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Religion, Republicanism, and Memories of Stuart Tyranny at The “IF WE CLASH, WE BREAK”: RELIGION, REPUBLICANISM, AND MEMORIES OF STUART TYRANNY AT THE INCEPTION OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION (1760-1766) A Thesis Presented to The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts Tanner Ogle May, 2020 “IF WE CLASH, WE BREAK”: RELIGION, REPUBLICANISM, AND MEMORIES OF STUART TYRANNY AT THE INCEPTION OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION (1760-1766) Tanner Ogle Thesis Approved: Accepted: Advisor Dean of Buchtel College of Arts & Sciences Dr. Gina Martino Dr. Linda Subich Co-Advisor Acting Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Michael Graham Dr. Marnie Saunders Department Chair Date Dr. Martin Wainwright TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: MONUMENT TO MEMORY 1 II. THE BISHOPS’ WARS: THE ORIGINS OF THE BISHOP CONTROVERSY OF THE 1760S (1760-1763) 13 Victory’s Terror: The Background of the Bishop Controversy 17 Civil Corruptions: The Writs of Assistance Trials and the Indian Affair 22 The Congregational Missionary Society 25 The Commencement of the Pamphlet War 31 Conclusion 38 III. “SHIP MONEY” AND MEMORIES OF TYRANNY: THE SUGAR ACT AND PEACEFUL RESISTANCE (1763-1765) 39 Memories of Resistance 41 “Ship Money” 52 The Bishop Controversy Rages 59 Conclusion 64 IV. “NO KING BUT KING JESUS”: THE STAMP ACT AND VIOLENT RESISTANCE (1765-1766) 66 The Stamp Act & The Bishop Controversy 68 Violent Resistance 82 Repeal 93 Conclusion 103 V. CONCLUSION 105 BIBLIOGRAPHY 111 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: MONUMENT TO MEMORY “Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem (By the sword we seek peace, but peace only under liberty)” ~Motto of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Coined by Algernon Sidney 16591 Amidst the noise of patriotic crowds in New York City, shortly after the Declaration of Independence was publicly read by George Washington on July 9, 1776, an equestrian statue of King George III was toppled. Women allegedly gathered the metal from the statue, which they later fashioned into 42,000 rounds of ammunition to be thrown back at the empire they had resisted ideologically for over a decade.2 In an even greater moment of irony, when the British arrived they allegedly decapitated and mutilated the statue of former Prime Minister William Pitt—the first man to have a statue in the British Colonies.3 Before independence, before these statues were mutilated, the imperial relationship with the American colonies had experienced fourteen years of growing tension. The fate of these statues demonstrates the civil nature of the American Revolution—it was not merely an American conflict; it was ideologically English to its core. The commissioning of the Pitt statues, the first statues of a person in the British North American Colonies, shows both the significance of the Stamp Act (1765) and transatlantic 1 John Adams included this phrase in his defense of the British soldiers who participated in the “Boston Massacre.” Thomas Hollis of London, had the phrase inserted in the woodcut in Sidney’s Discourses that he sent to the colonies in 1751, and in John Locke’s Letters Concerning Toleration (1765) that he sent to James Otis. James Otis was on the committee to design the seal of Massachusetts in 1775 when they settled on this motto. W.H. Bond, Thomas Hollis of Lincoln’s Inn A Whig and His Books (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 120-122. 2 Rosemarie Zagarri, Revolutionary Backlash Women and Politics in the Early American Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 23: The King’s statue was not called for by the common people like Pitt’s, but was the result of Tories in the provincial assembly. In fact, Lieutenant Governor Colden wrote to Lord Hillsborough, Secretary of State for the colonies, stating that the unveiling of King George III’s statue demonstrated their loyalty. However, Pitt’s statue was installed on Wall Street in a common area and the king was put on the Bowling Green in a more aristocratic location. Sally Webster, The Nation’s First Monument and the Origins of the American Memorial Tradition (Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2015), 55-56, 68-69, 79. 3 D.E. Huger Smith, “Wilton’s Statue Of Pitt,” The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine. vol. 15, no. 1 (Jan, 1914), 37. 1 admiration for Pitt’s involvement with its repeal. During the Stamp Act, tensions had risen to a breaking point and physical violence replaced peaceful resistance throughout the colonies, but especially in Massachusetts where there was already turmoil over local politics and fears of a potential Anglican bishop in the early 1760s. The Stamp Act was repealed in 1766, in large part from the transatlantic efforts of Real Whigs. Real Whigs or ‘Commonwealthmen’ were republicans who adhered to the principles of the Whig party at the Glorious Revolution (1689), which profoundly changed the British constitution and established the imperial government that continued to exist in America until 1776. Since the seventeenth-century they had continuously advocated for reform, and were advocates of peaceful resistance for fear of damaging their cherished British constitution which allowed them a comparatively republican government to other European nations. In fact, one of the few to ever get elected to Parliament was William Pitt, the “Great Commoner.”4 People on both sides rejoiced because they were afraid that the conflict would result in a bloody civil war. In March of that year, a well-connected, private figure, Thomas Hollis Esq called for elated Britons to rejoice and to construct statues of William Pitt.5 Eventually, three were commissioned: one for Dublin, Ireland, one for New York City, New York, and another for Charleston, South Carolina which Hollis helped commission.6 Nearly three years later, Hollis viewed the colossal classical statue of Pitt before it was shipped to 4 Reference was to his influence and importance in the House of Commons. Real Whigs were a minority within the Whig political party who ardently adhered to Whig ideology, which originated in the seventeenth century, not simply claiming the title for political purposes since Whigs were the dominant political party for much of the first half of the eighteenth century. As Caroline Robbins has shown, Real Whigs or Commonwealthmen, were rarely in Parliament. She characterizes their ideology as supporting a separation of power in government, expanding suffrage to include more or all males, strongly adhering to freedom of thought and conscience, and as an extension being contentious toward the church and state establishment, promoted expansive education, and feared a concentration of wealth. Caroline Robbins, The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman Studies in the Transmission, Development, and Circumstance of English Liberal Thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the War with the Thirteen Colonies (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2004), 1-18. 5 Thomas Hollis Diary 18 March 1766, MS Eng 1768, W.H. Bond Papers, Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 6 Bond, Thomas Hollis of Lincoln’s Inn, 81. 2 Charleston.7 The statue stood tall, facing the east towards King and Parliament with a plaque that seemed to read as a warning from the seventeenth-century, a quote from John Locke’s Second Treatise on Government (1689)—“Where Law Ends Tyranny Begins.”8 The inscription on the statue’s pedestal read: In grateful memory of his services to his country in general and to America in particular the commons house of assembly of South Carolina unanimously voted the statue of the Hon. William Pitt, Esq. who gloriously exerted himself by defending the freedom of Americans the true sons of England by promoting a repeal of the stamp-act in the year 1766 time will sooner destroy this mark of their esteem than erase from their minds their just sense of his patriotic virtue.9 Though colonists speculated at an enduring memory, it was easier for them to remember than foresee. After the American Revolution, Pitt’s significance would experience the same fate as the memory of the seventeenth-century—both were forgotten. However, unlike Pitt who by 1776 was being erased from American memory because of his proclamations against American independence, the pantheon of seventeenth-century political paragons such as Algernon Sidney, Henry Neville, James Harrington, Oliver Cromwell, John Locke, and John Milton was supplanted by American patriots like John and Samuel Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and James Otis. Many of these men were not arguing for something novel, but for the protection of long-held traditions of Real Whig philosophy that they claimed the constitution of the British Empire was founded on—philosophy that valued civil and religious liberty. Just as Massachusetts adopted its motto from the seventeenth-century, traces of the English Civil War (1642-1651), the Restoration (1660), and the Glorious Revolution (1688-89) still dot the American landscape. Relics of seventeenth-century England are particularly prevalent in the 7 Thomas Hollis Diary 4 March 1769, W.H. Bond Papers. 8 For the statue facing east see Smith, “Wilton’s Statue Of Pitt,” 37-38. 9 Smith, “Wilton’s Statue Of Pitt,” 26. 3 original thirteen states, but today they are no longer known as English, they have been adopted as American. Despite the importance of the remembered seventeenth-century to the ideology of eighteenth-century Real Whig Dissenters throughout the British Empire, historians have frequently failed to explore the origin of the imperial crisis through a lens of memory. Unfortunately this has often resulted in scholarship that underestimates the centrality of religion and the influence of religious networks in the first period of the American Revolution (1760- 1765).10 In fact, the predominant trend in the most recent scholarship on the Bishop Controversy has been to undermine the civil significance of it. Jeremy Gregory directly refuted Bridenbaugh, Bell, and Clark by claiming that religion was not a major trigger of revolt for the American Revolution.
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