -- Peter Strauss 49 Breaker Morant: Missing the Point? -- MM Carlin 51 Breaker Moranv and Questions of Interpretation and Critical Strategy: A Reply to MM Carlin and Peter Strauss
    [Show full text]
  • Observations on the South African Elections
    A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No. 73 • June 4, 1987 Observations on the South African Elections by Heribert Adam Of the 3 million white South Africans eligible to vote in officeholders and imagery. On the contrary, Afrikaner the May 6, 1987 election, 67.97 percent cast ballots. At nationalists are seen by the majority of English-speaking stake were 166 directly elected seats in the (white) whites as the most trustworthy guardians of security. House of Assembly of the country's tricameral English support for the NP during the 1983 referendum parliament, plus 12 additional members nominated or on the new constitution was an endorsement of reform indirectly elected in proportion to the parties' electoral and power sharing; the 1987 support of the NP, on the strength. The National Party (which has held power other hand, was motivated by concern over "law and since 1948) received 52.45 percent of the total votes order." cast and 133 seats (a gain of 6 seats), the Conservative In the past, Afrikaners supported the National Party Party 26.37 percent and 23 seats (a gain of 5), and the because it was perceived as an emotional, ethnic home. Herstigte Nasionale Party 3.14 percent (but lost its one This perception tended to generate a lifelong allegiance. parliamentary seat). Thus, the status quo and The NP's new constituency of fearful English-speakers ultra-rightist parties took about 82 percent of the vote. makes the party's support more volatile, more As for the parties to the "left" of the NP, the Progressive vulnerable to swings in the national mood, and more Federal Party received 14.1 percent of the vote and 20 dependent on efficient media manipulation.
    [Show full text]
  • Great Expectations: Pres. PW Botha's Rubicon Speech of 1985
    Pres. PW Botha’s Rubicon speech Great expectations: Pres. PW Botha’s Rubicon speech of 1985 Hermann Giliomee Department of History University of Stellenbosch The law of the Roman republic prohibited its generals from crossing with an army the Rubicon river between the Roman province of Cisalpine Gaul to the north and Italy proper to the south. The law thus protected the republic from internal military threat. When Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon with his army in 49 BC to make his way to Rome, he broke that law and made armed conflict inevitable. He reputedly uttered the phrase: alea iacta est (“the die is cast”) Wikipedia Here is an infallible rule: a prince who is not himself wise cannot be well advised, unless he happens to put himself in the hands of one individual who looks after all his affairs and is an extremely shrewd man. Machiavelli, The Prince, p. 127 Samevatting Die toespraak wat Pres. PW Botha op 15 Augustus 1985 voor die kongres van die Nasionale Party (NP) van Natal gehou het, word algemeen erken as een van die keerpunte in die geskiedenis van die NP-regering. Daar is verwag dat die president in sy toespraak verreikende hervormings sou aankondig, wat die regering in staat sou stel om die skaakmat in onderhandelings met swart leiers en internasionale isolasie te deurbreek. Botha se toespraak is egter wyd baie negatief ontvang. Vorige artikels beklemtoon sy persoonlikheid as `n verklaring of blameer die “onrealistiese verwagtings” wat RF (Pik) Botha, Minister van Buitelandse Sake, gewek het. Hierdie artikel probeer die gebeure rondom die toespraak verklaar deur die gebeure twee weke voor die toespraak te ontleed, bestaande interpretasies van pres.
    [Show full text]
  • Background, May 1977, Part 1
    SOUTH AFRICA Background Information TABLE OF CONTENTS Profile 1 History 3 Government 4 Political Conditions 5 The White Community 5 Principal Government Officials 6 Governmental Institutions for Coloreds and Asians 7 Political Institutions for Africans 7 Economy 8 Investment 10 Trade 10 Minerals 12 Manufacturing 12 Racial Problems and the Economy 13 Foreign Relations 14 - 1 - PROFILE People POPULATION: 26.1 million (1976) ~st.) ANNUAL GROWTH RATE: 2.5% DENSITY: 53 per square mile (20 per sq. km.) ETHNIC GROUPS: Whites -- 4.3 million; Africans 18.6 million; Coloreds -- 2.4 million; Asians -- 746,000. RELIGIONS: Christian, traditional African. LANGUAGES: English and Afrikaans (official), Zulu, Xhosa, Tswana, North and South Sotho, and others. LIFE EXPECTANCY: Whites: 64 (males), 72 (females); Asians: 59 (males), 64 (females); Africans: 51 (males), 58 (females); Coloreds: 49 (males), 56 (females). Geography AREA: 472,359 sq. mi. (1,223,404 sq. km.) I including the enclave of Walvis Bay, 434 sq. mi. (1,124 sq. km.) i about twice the size of Texas. CAPITALS: Administrative-- Pretoria (population 563,000), Legislative -- Cape Town (1,108,000), Judicial -- Bloemfontein (182,000). OTHER CITIES: Johannesburg (1,441,000), Durban (851,000). Government TYPE: Republic -- parliamentary in form with franchise limited to white adults. INDEPENDENCE: May 31, 1910 (Union of South Africa was created); became a soverelgn state wi thin the British Empire in 1934. On May 31, 1961. Soutb Africa Q'IICiiom'll a repl1b1i.c and, in Octooer 1961,~eft the British Commonwealth. CONSTITUTION: May 31, 1961. -2- BRANCHES: Executive -- State President (Chief of State), elected to a 7-year term.
    [Show full text]
  • Indaba Meets Again to Plan Tactics, Despite Discouraging Response Political Staff It Was Also Likely That Mr Posals Were Harshly Criticised
    unis's reacti : th t ck .. Indaba meets again to plan tactics, despite discouraging response Political Staff It was also likely that Mr posals were harshly criticised. Heunis would be given a moti- Mr Heunis today defended Mr DURBAN - The Natal/kwaZu- vation for a referendum in Botha's right to make the state- lu Indaba meets today to plan Natal on the proposals. ment before the Government tactics and tie up crucial loose There is now no doubt that had considered the proposals . ends in the face of discouraging members of the Indaba will go Mr Botha, as leader . of the Government reaction to its pro- ahead with their referendum if National Party in Natal, was re- posals. the Government refuses to hold presented at the Indaba with ob- In the latest setback, Consti- one. server status. tutional Development Minister This has been confirmed by "Quite obviously he has the Mr Chris Heunis has emphasised Mr Frank Martin, former elect- right to respond and to com- that he gave no assurance that a ed Natal MEC and a co-sponsor meat on proposals in the prov- referendum would definitely be of the Indaba . ince of which he is a political held to test the opinions of the leader," Mr Heunis said WRAP--UP . people of Natal. Mr Heunis 'aid it was too pre- However, in an interview The Indaba could also present mature to speculate on probabi- today he did not close the door its economic and education pro- lities, before the Government on the proposals, or on the possi- posals after tomorrow's meet- had received the report.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of South Africa, Third Edition
    A HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA [To view this image, refer to the print version of this title.] Praisefor earliereditionsof A Historyof SouthAfrica "Highlyreadable.... Fora neatlycompressed,readable,authoritative accountofSouthAfricanhistory,thisbookwilltakesomesurpassing." -Paul Maylam,JournalofAfricanHistory "In A HistoryofSouthAfricaLeonardThompson againproveshismettleas an historianbyaugmentinghisowninsightswiththe bestofthoseofhis erstwhilecritics.... Thegreateststrengthofthisworkisitspresentationof suchasweepingandcomplexhistoryin someofthe most lucidproseto be found in suchatext.It isan excellentchoiceforan introductorycourse,as wellasoneofthe bestwindowsforthe generalreaderto gainperspectiveon contemporarySouthAfrica:'-Donald Will,AfricaToday "Thismagisterialhistorythrowsafloodlighton SouthAfrica'scurrentcrisis byexaminingthe past.The absurdityoftheapartheidphilosophyof racialseparatismisunderscoredbythe author's argument (backedwith convincingresearchmaterial)that the genesofthe nation'sfirst hunter-gatherersareinextricablymixedwiththoseofmodem blacks andwhites."-PublishersWeekly "Shouldbecomethe standard generaltextfor SouthAfricanhistory.It is recommendedforcollegeclassesandanyoneinterestedin obtaininga historicalframeworkinwhichto placeeventsoccurringin SouthAfrica today:'-Roger B.Beck,History:ReviewsofNewBooks ((Amustforanyseriousstudent ofSouthAfrica:'-Senator DickClark, Directorofthe SouthernPolicyForum,TheAspenInstitute,Washington,D.C. "Thisisabook that fillsa greatneed.Asan up-to-date aridauthoritative summaryofSouthAfricanhistorybyoneof
    [Show full text]
  • The Insurgent Origins of Democratization in South Africa Paper Presented to the First Annual Graduate Student Conference For
    The Insurgent Origins of Democratization in South Africa Paper presented to the First Annual Graduate Student Conference for Comparative Research, May 8-9, 1999. By Alan Emery 1. Introduction Very little is known about how social movements impact states. Even less is known about the relationship between social movement action and democratic regime change. Some of the reasons for this lacunae stem from the difficulties studying the impacts of movements on states that are opaque—much state action occurs behind the closed doors of an authoritarian regime. In this paper, I show how social movement insurgency was crucial in creating the possibilities for democratization in South Africa. I proceed in three steps. First, I show that the state initiated reform program of the late 1970s and early 1980s was intended to modernize racial domination by elaborating racial distinctions at every level of the state. State implementation of a modernized racial domination strongly undermines arguments that suggest the state initiated democratization. Second, I show that social movement insurgency disrupted the state’s racial modernization agenda by collapsing black local government structures, bringing state initiatives to a halt. Third, I show that state response was contradictory partialized: the initial and overwhelming response was severe repression in an attempt to get the racial modernization program back on track. However, at the same time, it led to covert negotiations. Failed repression created a stalemate, but also create an opportunity for those who favored negotiation to bring a democratization agenda into the state. Modernizing Racism: Racial Confederalism and Racial Consociationalism In August of 1979, Prime Minister P.
    [Show full text]
  • INTRODUCTION an Afrikaner's Long Walk to Reconciliation Leon Wessels
    1 INTRODUCTION An Afrikaner’s long walk to reconciliation Leon Wessels has been through changes since he rode behind Verwoerd in 1964, writes Kevin Ritchie A young man sits atop a white horse, looking resolutely into the camera. The caption tells us he’s part of an honour guard during the erstwhile National Party’s 50th anniversary celebrations in de Wildt, a small town in the old western Transvaal, in 1964. The rider is waiting to escort the then prime minister of apartheid South Africa Hendrik Verwoerd. The caption tells us that the rider would ultimately become the first NP cabinet minister to apologise publicly for apartheid to a democratic South Africa. The rider is Leon Wessels, a co-author of South Africa’s much-lauded Constitution and a two-term commissioner at South Africa’s Human Rights Commission. The picture was taken almost 43 years ago by David Goldblatt, today an internationally acclaimed photographer, then a Jewish South African shopkeeper from a mining village west of Johannesburg with what would become a burning passion for documentary photography. The image, one of 100 photographs of a cross section of Afrikaners taken throughout the 1960’s was first published in 1975 as a book entitled Some Afrikaners Photographed. The book immediately became a cause célèbre, reviled by the Afrikaner establishment and gingerly treated by the English media with even The Sunday Times refusing to run a review of it, because it challenged the official Afrikaner view of racial superiority and divine ordination. This week a new addition, Some Afrikaners Revisited, was released 32 years after the first one and 13 years into South Africa’s democracy.
    [Show full text]