Introduction: Deconstructing Violence: Power, Force, and Social Transformation Author(S): Ronaldo Munck Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol

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Introduction: Deconstructing Violence: Power, Force, and Social Transformation Author(s): Ronaldo Munck Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 35, No. 5, Violence: Power, Force, and Social Transformation (Sep., 2008), pp. 3-19 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27648116 . Accessed: 09/04/2013 22:22

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This content downloaded from 133.30.212.120 on Tue, 9 Apr 2013 22:22:34 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Introduction

Deconstructing Violence

Power, Force, and Social Transformation by Ronaldo Munck

for the a "Especially 'civilised7 person, violence is not pretty subject. It is ugly enough tomake the most cheerful thinker pessimistic/' says John Keane (2004: 7). This may indeed be the case, but if anything it increases the urgency a of theoretical, political, and moral deconstruction of violence in the contem porary world. This collection of essays addresses the various forms or modal ities of violence and the various means or of dealing with moving beyond it. It attention to also pays particular the complex relationship among sex, gender, and violence. In this introduction I seek to situate the various contri butions in the broader context of critical debates on violence. We need tomove or and awe" in beyond paralysis "shock the face of overpowering shows of to construct a force transformative understanding of the role of violence in contemporary society.

SCALES OF VIOLENCE

a scene on We may begin with the ground in Fallujah, Iraq, in 2004 (Abdul Ahad, 2004):

They can't see what they are shooting at but shout Allahu-Akbar all the same, and everyone starts giving numbers of how many Americans they have killed. Then another man shows up, shortish and in his 40's, and while everyone is or as ducking hiding behind columns, he strolls about if he is in the park. an Another fighter loads RPG for him and the guy turnswith the thing on his shoulder as if looking for the direction he should shoot in. Someone shouts: 'Tush him into the street before he fires it at us!" Another fighter grabs him around his waist and him to corner pushes the where he stands, bullets whizzing around him, takes his time, and?boom!?fires his RPG. He stands there until someone grips his pants and pulls him in.

This is a different scale of very violence from that practiced by the imperial that invaded and the powers occupied country. That particular display of vio or lence had nothing amateurish artisanal about it; rather, itwas The Empire Strikes Back in full throat. The so-called revolution in military affairs had

Ronaldo Munck is theme leader for internationalization and social at development Dublin City and a editor of Latin American He on University participating Perspectives. has written widely Latin his most recent America, book being Contemporary Latin America (2008). His current on research is globalization and human security. The collective thanks him and coeditor Mo Hume for organizing this issue.

LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 162, Vol. 35 No. 5, September 2008 3-19 DOI: 10.1177/0094582X08321952 ? 2008 Latin American Perspectives

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if allowed for "precision targeting/' but that failed it could be replaced by use overwhelming of firepower immune from political considerations about civilian "collateral damage/' The above-mentioned "shortish" man in his 40s, a as a a deaf-mute, it turned out, had family and lived in community. At least some was an of these people thought that he morally justified in using RPG (however ineptly) against the American occupiers of his land. In and are this vignette, power morality starkly highlighted, and before I to era return the question of scales of violence in the of globalization Iwant to examine these unavoidable questions. Frantz Fanon, in "Concerning Violence/7 the dominant section of his classic The Wretched of the Earth (1969), seen Hannah as iswidely (for example, by Arendt [1969]) glorifying violence own for its sake. Certainly, his existentialist-influenced anticolonialism did him to in context teach believe, the of the Algerian struggle for independence, that use an the of violence by the colonized could have ontologically empow But was a ering effect. beyond this rather vague abstraction historical analysis an of the violence of colonization and understanding (only proven by odd a exceptions perhaps) that "decolonisation is always violent phenomenon" we can new (Fanon, 1969:131). Today understand the "global terrorism" only new in terms of the ideology of imperialism. as an Since the collapse of communism alternative social order and the end Western a of the cold war, imperialism has gone through remarkable moral rehabilitation. Global neoliberalism has sounded the death-knell for national ist inwhat was once at regimes called the Third World, least in terms of being a a able to articulate successful autocentric development model. John Casey, Cambridge academic, argues in realist mode thatWestern powers "can now do what they like" in the ex-colonial world and concludes that "those of us never nor who have disavowed the imperial past sought to cloak natural not interest with moral sanctimoniousness will be troubled by this" (quoted in Furedi, 1994:101). In practice, the years since the end of the cold war and what now seems the rather quaint rule of d?tente have been marked by unbridled not Western (mainly but exclusively U.S.) intervention, deploying unprece dented levels of violence, against postcolonial governments. it seem I am some At this point may that simply trying to justify forms of as a reaction an as a violence against others. From analytical opposed to moral we perspective, might indeed argue that violence is "productive" and not just a "repressive" in Foucaldian power-analytic sense. Force has material, social, as on and cultural effects. Violence "works," those the receiving end and those who exercise it for political advantage know. But does this agnostic stance not us leave bereft of criteria for choosing between the exercise of power as repres use to sion and its foster social transformation and human freedom? Nancy no Fraser argues persuasively that "Foucault has basis for distinguishing, for . . . example, forms of power that involve domination from those that do not. Clearly, what Foucault needs, and needs desperately, are normative criteria for distinguishing acceptable from unacceptable forms of power" (1989: 32-33). a We could, of course, establish typology of forms of violence and different uses on a continuum to of force from relatively benign repugnantly malign. However, in practice this creates huge problems, for example, with Gandhi's a a "pacifism" in its relation to struggle (not term abstracted from power or force) for independence and with judicial debates on what constitutes a

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in "reasonable" level of force resisting crime. We could also question the term "acceptable" as used here in terms of any robust and universal criteria. Witness, for example, the debates during the Troubles inNorthern Ireland around what constituted an level of a precisely "acceptable violence" for the state. Surely democratic and state would a properly legitimate have zero-tolerance policy toward all forms of violence? Perhaps the only sustainable moral stance is to be opposed to all forms of violence? After all, who is to decide who is a a "terrorist" and who is "freedom fighter"? we Following Ted Hondereich (1976: 48), could simply argue that the dis tinctive political concept of violence refers to "a use of force to effect decisions against the desire of others." Of course, this definition excludes "random" or violence. it on "gratuitous" interpersonal However, has the merit of focusing the use of force in a context in a prohibited which the state retains monopoly over the means of violence. It also chimes with Foucault's use of the term in its sense as "power" primary etymological the capacity to do certain things. In this and in this sense, only sense, his conception of power is normatively neutral. Against negative/repressive conceptions of power, we are therefore to on required focus the "positive" nature of "power over" individuals and war things. If is the continuation of politics by other means, as Clausewitz had then violence be seen as a form in it, may particular of power political struggle. not as a Political violence is often studied political phenomenon in its own right (but see Jabri, 1996, and the studies inMunck and de Silva, 2000). "Acts of violence" are and usually pathologized "men of violence" simply deemed the Where beyond political pale. analytical insight is sought it usually takes or the form of finding deep underlying structural causes for violence. Thus, for the of the Troubles in example, genesis Northern Ireland is "explained" in terms of high levels of Catholic unemployment, housing and job discrimina or some tion, other underlying political discourse. Violence is seen to have its roots in social, economic, political, and cultural disadvantage and discrimina tion. While these are undoubtedly background explanatory factors, the prob as lem, Allen Feldman (1991: 19-20) has pointed out, is that "violence is . . denuded of any intrinsic semantic or causal character. . Violence is treated as a and psychological artefact surface effect of the origin." Yet, in practice, contextual is often a prior motivation secondary issue and is, in any case, quite unstable. Violence is in productive Foucauldian terms not only in its effects but in its construction of political identities. Subject positions are constructed and reconstructed in by violent performances which ideological rationale is less important than human agency. common but Another usually flawed device for the analysis of violence is recourse or the to categorization typologization in terms of various dimen sions. Thus we have Johann Galtung's (1969) classic "triangle" of violence, with its economic, political, and social apexes. Certainly this scheme is better a than simple linear continuum of violence, which should be seen, rather, as and multidirectional. But we can always multilayered the notion that analyti cally distinguish between, for example, "social" and "political" violence does seem somewhat illusory and omits the fundamental element of violence's dis cursive construction. This basic "realist" taxonomy shows its limitations most clearly where "criminal" is distinguished from "noncriminal" violence when this distinction is mainly derived from the socially and politically constructed law It of the land. is simply the legal definition by the state that differs. We see

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a this definitional shift, for example, when state deems the political violence an of insurgent simply "criminal." In reality, binary opposition (criminal a noncriminal, domestic-public, urban-rural, etc.) is rather weak taxonomy as a and even weaker guide for critical analysis and understanding. am an I going to propose analysis of the complex forms of violence in the we on an postmodern global information society live in that is based under some standing of the politics of scale. Human geographers have for time on on focused attention the complex and social production of scale the assumption that there is nothing ontologically given about traditional social or science divisions between home and locality between the natural and the we global scale of human activity (see Marston, 2000). Can better understand violence in terms of scalar relations, processes, or dynamics? as Power is always spatialized, and, Foucault demonstrated, it is also a always "embodied." The body is spatial unit of power and the prime site of as a personal identity. It is also, Butler (1993) argues, socially constructed and are cultural focus of gender meanings. Social meaning and social oppression equally constructed in and through the body The gendered body is often the on state first (and the last) scale which the exercises its power through violent a physical inscription of its discourse. It is site of political struggle in which or the class, gender, racial, imperial oppressor seeks to gain physical mastery a over the subaltern. It is also site of resistance through hunger strikes, self use immolation, suicide bombing, and the of weapons. As the site of repro a duction, the body is also principal site in the oppression/liberation of or women. Male and female bodies often live in homes families, another major site of social reproduction and conflict. The home is the primary focus of seen a female activity, while the public domain "outside" is as male domain. men in women While the general interest of is keeping confined to the home, an women often see the community as extension of the home. Most human societies are based on "communities" as sites of social repro duction but also of work, education, recreation, and devotion. Yet, as Neil . . . Smith (2000: 101) puts it, "Community is the least specifically defined of spatial scales, and the consequent vague yet generally affirmative nurturing one meaning attached to 'community' makes it of the most ideologically can appropriated metaphors in contemporary public discourse." There be as a a or conflict in particular sites, such workplace, schoolyard, the street, but seen as can the community itself is benign. Yet community-based struggles also often be parochial and exclusivist, violently opposing those of different or even class, race, national, neighborhood origins. Arthur Kleinman (2000: ... 238) makes the broader point that "violence is the vector of cultural processes that work through the salient images, structures, and engagements of everyday life to shape local worlds." The social world of the community is at or created, normalized, and legitimized, least in part, through violence the threat of its use. one The nation-state scale of human activity is the most closely associated with the "legitimate" exercise of violence. A simple if somewhat reductionist were definition of the state has always been "armed bodies of men." If people use violent by nature, it seemed wise to have the of violence monopolized by a as rational and impersonal body such the state. The nation-state is empow ered and, indeed, bound to use violence of the most extreme form to defend

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"the nation," whether that be its boundaries in case of invasion or its "inter ests" as defined the rulers of the by political day. The nation-state is always at least in its gendered: mythological construction, it is invariably female and its are women defenders always men, while may "keep the home fires burn ing." The symmetry of violence in the era of the nation-state has since been wars broken by subnational and by the networked violence of AI Qaeda and "information-era guerrillas" like the Zapatistas alike. we to more on Today probably need focus much the global scale of violent than in the Both criminal and activity past. political violence have always been but we transnational, why do today have the issue of "global terror," and what does itmean? There is an emerging security paradigm that focuses on global social exclusion and the instability caused by social conflict as well as criminal and "terrorist" violence (see Duffield, 2001). While the world ismore in economic terms than no integrated ever, there is stable regime of gover nance, and the dynamic is exclusionary. Quite apart from the more visible insurgencies in parts of theMuslim world, there is the underresearched flour ishing of violent international criminal networks. As Castells (1998: 167) writes, "The flexible connection of these criminal activities in international net an new works constitutes essential feature of the global economy, and of the social/political dynamics of the Information Age." An ambitious Economic and Social Research Council on (UK) research program "new security chal to new as lenges" pointed the need for thinking: "As far the defence estab lishment has been concerned, the post-Cold War world was revealed to contain a new and unfamiliar range of political challenges, stresses and vio lent The spasms" (ESRC, 2003). state-centered, national approach to security continued to be the in the new accepted paradigm absence of thinking and In the the dominant world was even an policy. U.S.A., power, there explicit return to the theme of as a "empire" strategy for dealing with global instabil and ity challenges post-9/11. The phenomenon of the "postmodern war" (see Gray, 1997; Kaldor, 1999)?decentralized rather than centralized, about iden tity politics rather than geopolitical, subnational rather than between nation new of states?requires understandings the operation of complex globalized a violence instead of simple reassertion of naked power. For now, the domi nant is to in paradigm seek security theWestern "homelands" while accept the ing normalization of endemic violence and instability for less fortunate regions of the world. From to the body the global and back again, contemporary violence can be seen as a of actions set in the context a repertoire of complex politics of a scale. To seek simple "explanation" for violence at either the individual or the level would be futile and us global might distract from the study of its manifestations and its consequences. Violence, from this perspective, cannot be seen as an unfortunate aberration in an otherwise civilized world from which we should avert our also gaze (see the post-poststructuralist analysis of in violence Moore, 1994). Much of human history and social transforma on tion has been based force. From everyday violence to the ultimate vio lence of human annihilation, violence is part of the world around us. While the nation-state era has found to deal with it ways (however imperfectly), the era of globalization has not yet found stability in the midst of chaos in the world order.

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GENDERED VIOLENCE

"In contemporary [1980s] Belfast," wrote Allen Feldman (1991: 69), "the are a stiff and the act of stiffing related to set of indexical terms that infer states or of destroyed altered embodiment. In paramilitary vernacular, the targeted male victim, prior to being stiffed, is 'a cunt/ To 'knock his cunt in' is a tar to or a geting phrase that refers the infliction of fatal violence, beating." Be that as no itmay, there is need to justify consideration of the gendered and sexu alized nature of violence. Another, even pre-Troubles Belfastism was the act of "giving the message," which served to denote heterosexual intercourse and same grievous bodily harm at the time. We could, of course, be more succinct as our and take working hypothesis the statement by Barbara Ehrenreich (1987: xvi) that "it is not only that men make wars, but that wars make men" or JeffHearn's (1998: 36) assertion that "it ismen who dominate the business of violence and who specialise in violence." Men?from the Spartans toGeorge Bush and friends?have indeed dominated men are the business of war, and the overwhelmingly dominant partner in all forms of domestic violence. Most societies are patriarchies of one sort or another, at war an a and the contemporary state is very much armed patriarchy. There is continuum between the individual male's practice of domestic violence and the coercive power of themilitary state. The only difference is thatwhen states go to war so on are they invariably do the grounds that they protecting "women and men children." The link between and violence is quite evident, but this does not mean thatwe can view it as timeless and somehow natural. We need to accept, following S. Glenn Gray's (1959) classic The Warriors, war that many soldiers find the sounds of compelling, the speed of bullets erotic, and explosions beautiful. To recognize that this is no aberration we need only turn to the early-twentieth-century Italian futurist movement of Filippo Tommaso Marinetti and friends, with its glorification of the new tech nology of the automobile and the beauty of its speed and power, its exaltation of violence and conflict, and its political support for colonialism and fascism. men sense a Many find fulfillment?a of achievement, certain completeness? war. as a in They revel in its camaraderie, its teamwork, its bonding. Gender, social construction of relations between people, is of course central to all these material and discursive practices. The gendered division of labor?a central feature of all modern societies?is, not surprisingly, manifest in the cultural construction of men as warriors and women as carers. While men fill the ranks of armies, it iswomen who most often oppose mil some itarism and mobilize for peace. For analysts and activists it is mother hood itself that should be the basis of any antimilitarist movement. Thus Sara a Ruddick (1989: Chap. 7) explores "maternal non-violence"as "truth in the making" and argues that the life-affirming /preserving features of mother can hood and do fit in with peace-making activities. This line of reasoning stresses gender differences (rather than the struggle for equality) and argues a a that women's peace movement?and, by extension, movement against all a forms of violence?can be built around preservative mother's love. A cursory war examination of the history of shows that women have indeed often been central to mobilization for peace, and certainly bringing life into the world is the opposite of taking life through violence. The equations of masculine/

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are or violent and feminine/peaceful not, however, simple transparent. For are a set one thing, they part of broader of powerful but disempowering are binary oppositions. They linked with power and knowledge hierarchies that equate "male" with "rational" and "scientific" and "female" with "irra tional" and "intuitive." Neither male nor female can be seen as a universal cat are women are egory. Not all men violent, and not all peace-loving. More are crosscut?to an extent if important, gender categories that may relativize not invalidate them?by class, ethnic, national, regional, and other social divi sions and antagonisms (Cockburn, 1998; Yuval-Davis, 1997). It would be essentialist and reductionist to equate violence with men and peace with women, not least because it assumes an idealized notion of womanhood and structure ignores the power differentials that the world. war war We may consider two images of gender and from the recent in Iraq. The first is of U.S. Private Jessica Lynch, who fell into "enemy" hands. In fact, she was an on being well-looked after in Iraqi hospital, but theworld media focused rescue men her prioritized by her comrades?big armed who snatched her from the enemy and took her "home," where presumably they thought she really was Private belonged. The other U.S. Lynne England, exhibited by the world an on a at as media leading Iraqi prisoner dog leash the Abu Graibh "facility," well as in various acts of sexual humiliation of male prisoners. Though in part was a this simply routinized U.S. "softening-up" interrogation technique, the was as Were as gender element central and widely perceived such. women, then, men versus bad as during wars? Good soldier Lynch bad soldier England? The was subversion of gender stereotypes disruptive of U.S. warring discourse. in What is perhaps most extraordinary considering the gendering of violence as a and conflict is that conflict management theory is still overwhelmingly overview gender-blind. One comprehensive 225-page-long of contemporary conflict resolution (see Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse, 1999) has just notes one page on the "gendered critique of conflict resolution" that the draw backs of leaving women (and women's interests) out of peace processes. The as an "gender question" is often mentioned afterthought along with the "cul ture question," namely, that "non-Western" cultures may view conflict and conflict resolution differently from "ours." It is interesting to ask why this field is so far behind in its "engendering" compared, for example, with devel opment studies. In the latter field, gender mainstreaming has been proceeding apace since the 1980s, to the extent that official World Bank discourse is today are "gender-friendly" and its programs all "gender-proofed." some women While conflict theory has paid empirical attention to as vic as a tims and mediators, gender social category is largely absent. Reimann (2001: 23-24) writes that "gender in its three-fold dimension (individual and structure an gender identity, symbolism of gender of gender) is neither nor an to analytical category integral part of different approaches conflict are management." Most of its categories gender-blind and thus by default are male, given that the main actors in conflict and conflict management a almost entirely male. When "bottom-up" approach is taken, gender ismost as often subsumed under a vague category of "civil society" that is also seen women enter into an usu genderless. Even when do analysis of conflict, it is as ally only empirical interest groups; the categories of analysis remain firmly rationalist, masculinist, and therefore limited at best.

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a a To build gendered understanding of violence and peaceful practice is by no means easy. There is now a considerable literature on women and war (see Ridd and Callaway, 1986; Jacobs, Jacobson, and Marchbank, 2000), but much seems on women of it to focus the integration of into the analysis of conflict. women Thus we can show that have always been involved inwar, women are women can not powerless, become politicized and break through gender stereotypes. This is welcome compared, for example, with another tradition women as a that simply portrays victims of war, conflict, and violence, but towar more. gendered approach and violence must do Gender must be seen in its full formative role in terms of social, political, economic, and cultural relations and also in terms of its transformative potential when gender cate are gorizations disrupted. Spike Peterson (2003:14) has argued that themain transformative insight of a gender analysis is that "the (symbolic, discursive, cultural) privileging of masculinity?not necessarily men?is key to naturalising the corporeal, material and economic power relations that constitute structural hierarchies." Gender ideologies?of difference, hierarchy, and subordination?serve not only to devalorize the subaltern but also to naturalize that inferiority. Global power regimes from classical colonialism to today's hyperimperialism harness gender to subordinate peoples and ethnicities. The colonist "penetrates" the colonized sees as territory, its population "feminine," and revels in the masculinity of we are conquest. By subverting gender categories undermining the architec on ture of global power based racial, national, and class subordination. us a What the gendered approach to violence also points toward, finally, is on greater emphasis the symbolic, subjective, and psychosexual elements of violence (see Harvey and Gow, 1994; Das, Kleinman, and Ramphell, 2000). Thus, in his study of spectacle, psychosexuality, and radical Christianity dur ing Argentina's "dirty war" in the late 1970s and early 1980s, Frank Graziano (1992) points to the messianic mythology of its military perpetrators, for were whom torture and execution "holy acts." In themilitary narrative of the "dirty war," the detained and disappeared (desaparecidos) had literally sinned against God and thus fully merited the horrific treatment they received. Thus was were God's will done and the souls of the sinners "saved" through tor was ture and death. The excessive (in terms of its objectives) violence strate was gic; the spectacle of violence political theater, and the symbolic dimension of "cleansing" went far beyond "necessary" levels of repression. Violence is intimately linked to religious discourses. Christian fundamen talism inspires the warring tendencies of the Bush White House, Islamic fun a damentalism inspires jihad and suicide bombing, and Catholicism has often inspired the sacrifice and blood-letting of political struggle. Religious affilia tion can become the main marker of political faultlines in Northern Ireland, the Balkans, the Middle East, and nearly everywhere else. It is important to understand that these religious differences may mask underlying conflicts over wealth, land, or access to jobs but may also be autonomous and have own effects in their right. A gendered analysis, inmoving beyond seemingly "rational" or "material" approaches to conflict and violence, opens the door to a more nuanced and holistic analysis attuned to the symbolic, discursive, and philosophical dimensions of conflict.

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BEYOND VIOLENCE?

According to Sigmund Freud, "The exercise of violence cannot be avoided are at when conflicting interests stake" (quoted in Keane, 2004: 89). Indeed, wars or much coverage of in Africa, the Balkans, Latin America simply are assumes that (some) humans innately prone to violence. This approach a goes long way toward explaining the fatalism with which violence else a where is viewed from comfortable Western standpoint. Violence and cruelty may well be part of the human condition, but their acceptance as inevitable is a hardly reconcilable with democratic politics of transformation. Whereas in were World War I only one-twentieth of all casualties civilians, during World rose War II the proportion to two-thirds, and today it is estimated that nine tenths of the victims are civilians (Keane, 2004: 16). This shift cannot be an explained in terms of abstract and timeless human nature. Wars?as one particular form of organized violence?are socially con structed; they do not just "happen." Likewise, peace is socially and politically constructed; it cannot be summoned up simply by appealing to the "better a move side" of innately violent humans. But in contemplating beyond vio we more or lence, the first aspect need to consider is the routine dealing cop at we can a case ing with violence. Practically random, take study of violence a in the everyday life of community from Belfast: "Death, injury, physical and verbal abuse, internment, interrogation and torture, early-morning raids, gun are battles, riots, assassinations and constant screening, some of the more on extreme developments to impinge the everyday activity of the people of Anro over the last five years [1973-1978]. Ironically, these same extreme con ditions have become part of the everyday life in that environment" (Burton, or 1978: 19). Ironically not, this is the way most people cope with violence? sense by adjusting to it, "soaking it up," and seeking ways to make of it. our Constant unpredictability in lives is always subjected to normalization. Burton continues: "People have become accustomed to seeing armed British as over soldiers peering in at them they have their tea, accustomed towalking as or spread-eagled marksmen they shop for their cornflakes, casually watch as ing from their front door the latest riot, only seeking safety the lead bullets we see a take over from rubber." Thus, how people seek mechanisms at cog nitive and moral level to make sense of the unthinkable and unknowable. a If violence continues for long enough, it becomes routinized and thus "normalized." or war In reference to the ongoing violencia civil in Colombia, Daniel P?caut (1999: 142) writes of "the banality or ordinariness of violence, which tends to obscure the existence of situations of terror." Violence becomes "trivial," in a no or way, when there is coherent intellectual political explanation for it. nor use When neither political projects belief systems underlie the of violence, it assumes a prosaic, "ordinary" character. For Torres-Rivas (1999: 193), writ a ing about Central America, "the banalisation of fear, consequence of that was an permanent cohabitation with death, not end in itself, but a means." can When political order be imposed only through fear, the citizen must be made to feel terrorized, disoriented, and fatalistic. When normalization of the abnormal occurs, violence has begun to achieve its objectives.

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To move beyond violence and terror rather than seek to live with them, we an require active peace strategy?always bearing inmind that peace is some more war. thing than the absence of Traditionally, peace projects have been conducted "from above" and "from outside" in terms of conflict management a and conflict resolution. This is third-party approach based on the notion of common the "honest broker," from the marriage-breakdown level to that of nuclear standoffs between nation-states. It can take the form of a "hard" real ism, in which powerful outside agencies level the playing field and enforce or a settlement, "soft" realism stressing confidence building and power shar a on an ing. This is strategy based ill-defined notion of reconciliation and does causes not usually address the underlying of the conflict. The United Nations on was system is premised this worldview, and it hegemonic until the end of the cold war and the rise of the "war on terror." a sense even There is growing among its supporters that this traditional model of conflict resolution has reached its limits. Many thinkers now advo a era cate "cosmopolitan" approach to security in the of globalization and the "new wars." Thus Mary Kaldor (1999:149) argues that "the task of the agents of legitimate organised violence, under the umbrella of transnational institu tions, is not external defence as was the case for national or bloc models of con security, but Cosmopolitan law enforcement." Leaving aside the seeming a a tradiction between advocating global cosmopolitanism and maintaining belief in "legitimate organised violence," there is the question of who decides a which "humanitarian war" is legitimate and which is not?who is legitimate part of "global civil society" and who is "uncivil" and therefore subject to the righteous use of violence. Behind the progressive rhetoric of "global civil society" may lie another variant of the "liberal peace" set inWestern terms and probably complementary to the imperial plans of the dominant powers. now There is growing interest in the concept of conflict "transformation" as an to alternative conflict "resolution" (see Rupesinghe, 1995; Berghoff Research are Centre, 2003). Protracted social conflicts invariably have complex causes that at not necessarily resolvable the negotiating table. The underlying assumption as of the conflict-transformation approach, advocated by Vayrynen (1991: 4), is as that "the bulk of conflict theory regards the issues, actors and interests given a or and on that basis makes efforts to find solution, tomitigate eliminate con tradictions between them. Yet the issues, actors and interests change over time a as consequence of the social, economic and political dynamics of societies." This understanding is consistent with the notion that political actors are not pre enter made when they violent conflict but construct their identities through action, including the practice of violence. If these actors and their interests are can not pre-given, then presumably they be transformed. as The context of any violent conflict may change dramatically, is evident war on from the impact of the end of the cold many Third World civil wars. Conflicts may become internationalized, and this may not only change the context of a conflict but transform the issues at stake. Thus the conflict a between Irish nationalism and pro-British unionism began to take on differ more ent and complex character in the context ofmembership in the European a Community. The agenda of conflict may change, for example, when the land question is superseded by industrialization. Actor transformation may also new a occur, with political parties and leaderships emerging in the course of

This content downloaded from 133.30.212.120 on Tue, 9 Apr 2013 22:22:34 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Munck /DECONSTRUCTING VIOLENCE 13 conflict. Thus, conflict transformation needs to concern itselfwith "the social, are causes psychological and political changes that necessary to address root [of conflict]" (Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse, 1999: 159). now even It is clear by that the most "successful" peace process cannot end as case violence. Indeed, is the in Central America, the end of political hostil ities and the incorporation of insurgent armies into the political process has an often been followed by increased incidence of "ordinary" violence (see Arnson, 1999). Just as peace is not just the absence of war, so, with David Keen on assume a (2003: 1), who writes postwar Guatemala, "we should not sharp war break between and peace, recognising instead that conflict in peacetime is inmany ways a modification of conflict inwartime." In other words, the con war tinuities between and peace may be as important as the differences. The a building of peaceful democratic societies is political process, not something a that breaks out the day after peace treaty is signed. This raises the question we use. we of what definition of violence might As have seen, violence is or socially constructed, and it usually has the purpose of producing physical symbolic harm to persons, property, communities, or social groups. Johan a Galtung (1969) has, famously, produced much broader definition of violence to include everything from poverty to sexism and from the debt burden to minority-language discrimination. Ultimately, violence becomes anything that conspires against the satisfaction of human needs. we In normative terms, might wish to speak of the "violence" of social exclu a sion or structural unemployment, but for discussion of how we can move beyond violence this definition is simply unworkable. Galtung's extended defi nition of violence may also impede practical peace processes by seeking the impossible. A minimalist definition of violence might be something like Keane's (2004: 35), inwhich violence is understood "as themore or less intended direct but unwanted physical interference, by groups and/or individuals, with the bodies we of others." With this understanding of what violence is, can go on (as Keane or does) to locate "surplus" what others have called "gratuitous" violence? violence that is not productive in terms of its political purpose. The violence in Colombia in the 1950s followed the social and cultural a war. was norms of peasant Violence usually directed, and it was often or even "exemplary" symbolic. Current practices of violence, especially where are nature. the drug trade is involved, different in Excessive firepower is mass are deployed, killings the norm, and indescribable torture is routine. There is speculation that certain extremely violent U.S. films, such as Pulp Fiction, may have influenced this theatrical escalation of violence. This is prob can wars ably "surplus" violence. Other examples be taken from the insurgent norms were in Algeria and Ireland, where certain of engagement sometimes respected and sometimes not. Why would the indiscriminate killing of civil on some on ians be acceptable (even desirable) occasions but not others? We can answer this question only in terms of the politics of violence and by reject as an ing notions of individual pathology explanation of violence. Keane's (2004:167) very first "rule for democratising violence" is "always try to under stand the motives and context of the violent." We also need to address the causes of violence and not just its symptoms. are But if the motives political?and, except for the most random interper a sonal violence, they usually are?then political understanding of "surplus"

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or can move "gratuitous" violence be established. In practice, many insurgent ments have themselves dealt with practitioners of gratuitous violence that "bring the movement into disrepute." When insurgents seek to abide by the as Geneva Convention, itmay be rejected "legitimizing" terrorism, but it is a some or norms. also way of subjecting violent conflict to juridical ethical Consistent with the strategy of conflict transformation, this emphasis on "sur a in plus" violence is part of politics transition to democratic dialogue. I return, finally, to the theme that violence (like power) is not simply repres sive but productive of social and political effects (see the analysis in Tilly, can 2002). It also, of course, be effective in the pursuit of political objectives. as a We must recall that violence operates social activity at different spatial a scales. Violence may "jump scales," for example, when local armed group takes the international stage. Peace building must also be understood in terms of the complex politics of scale. There is peace building "from below" (see, a e.g., McDonald, 1997), but this is probably inseparable from understanding case as an given conflict (in this Colombia's) international conflict (see Mason, 2003). The uneven advance of history operates not only in terms of social processes but also in terms of geographical scale. A truly global understand a ing of violence today requires such wide lens.

THIS ISSUE

a The articles collected in this issue, in various complementary ways, make valuable contribution to our understanding of political violence in contemporary a Latin America. Cath Collins takes up, from broad comparative perspective, the issue of posttransitional justice. Discussing the efforts to establish the truth and deliver justice after themilitary dictatorships of the 1980s, she argues that justice case tended to be limited. One of the interesting studies she develops is in relation on a to the arrest of General Augusto Pinochet in London in 1998 Spanish judge's was warrant for crimes against humanity. The effect inChile highly symbolic and a on had catalytic effect holding Pinochet and his henchmen accountable for their era a crimes. In the of globalization, there is complex dynamic between human at rights at the international and the national level. For Collins, transnational ini tiatives, while occasionally successful, have not and should not cut across national on struggles for accountability the part of the perpetrators of violence. In their account of the "resocializing" of suffering in Guatemala, Peter Benson, Edward Fischer, and Kedron Thomas take up the popular notion that things have improved since formal redemocratization. Overt forms of politi cal violence seem to have subsided, massacres are not occurring, and "disap are seems pearances" less common, but peace elusive. Political assassinations are continue, and only 1 percent of violent crimes successfully prosecuted. By a rou calling the present "postwar" era, the authorities seek to present this as war cases tinized violence better than the civil that preceded it.One of the these contributors take up is the resurgence of popular lynchings of wrong a a doers at local level. They view this "resocializing" of violence as legacy of state terror, which created a climate in which extreme forms of violence an became the norm, and argue for approach to daily violence and insecurity causes that addresses its root in structural inequality and discrimination.

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In her study of gender and violence in El Salvador, Mo Hume draws out the a connection between nation building and hegemonic masculinity. Again, in "postwar" situation daily violence continues to affect people's lives. Hume was war on argues that it through that gender identities based male hegemony women were and the exclusion of consolidated. Violence is legitimized through its intimate connection with male gender identity. Itwould be sur prising indeed if that violence had been turned off the day the peace accords were state signed by the and the insurgent organizations. Exposure for a decades to extreme forms of political violence and brutality has had trau matic effect. The continuing high levels of violence and crime have prevented many communities from recovering the trust necessary for the full recovery of more civil society. We probably need to think much about postwar recon a struction from gendered civil-society perspective. In "Another History of Violence," Ulrich Oslender takes up the long-running on political violence in Colombia, focusing what he calls "geographies of ter ror." His contribution addresses the so-called forced displacement of local a communities in the Pacific coast region, which in fact represents systematic terror campaign unleashed by armed groups against the region's black popu to lations. Oslender seeks describe the rural domain in which these popula on tions live and often resist these regimes of terror. By focusing the or we a new geographical spatial dimension of terror, gain valuable perspec can tive to complement the existing political and social critiques. Terror our destroy existing forms of territorialization and transform very sense of are our place. Routine social practices subverted by political violence, and are lives dominated by veritable "landscapes of fear." The focus of the issue then moves away from country studies to take up more specific themes. Carlos Vilas tackles the recent spate of lynchings in the mass context of political violence in the Andean region. Two particular lynch are ings of mayors in the Aymar? region the subject of his analysis. Much on a emphasis has been placed supposedly traditional cultural factors and new on a indigenous nationalism, but Vilas rightly concentrates complex political and institutional process that has led to conflicts within these com munities and between them and the state. The events described also highlight the fragility of the democratization process and theweakness of the neoliberal a state. The intervention of legitimate state was needed to prevent such episodes of "popular justice," but the state declined to intervene for fear of a provoking "bloodbath." Rosana Guber contrasts Argentina's "clean war" to recover theMalvinas in own 1982 with the "dirty war" that the generals waged against their popula a exe tion. In the 1990s, number of accounts began to circulate concerning the war cution of Argentine prisoners of by the British forces?which would have been a violation of the Geneva Convention. These accounts contradicted pre vious understandings that had stressed the good treatment of prisoners by the on British. The Argentine officers the ground denied that these extrajudicial uses as killings had taken place. Guber these incidents and their repercussions a the basis for dense exploration of the way memory and forgetting operate war were around political violence. That the crimes being denounced from was within the victorious camp paradoxical, and so was the fact that in same Argentina's military denied these events precisely the language they

This content downloaded from 133.30.212.120 on Tue, 9 Apr 2013 22:22:34 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 16 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES used in denying the disappearances and systematic torture of the "dirty war" at home. to Yajaira M. Padilla turns the interrelationship between gender and vio lence in the struggle for cultural representation in postwar El Salvador. One of the unintended effects of the neoliberal regime dominant in the country has a an been literary boom. The focus of this article is analysis of the literary rep resentation of female protagonists in postwar Salvadorean narratives, which women era. calls attention to the obstacles confronted by in the neoliberal an Violence is integral part of these narratives, but it is also very revealing in that it destabilizes the conventional public/private divide. It highlights the awareness need for greater of the broader political and cultural struggles that on women have engaged in during the postwar era, building, of course, their a new pivotal role in the insurgent organizations. Perhaps revolution is under a way that will question neoliberalism from critical gender perspective. Argentina's early-1970s labor struggles in the context of increasing political violence are the subject of Agust?n Santella's article. While studies of this on period have tended to focus the emerging contest between the Peronist guerrillas and the post-1973 Peronist government, working-class conflicts seen as a were central to it. The period is conventionally "spiral of violence" were in which guerrilla terror and state terror mirror images of each other. are Santella makes the basic assumption that workers not genetically or essen or are tially either peaceful violent and that all forms of struggle related to the balance of forces and alternative options. What emerges from his account of the pivotal Villa Constituci?n strikes is that the workers involved may have been channeling their willingness to engage in armed resistance to the state mass into these struggles. For its part, the state probably used these strikes to prepare itself for the "dirty war" that itwould unleash after seizing political or power in 1976. The guerrillas had already been more less dismantled, but a was to use the organized power of working class that prepared physical force still had to be repressed through naked state terror. Finally, Andy Higginbottom turns to the UK-based Colombia Solidarity as an as Campaign example of solidarity action research liberatory methodol can we as ogy. How confront the crimes of the powerful, such the daily abuses of human rights and the exercise of political violence with impunity in a Colombia? From critical-criminology perspective, Higginbottom argues that as a we can while the state may define political contestation crime, challenge us this "from below." His article helps to review the critical social science of Latin America in the 1970s, with its emphasis on "praxis" and the transfor can mative power of critique. Violence be unpacked or deconstructed so that we understand the structural violence of dependent capitalism, the crimes of the powerful, and the quite distinct dynamic of revolutionary violence. These are questions that will not go away and cannot be subsumed under some broad and vague commitment to "global civil society." now The agenda opening up for the study of political violence in Latin an one. an our America is exciting Itwill also play important political role in understanding of and action with regard to the current sharpening of class new new struggle in the region. New problematics, approaches, and method are ologies are emerging. Gender, ethnicity, and religion coming to the fore. are The lines between political and "ordinary" violence increasingly blurred. an era In of globalization, the violence of empire has reached deep into Latin

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case a America?paradigmatically in the of Colombia, real front line between imperialism and the global oppressed classes. Colombia is also, of course, a case new paradigmatic for the global criminal enterprises surrounding the drug economy, with its associated criminal/political violence. In a broader an concern sense, there is emerging with the two-way linkage between devel one as opment and security, being seen impossible without the other. Conflict has been pinpointed by global policy makers as the main threat to sustainable But while development. imperialism makes the unruly subaltern people all turmoil and as we responsible for political violence, critical social analysts should direct our attention more toward the structural causes of that unrest in our and violence all their complexity. Certainly objective is security, but it is the human security badly needed by the peoples of Latin America and not the state security demanded by the imperial power.

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In Memoriam

Luz Estela Villarreal Mu?oz

Scholar, Teacher, and Activist

The idea for this issue out a special grew of conference held in Liverpool in September 2004 entitled 'Tost-War Conflict and Violence: Latin America in Comparative Perspective/' The conference brought together a range of on different elements of and papers violence conflict, addressing not only its many manifestations but its diverse political contexts. Some of these are reproduced here; others are new and welcome additions to these debates. our One of the speakers, dear friend and compa?era Luz Estela Villarreal see Mu?oz, has not survived to this special issue appear. At the time of the was conference, Luz undergoing aggressive treatment for cancer, and she a died in April 2006, week before her forty-sixth birthday. At her funeral, a was Colombian friend said that "Luz" the most appropriate name for a woman who brought light into so many lives. Luz's great passion in life was education, and she was a committed and passionate teacher. Many of her former students from Liverpool joined in the celebration of her life, and many more sent condolences from different parts of the world. Her last research project was a collaboration with us at the Globalisation and Social Exclusion Unit, studying different peace-making from below in initiatives Colombia. She worked closely with civil-society actors in Colombia with typical fortitude and good humor despite difficult circumstances. to We dedicate this special issue Luz. We thank her for sharing her pas sion and idealism. We salute her courage and that of many like her who are a struggling for world beyond violence.

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