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HATTON, Roy O d ell, 1936- PRINCE CAMILLE DE POLIGNAC: THE LIFE OF A SOLDIER.

The Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, Ph.D., 1970 History, modern

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan

@ 1971

Roy Odell Hatton

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PRINCE CAMILLE DE POLIGNAC; THE LIFE OF A SOLDIER

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

in

The Department of History

by Roy Odell Hatton B,A., Northwestern State College, 1960 M.A., Northwestern State College, 1963 August, 1970 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Sincere thanks to Dr. T. Harry Williams and to Mrs. Stephanie

Ann Rose.

1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... • * • i i

ABSTRACT...... * ...... iv

INTRODUCTION...... v i i

C hapter

I* "Serve God and King" <••••••••.... 1

II. "It is a step f o r w a r d " . * ••••«..*. 26

III. "Was not Caesar Caesar at twenty?".•••••••••...... 41 .

IV. "He has freely exposed himself to all the dangers of war".. 57

V. "A series of dinners, dances and charades, and theatricals" 74

VI. "Above all forbear to whistle, to drink wine, spit, talk German or swear".••••••••••.»••.•••.»*•••...... 36

VII. "A damn frog-eating Frenchman"...••••••••••••••••••••••••.. 112

VIII. "I will show you whether I am 'polecat* or 'Polignac'" ..... 135

IX. "My boys, follow your Polignac"...... ••••••••••«•• 145

X. "The last days of the Confederacy"..•••..••••••••• •••• 171

XI. "300,000 men, 10,000 officers, 4 marshals, and 1 emperor".. 189

XII. "Their voices are hushed, but their memories shall live"... 210

XIII. Conclusion...... 219

Bibliography. •••••••••••••••••••.•••••••• • 224

i i i ABSTRACT

L ittle is known about the thousands of foreigners who fought in the American Civil War. This study deals with one of those aliens, a French aristocrat, Prince Camille Armand Jules Marie de Polignac.

Camille de Polignac was a romantic figure from a romantic age—the nineteenth century. He was versatile and talented and re­ ceived recognition as a scholar, engineer, soldier, mathematician, and musician.

He was of noble birth, descended from a family of rebels with a history of involvement in political affairs in France. His father,

Jules, was the last prime minister of Charles X, and his grandmother, the Duchess de Polignac, was governess of Marie Antoinette's children.

Camille de Polignac distinguished himself as a soldier in the

Crimean War, the American Civil War, and the Franco-Prussian War. The

Prince was the highest titled European to play a significant role in the American Civil War. A Confederate general at the age of thirty-two, he was the only person owing allegiance to a foreign flag to attain the rank of major general in either army.

Until now the story of Polignac*s war experiences has remained untold. He is generally unknown to Civil War enthusiasts because he

fought in secondary campaigns and because significant sources in France, relating to his military career, were unavailable.

iv Polignac served the South with distinction during the Confederate invasion of Kentucky in 1862* Later, in 1864, during the Red River campaign, he distinguished himself by his skill and gallantry, specifically during the battles of Mansfield and Pleasant H ill. The

Confederate victory at Mansfield, the decisive battle of the campaign, can be attributed in a large degree to the ability of Camille de Polignac.

He had been a determining influence in stopping, repelling, and finally driving the Federals out of the Red River country.

In January, 1865, the Prince was sent on an unsuccessful diplomatic mission to France, in an effort to secure aid for the

Confederate cause. He never returned to the United States.

Like most Civil War commanders, Polignac learned by experience.

His story is one of frustration at first, and later of adjustment to a new and different kind of war, fought by a new and different kind of military personnel~the citizen soldier. Considering his background, he did rather well; he became a good commander at the division level.

Given the chance, he could have probably commanded larger numbers of tro o p s.

This then is not another story of a hero, an all-victorious commander, who always led his men in decisive battles to great victories.

Nor is this a complete biography; it should not be regarded as such. The brief coverage of Polignac's life preceding and following his adventure in the United States has been presented merely to help the reader understand the man and his actions during the American conflict and to give some basis for evaluation. To write a full length biography would be impossible without research in French archives, and even then it might be impossible to make a detailed study. Sources on Polignac*s life before and after the Civil War are not available. This, then, is an account of the military experiences of a colorful and dynamic man who made a significant contribution to the Confederate cause in the American Civil War, and who fought with distinction in the Crimean

War and the Franco-Prussian War under the flag of his native France.

v i INTRODUCTION

Few of the thousands of foreigners who fought in the American

Civil V/ar rose high enough in rank to affect significantly the outcome of battles and campaigns. The grand exception was a young French aristocrat, Camille Armand Jules Marie, Prince de Polignac. At the age of thirty-two and without the benefit of a formal military edu­ cation he achieved the rank of major general in the Confederate army.

Although the North and the South welcomed assistance of foreigners, both governments, but particularly the South, were re­ luctant to bestow high ranks on any but the native-born. Polignac's accomplishment is especially noteworthy since only seven foreign-born citizens in both armies attained the rank of major general-—six from the North and one from the South.

The story of Camille de Polignac's Civil War career and his contribution to the Confederate cause has remained untold until now, because he fought in secondary campaigns and because significant sources in France, relating to his military career, were unavailable.

Fortunately, the Prince kept a diary during the war. He returned to

France with the diary, and its existence remained unknown to historians for nearly a century. In 1962 this diary, together with a short journal of his activities during the Franco-Prussian War and several hundred family letters, was made available to the author by the Prince's

v i i daughter, the Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron, of Paris,

France. These sources, along with the voluminous The War of the

Rehellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and

Confederate Armies (1890-1901), as well as many personal accounts by contemporaries, enabled the author to reconstruct the Prince's military career in America.

Even with this abundance of material there are s till un­ avoidable gaps in the Polignac story. Sources on his life before and after the Civil War are simply not available. A full-length biography would be inconceivable without research in French archives; and then, since he was a minor figure, a larger work might be superfluous. However, the author feels that it is necessary to provide some biographical information, since Civil V/ar enthusiasts know so little about Polignac. Those chapters relating to Polignac*s personal life have been included to help the reader understand the man and his actions during the American Conflict and give some basis for evaluation.

There are still legitimate questions that can be raised about

Polignac's m ilitary experiences in America. What, for example, motivated him to join the Confederacy? Because Polignac fought in the Crimean Y/ar, the Civil War, and the Franco-Prussian War, one is tempted to think of him as merely a soldier of fortune, who followed a m ilitary career wherever there was promise of adventure, pleasure, or profit. For such a man, fighting is as the breath of life. But there were many wars other than the three mentioned that Polignac could have taken part in if he had been so inclined. That he did not, therefore, precludes one from categorizing him as simply a soldier of

v i i i fortune. All of his military experience except in the Civil War was in the service of his native France. He ended his military career at the age of thirty-nine. Such action is hardly characteristic of a soldier of fortune. There is no evidence that Polignac was attracted to war for the pleasure of fighting and killing, although in keeping with class and family tradition, he did love the glory and distinction one might gain on the battlefield.

Polignac was an adventurous man of principle, a knight-errant, who fought in the Civil War because he believed in the Confederate cause and because he wished to exhibit his military skill and prowess. His military skill is questionable since his previous service had been limited to that of a second lieutenant in the Crimean V/ar. But the fact remains that he believed himself to be a leader and acted accordingly.

Like the many true knights-errant on both sides, adventurous men with moral purpose, in contrast to the soldier of fortune only after personal gain, Polignac fought both for principle and for the adventure of fig h tin g .

During the war and after he claimed that he had fought for the abstract principle of states* rights. Polignac was no political theorist; his states* rights philosophy was naive, but seemingly sincere.

He was probably first introduced to the states' rights doctrine before the war. In 1859 while in Central America he met the United States minister to that region, Alexander Dimitry of Louisiana. Later, but in that same year, in New York he became acquainted with three

Louisianians, Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard, John Slidell, and

i x Judah P. Benjamin, who would he important men in the Confederacy.

They undoubtedly influenced him to support the Southern cause if war should come.

On the other hand, it is quite possible that Polignac, like all men in all ages, acted in response to influences of which he was unaware. That is, he claimed that he had thrown in his lot with the

Confederacy because he was attracted to the doctrine of states' rights, and he believed this* But it is possible that he was unconscious of other motives that moved him. For example, he may have wished to enhance the reputation of his family. The Polignacs were, as the

French counted lineage, recent or nouveau nobility. They moved in high and even royal circles but had never been quite accepted by all in those circles. Perhaps the young prince felt that by achieving distinction in a cause supported by many of the French aristocracy he would somehow elevate the social status of his name. Or, thirsting for social and personal acceptance, he may have convinced himself that the ruling class of the South was a legitimate aristocracy—«but one that would take him in, and quickly. RLnally, it may be simply that he was a young man of ambition, intelligent but not reflective, and that in the Confederate cause he saw a chance to gain fame. He took the chance but wrapped his motives in the high-sounding philosophy of states' rights.

In the spring of 1861, Confederate officials appointed Polignac lieutenant colonel "by courtesy," which was an unusually high rank even for a distinguished alien. Polignac*s connections at the court of

Napoleon III undoubtedly influenced the Confederate decision to make the appointment. The Confederates needed friends and were anxious to please anyone with access to the head of the French government. During the war the Richmond government did in fact consider sending Polignac j on a diplomatic mission to seek aid from France, Why they did not do so is not revealed in the available sources.

After his original appointment Polignac*s promotions were well earned, even if one concedes that his title opened many doors that might otherwise have been closed. He did not hesitate to use his social position for personal advantage; yet at the same time he worked hard to prove that he deserved increases in rank and that he was dedicated to the Southern cause. His promotions came only after he had displayed gallantry and leadership ability on the battlefield.

His services to the Confederate cause were significant, but his distinctive contributions did not come until late in the war and west of the Mississippi River, On March 1 and 2, 1864, Polignac, at the head of his brigade, engaged the enemy*s gunboats on the Ouachita

River, The gunboats retreated, and later General Richard Taylor con­ gratulated Polignac for his gallant effort. During the Red River campaign that same year Polignac distinguished himself by his skill and gallantry, specifically during the battles of Mansfield and Pleasant

H ill, At one point when the enemy was in retreat, the Prince, in command of all the Confederate forces in the Red River country, was charged with the responsibility of harassing the retreating Federals,

The Confederate success in Louisiana was significant in that it may have prolonged the Civil War for several months. At the con­ clusion of the campaign, the Federal army that invaded the Red River

x i country was shattered so badly that it was unable to take its planned part in the grand Union offensives of 1864; it had been scheduled to move to Mobile and then to Montgomery to make junction vzith Sherman's army. The Confederate victory at Mansfield, the decisive battle of the campaign, can be attributed in a large degree to the ability of

Camille de Polignac. He had been a determining influence in stopping, repelling, and finally driving the Federals out of the Red River country.

Polignac was one of the thousands of foreigners who rendered valuable service to one or the other side'during the Civil War. Little is known, however, about this important group of men who fought so courageously for a cause. If they received little recognition it is because most were undistinguished in the lower ranks, or because sources, if they exist, are scattered all over the world and throughout many lan guages.

Ella Lonn has made a significant contribution to Civil War history with her massive studies of foreigners in the Union and Con­ federate armies. These works are not definitive, nor were they intended to be. After much painstaking research, she found that it was impossible, because of incomplete muster rolls and the loss or destruction of thousands of others, to determine the number of foreigners who fought in the Civil War. She was forced to generalize and conclude that there were tens of thousands of foreign-born citizens and residents, as well as thousands of other aliens in both armies.

Miss Lonn's is the study of many men. This author's is the study of one of those men.

x i i Although Camille de Polignac*s m ilitary career was unique, in some ways his experiences as a soldier were sim iliar to all alien officers, regardless of rank or station in life. In both the North and South, these officers were confronted by prejudice; their motives were suspect; they had to prove their loyalty. These men complained that both governments discriminated against them and that the high commands re se rv e d high ran k fo r th e n a tiv e born.

Polignac's story points up some of the difficulties that confronted most foreigners and shows how one alien responded to problems that were general to all. Further, it shows how he over­ came them, how he rose to hold the highest rank of any foreigner in the Civil War, and how, as a general he played a decisive role in the most important campaign west of the Mississippi River.

x l i i CHAPTER I

"Serve God and King"

On November 13, 1913, in Paris, Prance, Camille Armand Jules

Marie, Prince de Polignac died at his desk from cerebral edema while attempting to work a mathematical problem that, had puzzled him for ten years.^ Thus ended in a rather prosaic way the life of a versatile and talented man. His death was not indicative of the way he had lived.

During his eighty-one full and eventful years he had achieved distinc­ tion in many varied and unrelated fields, including journalism, mathe­ matics, and civil engineering.

As a soldier of fortune he fought in three wars in different parts of the world, receiving praise and honor in each for his gallantry and bravery. In the Crimean War he achieved the rank of second

^Translated from "Le Prince Camille de Polignac," The Figaro. November 19, 1913, Paris, France, in Marcus J. V/right Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library (Chapel H ill, North Carolina). Hereafter all papers in this collection will be cited as Marcus J. Wright Papers; The Marquise de Crequi Mont fort de Courtivron, "Biographical Sketch of Camille de Polignac," Paris, France, 1962, p. 3. This biographical sketch along with copies of many of the family *s personal papers and letters was sent to the author by Camille de Polignac* s daughter, the Marquise de Crequi Mont fort de Courtivron, who is presently living in Paris, France. Hereafter all family papers and letters not found in any depository, but in the possession of the author will be cited as Polignac Papers. Part of the material used in this study first appeared in the author* s article "Camille de Polignac and the American Civil War, 1861-1865," Louisiana Studies. Ill (Summer, 1964), pp. 163-195. He is grateful to the editors for their permis­ sion to reproduce it here.

1 lieutenant at the age of twenty-one. Polignac served as major general in both the American Civil War and the Franco-Prussian War and has the distinction of being the only foreigner to hold the rank of major gen­ eral in the American Civil War.

Camille de Polignac, the ’'Lafayette of the Confederacy," and distant cousin to Thaddeus Kosciusko, could trace his ancestors back to the ninth-century province of Velay, in modern Haute-Loire, where they were the sovereign power, even to the extent of issuing coins. The site of the family castle was originally a Roman settlement known as

Costal Lum Anno Horn1 Acum from which the name Polemniacus or Poluniacus, hence Polignac is derived. The remnants of a temple to the God Appollo 2 are still present at the site.

In 1421 the male line became extinct, and Pierre Armand XI de

Chalen^on, by his marriage to Walpurge, sister and heir of Randonnet

Armand IX, Vicomte de Polignac, assumed the position of the Vicomte and

the name and aims of the Polignac family. This substitution was con­

firmed by the Parlement of Poitiers in 1431 and 1435, and by the

Parlement of Paris in 1464. ‘ Later, in 1780, Jules Francois Armand XXII,

Vicomte de Polignac, was made a French duke in primogenitor and was

given a dukedom.3

The first historically important member of the Polignac family

was Cardinal Melchior de Polignac (1661-1742) who became a distinguished

2 Judge Harry J. Lemay, "General de Polignac," United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine. XXIV (January, 1963), p. 12. O Almanac De Gotha (Gotha: Justus Perthes, 1899), pp. 492-494. French diplomat. In 1695 he served as ambassador to Poland, and In

1712 as plenipotentiary of Louis XIV to the Congress of Utrecht. From

1725 to 1734 Melchior represented France at the Vatican. He died in

Paris in 1774.4

With the exception of Melchior, the Polignacs were relatively unknown in France u n t i l th e 1 7 7 0 's, when Comtesse Ju le s de P olignac

(Yolande Qabrielle Martine de Polastron, 1749-1793) became the favorite of Queen Marie Antoinette. In 1775 the twenty-six year old Madam de

P olignac was m arried to a c o lo n e l, th e Comte Ju le s Francois Armand de 5 Polignac, who had little money. "Comtesse Jules," as she was called, first attracted the attention of the Queen while singing at a concert performed for her majesty.

The Queen was "touched by the woman's charm and her sweet 0 tender voice." Later she explained: "When I am alone with her I am 7 no longer a queen, I am myself." According to one critic: "In a twinkling of an eye," Madam de Polignac became the power behind the Q throne." Her reign over the Queen was to last almost fourteen years.

At first the Comtesse cleverly responded to the Queen's attention without enthusiasm. Using her poverty as an excuse, she

A Hedwige de Polignac, Les Polignac (Paris: Fasquelle Additions, 1960), pp. 95-125; Gilette Zeigler, At the Court of Versailles, trans. Simon Watson Taylor (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1966), pp. 267-268.

Denise Folliot, Queen of France, trans. Andre Castelot (New York: Harper and Bros., 1957), p. 107. 4 was seemingly reluctant to participate in court affairs and excused 9 herself as much as possible from such social gatherings. The Queen, however, made "thiB excuse for absencen u ll and void by heaping offices and places on the whole Polignac family.1,10

Marie Antoinette's display of affection for Madam de Polignac enraged the older nobles "as they witnessed the successful fruit gathering of the Polignacs and they made the name Polignac odious throughout France.11 Madam de Polignac became the most "hated woman 12 at court by those who disliked royal favorites."

Because of the Queen's "exaggerated and demonstrative affection" for Madam de Polignac, many pamphlets and songs were written describing their rumored lesbian relationship. Madam de Polignac was pilloried as a mistress of the arts of lesbian love, and the Queers also accused 13 of perverse inclinations, was described as a nymphomaniac. The Queen

Q P hillip Gibbs, Men and Women of the French He volution (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trukner, and Co., Ltd., 1906), p. 28; Maxime De La Eocheterie, The Life of Marie Antoinette. I, trans. Cora Hamilton Bell (New York: Dodd, Mead and C o., 1893), p . 154.

"^Gibbs, The French Revolution, p. 28.

i:LIbid., p. 29. 12 Ibid. i see also Madam Camfan, Memoirs of the Private Life of Marie Antoinette (Philadelphia: Abraham Small, 1823), pp. 92-93. Madam Camfan was the First Lady to the Queen. She presents the most favorable view of the Polignacs. However, she contradicts herself by saying the Polignacs had no money nor attempted to acquire any as the Queen's favorites, but then she wrote that Madam de Polignac, although honest herself * was used by her family. 13 Folliot, Queen of France, pp. 106-107. characterized the outburst of resentment as an epidemic, adding humorously: UI was not spared. Both tastes were freely attributed to 14 me: For women and for lovers."

All evidence indicates, in the current fashion of the time, that the two women were lesbians. This was certainly the view of those

French persons who continually complained about the attention the

Queen paid to Madam de Polignac.

Despite public criticism , the Queen continued her intimate re­ lationship with her favorite. Sometimes, however, they would disagree but never to the point where their friendship was seriously impaired.

On one occasion, during a petty argument, the Queen accused Madam de

Polignac of using her influence for personal gain and rebuked her with: 15 "You wanted to sacrifice me for your personal wishes."

V/hen Madam de Polignac, responding in tears, declared that she would leave the court, the Queen threw herself at her favorite*s feet begging her forgiveness. Both women then "fell into each other*s arms, 16 embraced" and they were friends once again.

In the summer of 1776 the Queen appointed Jules "revisionerV of her Equerry. Until Jules' appointment, it had cost one livre and twelve sous per day per animal for the horse's upkeep, but Jules demanded nine livres and six sous per day for his "work." This "useless post of re-

visioner consequently cost the state in present day /1957/ francs, 13

14 Folliot, Queen of France, pp. 107-108.

15I b id . . p. 146.

16I b id . 17 millions in 1777, 15 in 1778, 19 in 1779, and nearly 23 in 1780."

One critic who complained of Jules’ appointment insisted that the Queen ’’imagines that she has paid tribute to friendship, but the public sees in it only as blind infatuation for the Comtesse de Polignac, 18 who at the moment is completely in the ascendent."

In 1780 Jules de Polignac was given the title duke with all its privileges, and in 1782, the new duchess was made governess of the

Queen's children* As governess the Duchess had the advantage of not only living in the palace, but also of raising her children with those of the royal family.

These appointments, like a ll favors the Queen granted the

Polignacs, only increased the hatred of the older members of the court for the upstarts who were getting the wealth and the favors that they thought rightfully belonged to them* Nevertheless, the Duchess, even though she often wearied Marie Antoinette "with her perpetual demands" 19 continued to be her "most tender friend*"

During the 1780's France was in a state of dissolution and ferment that led eventually to the French Revolution. In the early stages of the Revolution the nobility made an unsuccessful effort to dominate the movement. But the nobles soon lost control of the Revolu­ tion to the "mob," who demanded more extreme reforms* The monarchy was overthrown and the old order was shattered.

17 Ibid., pp. 111-112. As revisioner of the Equerry, Jules was in charge of the Queen’s stables. 18 Folliot, Queen of France, p. 111. 19 Ibid., p. 171. During these trying times the Queen continued her intimate relationship with her favorite, the hated Madam de Polignac. On

June 1, 1786, Marie Antoinette wrote: ’’Come and weep with me, come and console your friend. . . . I am bathed in tears of grief and despair 20 • • • come to me dear heart•" Late in July that same year, the Queen summoned the Duchess and said: "In the name of our friendship leave me. 21 You still have time to avoid the fury of my enemies." The Duchess was reluctant to go, but under the Queen's insistence and the King's command, she and her husband left at night disguised as servants, and 22 ultimately ended their flight in Italy.

The Polignacs were fortunate in escaping when they did, for soon after, all of France was in a state of turmoil, and they were certainly considered enemies of the people. One observer in the streets of Paris heard remarks about the relationship between the

Duchess and the Queen that were so distasteful and revolting that

Denise Folliot in her biography of the Queen, found them "impossible to repeat."23 And even under the Queen's window hawkers sold passers- by indecent engravings showing Marie Antoinette "lying in the arms of 24 Madam de P o lig n ac . ..."

Shortly after the Duchess fled France she received a letter from

20I b id . . p . 218.

^Ibid., pp. 235-236.

22Polignac, Les Polignac. pp. 154-155. 23 Folliot, Queen of France, p. 245.

24Ibid. . p. 306. Marie Antoinette* In the letter, the Queen wrote that she could not express her regret at being separated from Madam de Polignac*

Referring to the Duchess as "my dear love," the Queen continued: "I hope you feel as I do* We are surrounded with nothing but grief* • • •

Everyone is fleeing and I am only happy to think that all those I 25 care fo r a re f a r from me*"

On October 16, 1793, Marie Antoinette was executed* Upon hearing of the Queen's death, the Duchess "fell ill" and died on the following December 4 or 5* Her last words to her son Jules Armand 26 Auguste Marie (1780-1847) were: "Serve God and King,"--words that he would never forget*

The Polignacs have been severely criticized for abandoning the

Queen when she needed them the most* However, to have remained would have surely meant their death, for they were probably the most hated of the nobility—hated by aristocrat and commoner alike* Although their accumulating great wealth at the expense of the generosity of the Queen cannot be condoned, they were probably no better or no worse than the other nobles in their desire for great riches. The Polignacs were simply skilled enough to obtain what they wanted*

Many Frenchmen, mostly aristocrats, fled the country to escape persecution during the Revolution. Many of these etnigres went to

England, Italy, and the German states, and a few ended their flight in Russia. Hoping for the restoration of the old regime, the efaigres as a group remained loyal to the Bourbons, and were led by such men

25 Ibid. . p. 236.

Polignac, Les Polignac* p. 161* 9 as the Count d'Artois, later Charles X.

The efaigres encouraged and aided counterrevolutionary activity within France. They also tried to persuade monarchial Europe to send its armies against the revolutionary government. Some efaigres even fought with armies that opposed those of the Revolution.

The Duke de Polignac, with his children, his father, the Vicomte de Polignac, and other members of the family spent the first years of exile in Italy. Their hopes for a speedy return to France were 27 shattered in 1793 when Louis XVI was executed.

In 1793 the efaigres sent the old Vicomte de Polignac on a mission to Russia to present their case to the Czarina, Catherine the 28 Great, who was sympathetic to the Royalist cause.

The Vicomte, taking his family, eighteen members in all, with him, decided to take advantage of Catherine's generosity and remained 29 in Russia under the protection of the Czarina. They settled on an estate in the province of Volhynia in the northwestern part of the 30 U kraine.

The Duke's son Jules Armand Auguste Marie, the future prime minister of Charles X, was an idealistic young man who, evidently disillusioned by the Revolution, did not enjoy the frivolity of refugee life in exile. He was anxious to return to France and fight for the restoration of the monarchy. With this view in mind, in

27I b ld . . pp. 161-162.

28I b id .

29Ib id . 30 Ibid. ; The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton, April 13, 1969, in Polignac Papers. 10

1796, at the age of sixteen, he secured from Catherine an appointment as ordnance officer in the Russian army, believing that the Czarina 31 would soon go to war with Prance. But shortly after the appointment

Catherine died, and much to Jules' disappointment, Russia under Paul I,

Catherine's son, was not drawn into war with France until 1799.

In the meantime Jules as aide-de-camp to a General Bekletehoff, was sent to the Turkish frontier on the Russian border. Little is known about his military experience except that he was unhappy, feeling that he should bo in France fighting for the royal cause rather than 32 being inactive in the Russian army far from the scene of conflict. He did not, however, give up his desire to return to France, and sometime before 1799, probably with this view in mind he resigned his commission in the Russian army. In 1800 Count d'Artois made him his aide-de-camp, and Jules accompanied the future king to England where the royal family had settled. In London Jules was reunited with relatives and former friends of the family. He liked London and the English people, who 33 were very hospitable to the refugees.

The following year, his father, the Duke de Polignac, also moved to London for a short while, but for some unknown reason returned to Russia where he died in 1817 *3^

Jules remained in England which became his third home since 35 exile. London was very appealing, not only because of the active

31Polignac, Les Polignac. p. 162.

32Ib ld .

33Ib id .

34Ib ld . . p. 163. 35Ibid. . p. 164. 11 social life, but also because of Its proximity to France. From London

Jules could closely watch the political developments taking place in

France. He could also meet other efaigres who were attempting to overthrow the Consulate.

Shortly after arriving in London Jules lost his faith in God 36 and temporarily turned away from religion. Perhaps he believed that

God abandoned France by permitting the destruction of the social and political institutions, which were thought in the eighteenth century to be divine, and which he had been taught to cherish.

Jules may have lost his faith in God, but he did not lose faith in himself or in the monarchial system of government. In 1801 or 1802 he became an active revolutionist, dedicating his life to overthrowing 37 the Consulate.

Secretly returning to France, he became an active participant in various plots to restore the monarchy. Little is known about his activities as a revolutionist except that very early in his career he was arrested. While in prison he met a priest who restored his faith 38 in God. From that time on his faith was never shaken, and later in life he became a religious fanatic.

He managed to escape from prison and continued his efforts to overthrow Napoleon. But in 1804 he was arrested again, and thiB time

36Ibid.. pp. 163-164. 37 I b id . oo Ibid., p. 165. spent ten years in prison* Like so much about Jules, little is known about his life in prison, except that a great deal of time was devoted 39 to religious study, meditation, and writing*

After the Bourbons were restored in 1814, and he was released

from prison, Jules held various offices, including ambassador to the

English Court* He served his government in this capacity from 1823 until 1829* Three years prior to his appointment as ambassador}

Polignac was given the title ’’Prince'1 by Pope Pius VII.

The accession of Charles X to tho French throne in 1824 meant

the triumph of the forces of the ancien reteime, which had suffered a setback in 1814 when Louis XVIII was forced to agree to a charter

guaranteeing a constitutional monarchy. The king was given all

executive power, but legislative power was shared by the monarch, and by a two-chambered legislature composed of a hereditary Chamber of

Peers, appointed by the crown, and an elected Chamber of Deputies*

The charter proclaimed in rather vague and unsatisfactory terms,

freedom of religion, freedom of the press, equality before the law, 40 and the right of a fair trial.

Charles X and other Ultra-Royalists hoped to return to the 41 ’’natural order of things." To the Ultras the "natural order of things" meant a "happy France, quietly at work under benign priests and kings,

° Ibid. . p. 169. 40 Artz, Bourbon Restoration, p. 26.

41Paul A. Gagnon, France Since 1789 (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), p. 99. 13 untroubled by the selfish individualism and false equality of the — — 42 Revolution, /and/ guided in its affairs by a disinterested aristocracy.”

However, all of Charles' efforts were opposed by the Liberals who in 1827 were in majority in the Chamber of Deputies. Charles, therefore, dissolved the Chamber and called for new elections. The re­ sults were the re-election of an even greater number of deputies ascrib­ ed as Liberals.

Realizing that he could not control the Chamber, the King temporarily gave in and appointed a moderate ministry. At the same time, he refused to recognize the principle of m inisterial responsibil­ ity, which by this time, was almost universally accepted in Prance, and 43 negotiated with an Ultra to head a new ministry suitable to himself.

Determined to defy the Chamber, Charles recalled his ambassador to England, Jules de Polignac, and over the opposition of an over­ whelming majority of deputies appointed him Minister of Foreign Affairs 44 and President of the Council.

This was a mistake, for Polignac, whose name was a battle cry, was probably, with the possible exception of Charles, "the most Ultra 45 of the Ultras” in France. No one was more distrusted and hated by the Liberals than the arrogant Polignac, a self-righteous, outrageously

42 Artz, Bourbon Restoration, p. 32.

^Ibid. : John M. S• Allison, Theirs and the French Monarchy (New York:. Houghton M ifflin Co., 1926), p. 83. 44 Allison, The French Monarchy, p. 83; Artz, Bourbon Restora­ tion. p. 32. 45 Artz, Bourbon Restoration, p. 32. 14 pious man who "carried proudly the burden of his family’s great 46 unpopularity."

Furthermore, Polignac was not a good choice to head the French government because, having been out of the country for many years, "he knew nothing" about the social and political changes taking place in

France, and as an. Ultra "he was temperamentally adverse to learning" 47 about these changes. He was not alert to the realities of practical politics. He believed that God intervened in human affairs and insisted that history would be incomprehensible if the supernatural was ignored.

As far as Polignac was concerned, politics and religion were insepar- 48 able. Moreover, he had visions, claiming "that the Virgin Mary 49 showed herself to him periodically to give him advice and counsel."

He also had the distinction of being one of the two members of the Chamber of Peers who, in 1816, for religious reasons, had refused

to swear allegiance to the Charter. As an ardent Catholic, Polignac had misgivings about swearing allegiance to a charter that promised 50 re lig io u s freedom. He was also known as one o f th e most in f lu e n tia l members of a religious-political society known as the Congregation.

The Congregation was an organization whose membership included both the clerical and the laity. They were bound to use any means,

48 Ibid. : John B. Wolf, France: 1814-1919 (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), p. 67. 47 Wolf, France, p. 68.

48Polignac, Les Polignac. p. 231. 49 Ibid.. pp. 232-233. 50 Ibid. . p. 177. 15 political, social, economic, or otherwise, for the good of society. The organization had been founded in 1801, suppressed in 1810, and existed secretly until 1814 when again it came out in the open despite laws against unauthorized religious orders. Liberals were opposed to the 51 widespread political and social influence of the organization.

Therefore, no one, with the exception of Charles, had any faith 52 in Polignac's ideas or his capabilities. And it was not until August

8, 1829, that he was able to form a cabinet—a cabinet made up of 53 Ultras like himself and therefore suitable to the King.

The King’s choice of Polignac to head the new U ltrist ministry indicated that he was no longer interested in trying to maintain either constitutional or majority rule. In the eyes of many, "the

King and a small party were now on the verge of establishing a 54 despotism."

Polignac*s appointment "was considered a declaration of war on

French society," and a "wave of popular resentment swept over the 55 country." The French people were divided into two groups, those who supported the Crown, and those who were determined "to shut up the Bour- 56 bons inside the Charter." And almost everyone believed that it was

51 Artz, Bourbon Restoration, pp. 118-119. 52 Ibid., p. 32.

53I b id . 54 Frederick B. Artz, Reaction and Revolution (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), p. 234. 55 Artz, Bourbon Restoration, p. 32.

56Ib id . 16 only a matter of time before the King would attempt a coup d'etat. . .

Actually, Charles had revealed his intentions when he said: "the French wanted a charter; and they were given one, • • • but in the end this 57 charter cannot keep me from doing my w ill."

When the Chamber met in March, 1830, opposition to the ministry was so great that Charles once again dissolved the assembly and called

fo r new e le c tio n s .

In the meantime, Polignac made plans for an aggressive foreign policy that he hoped jwould distract the politicians from the constitu­ tional issues at home. Furthermore, a victory in war might be exactly what the French needed to increase their enthusiasm for the Crown.

The opportunity for a "safe campaign for French honor and glory,"

came i n June, 1830, when th e Dey o f A lg ie rs , fo rg e ttin g h is m anners, 58 struck the King's representative with his fan. Algiers was invaded

and fell on July 5, 1830. The military expedition was successful, few

French soldiers were killed, and the treasure captured from the Dey was 59 enough to pay the entire cost of the venture.

Despite his success in foreign affairs, the King did not win the loyalty of his subjects, and the failure to gain popular approval only 60 "encouraged Charles to proceed with a domestic coup d'etat."

57 Artz, Reaction and Revolution, pp. 263-264. 58 Wolf, France, p. 67. 59 Gagnon, France Since 1789. p. 117. 60 Gordon Wright, France in Modern Times (Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1960), p. 244. 17

As the elections approached, the supporters of the new principles of liberty took a firm stand. They were determined that the King OX should not use unconstitutional means of government. To make matters worse, Charles made the "mistake of putting himself in a position that rejection of the ministry also fully involved the rejection of the

K in g ."62

Much to the surprise of the King and Polignac, both of whom were confident of victory, the Liberals were re-elected and returned to the

Chamber with an overwhelming majority. The results of the election indicated not only a rejection of the ministry but more frightening, the possible rejection of Charles himself.

Charles was forced to do one of two things; he could either bow to the will of the Chamber and appoint a new ministry, or he could resort to a coup d*eftat, as urged by Polignac. He chose the latter c o u rse.

Polignac assured the King that there would be no resistance because the prosperous French were not interested in election lav/s or 63 in Parliaments. * Charles was also reassured when Polignac told him that he had been visited several times by the Virgin who promised success in the venture.6^

During the tense summer months of 1830, just before the attempted

6X Artz, Bourbon Restoration, p. 34.

62I b id . 63 Artz, Reaction and Revolution, p. 267. 64 Ibid. : V/olf, France, pp. 67-68. coup, the British ambassador wrote that whenever he called on Polignac:

"I feel as though I were entering the fools' paradise of Milton."65

Polignac was indeed living in a "fools' paradise" that summer, for he sounded the death knell of the Bourbons on July 26, 1830, when he issued the Four Ordinances which were the immediate cause of the revolution that followed. These Ordinances suspended the liberty of the press; dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, which had not yet met; re­ duced the number of deputies, thereby eliminating a number of anti­ government candidates; and ordered new elections.

By a strict interpretation of the lav/, the Crown could ‘justify the Ordinances by the ambiguous phraseology of Article 14 of the Charter, which stated that "the King might make the necessary regulations and or- 6 dinances for the execution of the laws and for the safety of the state."

The people, however, saw the Ordinances as laws depriving them of their freedom. The Parisians were soon in revolt; crowds of irate citizens went about the narrow streets shouting "Long live the Charter!" 67 and "Down with the ministers." Polignac remained calm and kept assur­ ing Charles that the Virgin had once again appeared and had told him 68 that the revolt would fail. Polignac*s reassurance was of little com­ fort to Charles, who on August 2, 1830, facing reality and realizing that the attempted coup had failed, abdicated the throne. His cousin

Louis Philippe, the Duke d'Orleans, became King.

65 Artz, Reaction and Revolution, p. 267.

c c Artz, Bourbon Restoration, on. 34-35. 67 Artz, Reaction and Revolution, p. 267.

68Ibid. : Wolf, France, p. 68. 19

Prince de Polignac attempted to escape, but was arrested and condemned to perpetual imprisonment. He was sent to the Fortress of

Vincennes, and later was transferred to the Fortress of Hamm where he 69 spent six years. At Vincennes, showing concern for his wife and family, Jules wrote:

I prefer she /the Princesj*/ should not come to Vincennes for some days; one must wait that the irritations true or pretext that agitates the capital • • . should subside. Tell her not to be affected by what has occurred; she knows me and understands that a soul that withstood thirty years of adversity is not overthrown by one more misfortune, especially so as it is to be the last; repeat again to the Princess she should take courage, anyway I will have some for two. I would wish simply to be transferred to a place where I could have my wife and children around me, the only consolations which are left me in this world. After all I have~no will or desires to express; I accept all that providence will send me; I regret only that sorrow that my misfortune brings to my friends.70

In 1836, Louis Philippe, in his desire to dominate the French government, won some conservative support when he issued an amnesty ordinance modifying the punishment of a number of Royalist political prisoners. Jules de Polignac* s sentence was commuted to one of exile, for twenty years.

Banished from France, he was transferred with an armed escort to

England. Upon arrival at Dover, Prince de Polignac was greeted by

English friends who welcomed him to their country. But Jules did not 71 remain long in England.

His cousin in Bavaria, Ariane de Cette, who was also a cousin to

69 Polignac, Les Polignac. pp. 224-226. 70 Prince Jules de Polignac to Vertamy, November 22, 1830, in Polignas Papers. 71 The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton April 13, 1969, in Polignac Papers. 20

the King of Bavaria, made all the necessary arrangements to receive him in that country. Upon his arrival in Bavaria, Jules purchased the property of Wildthurn. During the exile the family spent most of its time at the castle on the estate. Jules enjoyed his life at Wildthurn, and spent a great deal of time writing and relaxing with his family.

He never lost his love for France and tried to instill that love in the 72 hearts of his children.

In 1842, for the first time since exile, Jules was permitted

to return to France to attend the wedding of his oldest son Armand.

He made the trip without incident and after returning to Bavaria de­

cided to make Paris his home. He was not, however, permitted to live

in Paris. Therefore, he remained in Bavaria until 1845, when he was

allowed to move to St. Germain, a suburb of Paris, which was the home

of many of the old aristocracy. He settled in a house, which since has 73 been called the Pavilion de Polignac. By this time, however, the years of hardship and disappointment were evident~on both body and soul, and Prince Jules de Polignac died on March 30, 1847, two months before his sixty-eighth birthday.

Prince de Polignac stated what was probably the best explanation

of his failures as a politician when he wrote: "I reiterate the senti­ ments of a heart which I doubt was made for this century for it either 74 knows or can change." Jules de Polignac was a member of the ancien

raSgimQ and he could not adapt to the changing times. Nevertheless, there

Polignac. pp. 230-231.

7 0 Ibid.. pp. 236-237. 74 Prince Jules de Polignac to _ , February 16, 1832, in Polignac Papers. 21 is evidence that he bore no malice, for in a letter concerning an article that he had written, he said:

I avoided expressing anything irritating against any person whoever* First it Is not in my nature to address the passions and secondly, if I have enemies, I am an enemy to no one* Lastly, the ground on which I examined the question which I treat allow me to avoid all that might wound, not on­ ly the person but also their opinions whatever they may be. I argue but I do not combat anyone.75

Jules spent happier days in England than in his often hostile

France* In 1800 he had found a congenial society in London, and for years he had been able to associate freely with the English nobility— something the Polignacs had not always been able to do with the nobility in France* Therefore, he spent as much leisure time as possible in

London*

It was in this friendly atmosphere, in 1815, that he met and the next year married in Paris, a Scottish girl, Barbara Campbell, who descended from the House of Hoyaume-Uni, a branch of the Dukes of

Argyll* Jules was introduced to Barbara by one of her relatives who 70 had known his father in Russia* By this union Jules had a son Armand

(1817-1890), later Duke de Polignac, and a daughter, Seyna, who died young. The marriage ended in 1819 with the death of Barbara who may have died from complications resulting from the birth of Seyna.

Jules, in the service of his government, traveled extensively and left his children with relatives in London* He rarely saw his 77 family and this seems to have bothered him a great deal*

75I b id . 70 The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton, April 13, 1969, in Polignac Papers; Almanac De Gotha. 1889, p. 328* 77 The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton, April 13, 1969, in Polignac Papers* 22

Thereforei after three years of loneliness and depression, Jules remarried. His second wife, Mary Charlotte Parkins, of the House of

Rancliff, was English. She was the young widow of the French Comte 78 de Choiseul, and a member of French society when Jules met her. By this marriage Jules had five children, one girl and four hoys, of whom

Camille was next to the youngest.

L ittle is known about Jules1 son Armand, except that he served as an officer in the French cavalry. But all the Prince's children by his second marriage were above average in ability and talent, and all,

except Yolande (1830-1855), the daughter, who died at the age of twenty-

five, accomplished something worthy of note.

The oldest son, Alphonse (1826-1863), attended the l'ifcole Polv-

■hftfihn-tquft and the l'Ifcole d'A rtillerie de Metz. He served in the Cri­ mean War as aide-de-camp to General E llie Frederick Forney and Jean

Jacques PeKLlissier. Alphonse was spiritual, a little paradoxical, and at the same time scientific and artistic. He traveled a great deal, but 79 without neglecting his duties. He died while s till young in 1863.

Ludovic (1827-1904), the most impetuous and most successful of

the four brothers, studied at the l'l& ole Polytechnioue and then at the

l'Ebole d»Application. Like Alphonse, he was a soldier, and after having made a campaign in Italy, he was attached to the Arab Bureau of Algiers,

and spent most of his life in North Africa. Referring to Algiers, in a

78 Ibid. : Almanac De Gotha. 1889, p. 328. 79 Polignac, Lee Polignac. pp. 239-240. 23 letter to one of his brothers, he wrote: "Our father has brayed sixteen years in prison in order to give Algeria to France, he has given his 80 children the desire to serve at the price of sacrificing himself."

Ludovic dedicated his life to making sure that Algeria remained a

colony of France.

Edmond (1834-1901) was the youngest of Jules' sons. He was the 81 "most artistic, most sensible, most whimsical, and most spiritual,"

of the four brothers. Originally he had intended to be a naval officer,

but instead turned to music. After professional study, he became a

composer and left a considerable number of musical compositions, many 82 dealing with the religious theme.

Camille, two years older than Edmond, was born February 16,

1832, at Millemont, France, while his father was a prisoner at Hamm.

The family lived near the prison and was permitted to spend a great deal

of time with Jules. The children loved to visit their father, who care­

fully supervised their upbringing and education. Camille, reading at

the age of four, amused his father by reciting twenty-four lines of a 83 poem. He was only five when his father was released from exile.

In the best tradition of his class, Camille was taught to love

the military and to seek distinction on the battlefield. As a boy in

Bavaria, he acquired a great and lasting passion for strategy, spending

many hours listening to his father and Henri Jomini, the brilliant

fiO Ibid.. p. 240.

81Ib id . . p . 251.

82Ibid. . p. 252. 83 Ibid., p. 228. 24

Swiss theorist on military strategy, discussing war and politics. In an article entitled 11 Strategic,” in the Figaro. in 1920, Denys Cochin quoted Camille as follows:

As for strategy, which has always occupied my mind, I should have been gratefully aware . . . of this passion for having in my childhood played at the feet of Jomini, who be­ came a great friend of my father's and during my father's exile, faithfully visited our estate.8^

During the years of exile Alphonse and Ludovic were away at school, but they corresponded regularly with the family, and came home whenever possible. Many of the family letters indicate that the

Polignacs were very close, and that the Princess was untiringly de­ voted to the welfare of her family. The Princess usually wrote her sons in English, but they corresponded with her and with each other in _ . 8 5 French.

Camille de Polignac came from that breed of men who could not be satisfied with the formal and leisurely life of most people of noble birth. He belonged to that group who would stubbornly suffer many hardships while fighting for a cause.

He was a member of a most controversial family with a history of involvement in political affairs in France, a family of rebellious dissenters, members of the ancien reteime. that clung fervently to the past. Their conception of the world was that of the romantic seventeenth

8*Denys Cochin, "Strategic," The Figaro. August 31, 1920. 85 The author has in his possession copies of approximately 200 letters, most of which were written to Alphonse de Polignac by his mother, Princess de Polignac, but there are considerable number written by his brothers. These letters give a good deal of insight into the relations of the family before the American Civil War. Alphonse died in 1863. The originals of these letters are in the possession of Alphonse's grand-daughter Jeanne, Comtesse d'Oilllamson, Paris, France. Copies are in Polignac Papers. 25 and eighteenth centuries, when it was commonly believed by members of their class that disinterested kings, priests, and aristocrats stood above the people and ruled over the world for the good of mankind.

The Polignacs had never been accepted by the old nobility. The very mention of their name enraged many and conjured up unpleasant thoughts of upstarts, corruption, dishonesty, and court favorites.

They were one of the most hated families in France, and because of their willingness to fight for what they believed to be right they brought a great deal of suffering to themselves and to their families.

- Jules, a strange visionary, believed that the Virgin Mary was his special protector who always assured him that he was right. With such credentials there is little wonder that he believed that he had a monopoly on truth and justice, and that he was able to know what was best for France. His faith sustained him from all onslaughts against his cherished beliefs.

Camille de Polignac was born into an environment in which he was taught that a man should assume responsibility where he saw it; and that he should stand on his principles regardless of the outcome. And

Camille, like his father, would develop an exaggerated view of his capabilities. CHAPTER II

"It is a step forward"

In 1842 Camille went to Paris, entered the College Stanislaus, and after ten years of study received his baccalaureate# According to all accounts, he made a brilliant record as an all-around student and won first place in higher mathematics in a national contest, the 1 Coneours General#

After receiving the baccalaureate Camille, like his brothers

Alphonse and Ludovic, planned to enter the m ilitary academy, l iEfcole

Polytechnique# In this institution two years of successful study were required, but upon graduation the cadet was commissioned first lieutenant in the French army# The entrance examinations were competitive, and only those scoring the highest were admitted.

In late July, 1852, Camille began taking the battery of required examinations# The summer heat, along with the pressure of competition, brought fatigue and depression to many of the applicants# But the optimistic young prince, satisfied with his performance, was confident 2 that he would soon become a cadet# . After taking the final test on

August 16, Camille, who had "grown very thin" from all the study, went

‘'’Polignac, Les Polignac. pp# 247-248#

Princess de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, July 25, 1852, in Polignac Papers# 27 3 to Rome to rest and v isit friends and await the results of the examination.

His mother waited anxiously in Paris for news of those who 4 would be admitted to the academy. Her spirits brightened somewhat 5 when she learned that 130 would be received. But as weeks passed, the

Princess became increasingly more concerned about Camille. She had intended to go to Metz to visit Alphonse, but wrote: 111 am seriously anxious about Camille. . . . I cannot leave Paris until I know some­ thing positive or as long as there is any hope. • • that his talent for 6 mathematics should be taken into consideration • • • • Later she wrote: "heaven knows how poor Camille will support this disappointment 7 i f i t becomes o ne." The disappointm ent came on O ctober 16, when she learned that he was "decidedly excluded and his number was so very far 8 behind . . . that even a supplementary list would exclude him."

Camille arrived in Paris in late October and "learned with 9 astonishment . . . that his name was not on the list." Although he received the news quietly, the Princess feared that "when the first

feeling of surprise is over he will be more overcome."^0 She expressed

great concern when he began talcing art lessons, believing that he was

3lbid. . August 16, 1852.

4I b id .

5Ibid. . n. d.

6Ibid. . October 4, 1852.

7Ib id . O Ibid. . October 16, 1852. 9 Ibid., n. d.

10Ib id . 11 taking them for therapy rather than for enjoyment.

The realization of failure certainly must have been a shattering experience to the young aristocrat. But he refused to accept the out­ come and turn to a less romantic profession. With the typical Polignac ego, he refused to believe that he was not qualified to be a cadet.

Sometime during the winter he came to the conclusion that even without the benefit of a military education he could still be an officer.

Confident of his ability, he decided to join the French army as a 12 common soldier and work his way up through the ranks. From this time on he would be obsessed with the desire for distinction. His whole life seems to have been devoted to proving, perhaps to himself as well as to others, that he was a leader of men. Camille would be­ come a soldier, but it would take two wars for him to learn, by experi­ ence, that being a good commander involved much more than courageously leading troops in charges across battlefields.

In March, 1853, he made arrangements to go to Chartres, a city about fifty miles southwest of Paris, to enlist. His mother lamented:

"poor fellow, he amuses himself with going out in the evenings, but it will be hard for him and for Edmond, when he leaves, which will not be before A pril."13

It was not until May 30, that he left for Chartres, accompanied by h is h a lf- b ro th e r, Armand, Duke de P o lig n ac, and a "young man named

Blanchard who had been his comrade at the College Stanislaus and who

11 Ibid. , January 3, 1853.

12I b id .

n O I b i d ., March 9 , 1853 enlisted the same day as him in the same regiment. • • •" The two young friends joined the Third Chasseur. Second Escadron. iirst

Peloton. at Chartres.^ 10 Camille took "courageously to his profession," writing: "It is very severe, but I hope that I shall get accustomed, the Staff 17 Officers are all kindness. • . •" Perhaps the officers showed con­ sideration for Camille because like most of them he was an aristocrat, but unlike them he was only a common soldier.

In March, 1854, less than a year after Camille*s enlistment,

France and England, in an alliance with Turkey, declared war on Russia, beginning the Crimean V/ar. The conflict had its origin in a dispute between the French Roman Catholic and the Russian Greek Orthodox clergy over custody of holy places in Jerusalem.

The larger question that developed, however, was that of Russian expansion in the Near East, particularly into Turkey with the eventual aim of controlling Constantinople and the Dardanelles Straits. Napoleon

III took a firm stand against Russian expansion, persuading his people that the war, to protect the Christians in the Near East, was defensive.

Most of the war was fought in the Crimea around the port city of

Sevastopol on the Black Sea. Massive earthworks and granite fortifica­ tions made the city almost impregnable. Nevertheless, in late September,

1854, the Allied forces began bombarding the Russian stronghold from a

14Ibid. . June 5, 1853.

15Ibid. . June 9, 1853.

16Ibid. . July 30, 1853.

17Ibid. . June 9, 1853. position south of the city near Balaklava. It was at Balaklava, on

October 25, that the noble 600 British soldiers made a suicidal charge

against the Russian guns, and were immortalized by Alfred Lord Tennyson

in his poem "Charge of the Light Brigade." Sevastopol held out against

the savage French and British attacks, and after the Battle of Inkerman

on November 5, the Allies were forced to undertake a siege that would

last almost a year.

Because no plans had been made for siege operations, the Allied

troops, poorly equipped and badly needing supplies, were not prepared

to spend the winter idle in their tents. The notorious Black Sea

storms prohibited the movement of supply ships, and also brought des­

truction to the camps with their heavy rains and high winds. Soon the

encampments were little more than great mud puddles, making movement

by man or beast almost impossible. Badly needed supplies had to be

brought overland~a long and costly procedure. Famine and disease

swept the camps; cholera and dysentery took a frightening to ll.

It was during this fateful winter that Florence Nightingale, the

"Angel of the Crimea," earned her great reputation by unselfish devotion

to the sick and dying British soldiers. Introducing elementary sanita­

tion measures, she greatly improved the quality of nursing in the camp

h o s p ita ls .

Shortly after the outbreak of hostilities, Camille was still in

France, anxious to go to the scene of battle. His brother Alphonse 18 left with his.unit for the Bast in April, 1854.

18Ibid. . April 26, 1854. 31

A little later, when the younger Polignac learned that the

Fourth Hussars were soon to leave for the Crimea, he requested to be tra n s fe rre d to th a t command. H is re q u e st was g ran ted on June 16, 1854. 19 Shortly thereafter the Fourth Hussars departed for the East.

On December 16 Camille was in Varna, a port town in Bulgaria on the Black Sea, where the Allies concentrated troops before their attack in the Crimea. Deploring his Inactivity at Varna and fearing that the war would be over by the time he arrived at the battlefields, he begged Alphonse, who was a member of General E llie Frederick Forney's staff, to request the general to arrange a transfer for him to Sevastop- 20 ol. Alphonse may have spoken to his commander, for on December 19

General Forney wrote that he was expecting Camille at Sevastopol in a few days.^1 22 • Probably Camille was in the Crimea by May 8, 1855, and present during the attacks of June, as his nomination of second lieutenant in the Fourth Regiment, Chaussers d'Afrlcue. dated from July 24, 1855, Lat­ er he was attached as ordnance officer on the staff of a General de Salles 23 who had been conducting attacks against Sevastopol all that spring.

19 Edmond de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, July 22, 1854, in Polignac Papers; "Major General Prince Camille de Polignac, C. S. A.," United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine. XX (January, 1957), p. 14. 20 Camille de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, December 16, 1854, in Polignac Papers.

^Princess de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, December 19, 1854, in Polignac Papers. 22 Alphonse de Polignac to Princess de Polignac, May 8, 1855, in Polignac Papers. 23 The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron, "Notes on letters of Prince Camille de Polignac to his brother Alphonse," Paris, France, n. d., in Polignac Papers. There are only five letters exist­ ing that were written by Camille while he was in the East. 32

Camille's mother seemed to think that Alphonse who, at this time was on the staff of General Jean Jacques PetLissier, may have helped his brother obtain the promotion. On August 13, 1855, she wrote: "I rejoice

with you Alphonse at dear Camille's promotion which I am convinced he owes in a great measure to your obliging and all powerful Gl. /sic/ Pelissier 24 to whom I request you to express how truly I am gratified."

Whether or not Alphonse had any influence in getting Camille a

promotion is not really important, for it is evident by his later military career that he displayed courage and gallantry in battle, even

to the point of being reckless.

In a letter dated September 22, 1855, Camille described the battle of September 8, and the storming of the Malakof Fort, which was

the key defense of the fortifications at Sevastopol. On that "great 25 day," he deplored the absence of Alphonse, who was on sick leave in 26 Constantinople. The Russians evacuated Sevastopol during the night of September 8. The capitulation of the besieged city ended the last major action of the war.

A little later Camille went to Constantinople to recuperate

from an ailment which he described as "a nervous state rather than an 27 illness." Whatever his problem, it was mild, for on November 18 he 28 returned to the Crimea and rejoined his regiment.

24 Princess de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, August 13, 1855, in Polignac Papers. 25 Camille de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, September 22, 1855, in Polignac Papers.

26Ib id .

27Ibid. . November, 1855.

28I b id ., November 18, 1855. 33

The following April he was at Kamiesh, the French naval base*

As peace had been declared) he was anxious to return to France* He

requested his brother Armand to obtain leave for him and ended his letter: "It has been advantageous for me to come here* It is a step 29 forward; now I must still make another step onwards." He received

the Medal of the Crimean War for his service*

Camille was back in France by July, 1856, and took a leave 30 of absence to visit relatives and friends* He then returned to Paris

and garrison duty* But the routine of garrison life proved unsuited

for his restless character* He tried to resign his commission, but he 31 was refused until February 15, 1859.

Immediately after leaving the army, Camille went to Central

America because of his interest in the political and economic conditions

of that region. According to his daughter, the Marquise de Courtivron,

he probably secured l e t t e r s o f in tro d u c tio n from some member o f the 32 Erlanger family, who were friends of the Polignacs* The Erlangers

were a well-known European banking family, with financial interests all

over the world. With these letters, Camille would have been able to make

29 Ibid. . April 5, 1855. 30 Princess de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, July 9, 1856 in Polignac Papers. 31 C. A. J. M. de Polignac Letters, 1844-1867, microfilm copies in Louisiana State University Library Archives (Baton Rouge, Louisiana). Hereafter all papers in this collection will be cited as Camille de Polignac Letters* This collection contains an official government document discharging Camille from the French army.

3W Marquise de Crequi Hontfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton, April 14, 1969, in Polignac Papers* 34

Important contacts in Central America,

Sometime in March, 1859, he arrived in San Jose, Costa Rica,

and was cordially received "by all the authorities of the country," 33 including President Don Juan Maro.

After a few weeks in San Jose, Camille went to Nicaragua, where

he was employed by that government as an engineer. He spent several

months there, aided by the army, organizing the defense of its transit

facilities and fortifying the weak costal points to protect the little

country from filibustering expeditions.3^

As it was a "cosmopolitan undertaking," he intended to ask the

United States government to "take charge of protecting and guaranteeing

the life and goods of her subjects who availed themselves of the

transit."3'*

Perhaps he doubted that his mission would be successful, because

he returned to Costa Rica and spent four months in San Jose before

going to Greytovn, Nicaragua, where he was to take a ship to New York,

In a letter to Alphonse, indicating a desire for other adventure,

he expressed regret at not being able to take part in the battles in

Italy that spring when Napoleon III had, for a short time, involved 36 France in the wars for Italian unification.

He did not consider returning to Europe, but he expressed the

33 Camille de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, April 2, 1859, in Polignac Papers. 34 Camille de Polignac to P. G. T. Beauregard, March 22, 1861, in Mansfield Museum (Mansfield, Louisiana).

35I b id . 36 Camille de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, October 14, 1859, in Polignac Papers. 35 desire to take part in some future success, probably military, for he 37 indicated that he might join an expedition going to China. Hostility had broken out earlier that summer when China refused to admit foreign diplomats to Peking. The next year a combined French and B ritish expeditionary force occupied the Asian capital.

At the moment, however, Camille was looking forward to visiting the United States. Such a trip, he wrote: "will permit me, I hope, 38 to sow seeds that will bear fruit in the future." Although he was not one to miss an opportunity of meeting influential people, he could not have guessed that some of those he would meet would be important political and military figures in the future Confederate

States of America. And in less than two years he would be taking up arms for Southern independence in a great civil war in the United

S ta te s .

In mid-November Camille boarded a vessel bound for New York with letters of introduction from Alexander Dimitri of Louisiana, the Ameri­ can Minister to Central America. One of the letters was addressed to

Senator John Slidell of Louisiana, to whom he was to offer his proposal that the United States protect its citizens using the transit facilities 39 in Nicaragua.

In New York Polignac offered his plan to Slidell and to the other

37I b id .

38I b id . 39 Camille de Polignac to P. 6. T. Beauregard, March 22, 1861, in Mansfield Museum (Mansfield, Louisiana). 36

Louisiana Senator, Judah P. Benjamin* Although it met with the approval of the senators, it was never adopted* Polignac blamed the 40 rejection of the project on "a lack of funds*" Considering the mission a failure, he evidently gave up plans he might have had of returning to Nicaragua.

He remained in New York several weeks, and in the course of events he met Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard, a French Creole from south Louisiana, in the United States Army Engineer Department. Their relationship must have been cordial, for Polignac planned to visit

Nev/ Orleans, and Beauregard, apparently familiar with his accomplish­ ments as a civil engineer, invited him to inspect the fortifications 41 below the Cresent City* At the time Beauregard was charged with the task of repairing Forts St* Phillip and Jackson on the Mississippi River 42 seventy-five miles south of New Orleans* But because of pressing obligations at home, Polignac had to "return suddenly to France" and 43 was unable to accept the invitation*

Judah P* Benjamin and Polignac became friends at their first meeting in New York, and this friendship lasted for the remainder of their lives* They uegan corresponding shortly after the formation of the Confederate States of America*

40ibid.

42x. Harry Williams, Beauregard: Napoleon in Gray (New York: C o llie r Books, 1962), p* 53*

^3Camille de Polignac to P* G. T. Beauregard, March 22, 1861, in Mansfield Museum (Mansfield, Louisiana). On March 9, 1861, Benjamin wrote Polignac to contact Pierre A.

Post, Confederate agent in France:

I beg of you to extend to him all the aid in your power towards the accompaniment of the object we have in view--any hints, suggestions, or information that you can give will be valuable and will be highly appreciated, and all courtesies that you may be able to render him w ill be particularly acknowledged as a favor to myself*^4

Two weeks after receiving Benjamin*s letter, Polignac referring to the impending crisis in the United States, wrote Beauregard and offered his service to the Confederacy* Expressing his views toward the South, Polignac explained:

I have followed with the deepest interest the great events which have taken place in your country, and all my sympathies have been with the democratic party whose rights seemed to be incontestable* • • • I have always had a pro­ found admiration for your country* I wish only to show you that I perpetuated the traditions which make our two nations, two sisters, and that I shall be happy to come and offer the tribute of my person to your cause*^5

In the same letter Polignac offered to recruit some French officers and some soldiers from his cousin*s estate in Ireland* He concluded patronizingly: lfI have always considered it /the United States/ as an adopted fatherland where I shall be happy to someday settle* I have left the French army for the sole purpose of making a beginning of the project* • • *"*6

There is no evidence to indicate any truth in these statements*

^Judah P* Benjamin to Camille de Polignac, March 9, 1861, in Camille de Polignac Letters* A5 Camille de Polignac to P* G* T* Beauregard, March 22, 1861, in Mansfield Museum (Mansfield, Louisiana)*

A6I b id . 38

He knew the South would need soldiers and he wanted to fight. He

probably thought it necessary to convince Beauregard of the sincerity

of his application.

Beauregard was a good man to know, at least in the early days

of the Confederacy. In March, 1861, he was in charge of the Confederate

forces at Charleston, South Carolina, preparing, at the command of his

government, to reduce the Federally-held Fort Sumter in Charleston

Harbor. Polignac probably thought the popular Creole general could

have considerable influence in securing a favorable appointment for him.

Beauregard must have been impressed with the letter, because not

only would Polignac*s offer to serve the Confederacy be accepted, but

he would also receive a high position on the general's staff. It

should be noted, however, that foreigners were usually received by

Confederate officials, who were aware of the necessity of securing

friends and consequent recognition in Europe. In any case, Polignac

could not have hoped for a more favorable beginning of his new m ilitary

c a re e r.

Obviously, the Prince was an opportunist. He liked the glories

of war, and he was willing to do whatever was required to achieve his

objective of winning distinction and proving that he was a leader of men. He had been denied the right to lead troops in the French army, but perhaps he may have thought that in a new army, short of officers,

and made up of raw recruits, he would rise rapidly in the ranks to a position of leadership. And having influential friends like Beauregard,

Slidell, and Benjamin would not hurt his chances for promotion.

But it would be a mistake to assume that Polignac's only motivation was a traditional, or worse, a bizarre love for war. There 39 was more to the man than* this; he had been taught by his family to assume responsibility where he saw it and to fight for what he believed

to be right, regardless of the outcome.

Polignac was always an avid student, and in 1859, upon arrival in New York, he had a first hand opportunity to observe and study

American institutions. John Slidell and Judah P. Benjamin, important

political figures from Louisiana, probably had considerable influence in determining his views of the social and political systems of the

United States.

Polignac's Southern friends were, like him, men of culture. In

politics they were conservative and devoted to tradition, very much like his own aristocratic class in France, most of whom were sympathetic

to the Confederacy. Perhaps influenced by his Southern comrades, Polig­

nac also learned to appreciate and admire Southern political beliefs.

Evidence is not available before the war, but certainly during the

conflict, and in fact, for the remainder of his life, he was an ardent

supporter of the abstract idea of states* rights and decentralization

of government.

As late as October 6, 1913, a few weeks before his death, in a

letter to his friend General Marcus J. Wright, Polignac wrote that he

viewed the war "as a conservative effort for the maintenance of civil

rights and time-honored traditions, against the encroachments of a

centralized administration." When viewed in this light, according to

Polignac, the Civil War "ceases to be a mere episode in the private

history of a particular people in a particular spot." The moral of the

war, he insisted, was unbounded, extending "far beyond the lim its of

the land upon which so many lives were sacrificed. It is an object 40 lesson to the world, and must appeal to all sincere lovers of liberty 47 wherever they may be found*"

Evidently the cosmopolitan young prince saw the Civil War as more than just a bloody struggle for Southern independence, if his words later in life are to be believed, he joined the Confederacy to fight for the principle of states' rights* On the other hand, French nobility was traditionally military, and it was natural that he should seek distinction on the battlefield*

These two factors then, a belief in principle and a natural attraction for the military, probably give, the best clues as to why

Polignac offered his service to the Confederacy* Such a course of action would have certainly been in keeping with his family's long tradition of fighting for what they believed to be right*

47 Camille de Polignac to Marcus J* Wright, October 6, 1913, in Marcus J. Wright Papers* CHAPTER I I I

"Was not Caesar Caesar at twenty?"

By the time Camille de Polignac arrived in New York on June 12,

1861, eleven Southern states had seceded from the United States, and a new government, the Confederate States of America, had been formed*

The Union was sp lit asunder*

The division resulted from the controversy over slavery, the question of state and individual rights, cultural and economic dif­ ferences, and sectional antagonism in general* After seventy-five years of crisis, compromise, irritations, and threats and prophecies, the great American experiment in democracy seemed doomed*

The seceded states were determined to maintain their independence and sovereignty; and the United States, never officially recognizing the existence of the Confederate government, was determined that the

Union was indivisible and that no state had the right to secede*

The right of secession could only be settled on the battlefield.

Actual fighting began on April 12, when the Confederate forces began bombarding the Federally-held Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor*

By June there s till had been no major battles, only minor fighting in Missouri and Virginia. Both sides were preparing for war.

Troops had to be raised, equipped, and trained before there would be a major clash on the battlefield* Neither side was yet prepared for what would come—a bloody civil war in which more than a half m illion Americans

41 42

would die in combat f,or ae a direct result of the war."^

Because there were no restrictions placed on travel and no

enemy lines that one would have to cross, Polignac was able to travel

without difficulty from New York to Richmond, Virginia, the Confederate

capital, where he was to report for assignment.

On his journey to the Confederate capital, he stopped and spent

one night at the "Cabal House," a hotel in Lynchburg, Virginia. Shortly

after retiring for the evening, three members of the local vigilantes

called on him to ascertain his identity and his mission in their state.

Evidently the Prince informed them that he was to become a Confederate

soldier, for they were satisfied with his answer and did not disturb 2 him again. The remainder of the trip was uneventful, and he arrived

at Richmond sometime before the end of June.

On July 6 Polignac was commissioned lieutenant colonel in the 3 Confederate army. The commission was "by courtesy," no doubt out of

^*Jay Luvaas, The Military Legacy of the Civil War (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959), p. 1. 2 Camille Armand Jules Marie, Prince de Polignac Diary, April 3, 1863, microfilm copy in Russell Library, Northwestern State College (Natchitoches, Louisiana), hereafter cited as Diary by date. Polignac kept the diary from April, 1862, until the end of the Civil War. It was not strictly a day by day account, even though.this was his original intention. When he failed to make an entry for one or more days, he usually summarized the activities of those days at a later date. All entries are recorded in English because he was trying to learn the language. Q Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America. 1861-1865 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904), (Sen. Doc. no. 234, 58 Cong., 2 sess.), I, pp. 424, 842-843, hereafter cited as Journal of the Confederate Congress. See also Camille de Polignac to Alphonse de Polignac, September 19, 1861, in Polignac Papers; Register of Appointments, Confederate States Army, Confederate Archives, National Archives (Washington, D. C.). His appointment was not confirmed until March 5, 1862, but was effective July 6, 1861, see Letters Received 43 deference to his title, and the desire to extend favors to foreigners in general. He was appointed assistant inspector general in the 4 regular army and assigned to the staff of General P. G. T. Beauregard.

As assistant inspector general, his duty was to carry out the details of army administration, including inspection of the troops in the field, and to see that there was obedience to regulations and orders emanating from the Adjutant and Inspector General's office.

According to Polignac, he was given authority superior to his grade, but there is no indication as to what the superior authority might have been.

The twenty-nine year old prince posed a striking figure. He was a short man, only five feet, six inches tall. His exceptionally deep blue eyes, rosy cheeks, and auburn hair complimented his fair complexion. He wore a three-cornered breech hat "a* la Napoleon," which along with his almost red Napoleonic beard brought stares and 5 jokes as he rode past the soldiers.

He seems to have left some of the backwoodsmen awed by his drill tactics, for at the Bichmond fairgrounds, one of the mountaineers by the Confederate Adjutant and Inspector General, January-April, 1862, National Archives (Washington, D. C.), hereafter cited as Letters Beceived by the Confederate Adjutant and Inspector General by date. 4 Ibid. Although Polignac served for almost a year, in Virginia and in the Western Theater, as lieutenant colonel on the staff of General Beauregard, for some unknown reason Beauregard never mentioned him in his writings. 5 Felix Pierre Poche? Diary, October 15, 1863, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library (Chapel H ill, North Carolina), hereafter cited as Pierre PocheP Diary; Ella Lonn, Foreigners in the Confederacy (Chapel H ill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1940), p. 213; The Marquise de Crequi Mont fort de 44 said of Polignac: "that-there furriner he calls out er lot er gibberish, and therm there Dagoes jes maneuvers up like hell-beatin- 0 tanbark. Jes like he was talking sense." The mountaineer might not have understood the foreigner*s "gibberish," but Polignac spoke

English fluently; and at times, when he lost his temper, even 7 "swore like a trooper."

Polignac remained in Virginia until the following April. At least part of the time was spent with the First Corps, Army of the

Potomac, in winter quarters at Centerville, a little town in the northern part of the state, near the bloody battlefield of Manassas.

He wrote a letter from Centerville, October 30, 1861, replying to someone, probably a Confederate official, who had requested that he make some o b se rv a tio n s based on h is in sp e c tio n s o f th e tro o p s fo r th e consideration of the Confederate Congress.

In the requested letter, Polignac showing an unusual confidence in his military knowledge, wrote that the army was good, but at the same time there were "some particulars of its organization which prevent

Courtivron to Roy Hatton, April 14, 1969, in Polignac Papers. For French army discharge papers with a physical description of Polignac, see Camille de Polignac Letters. Mrs. B. Giraud Wright, A Southern Girl in *61 (New York: Double­ day, Page and Co., 1959), p. 92, inaccurately described Polignac as a "firey little man; erect in figure, with keen black eyes, white teeth that showed brilliantly when he smiled, and a dark waxed moustache which lent a fiercness to his expression. • • •" She may have been describing Beauregard, rather than Polignac. 0 Lonn, Foreigners in the Confederacy, p. 213. 7 Basil Wilson Duke, Reminiscences of General Basil Wilson Duke (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Co., 1911), p. 132. g its being fully efficient.”

He began by criticizing the system that permitted soldiers to elect officers to fill vacancies in the companies, observing that:

After the fatigue of a campaign and the hardships and minutiae of the camp life have for some time borne upon them, private considerations weigh in their decisions and will cause them to choose an officer not for his qualifications but for the knowledge they may have that he will relax the established rules and restraints of discipline.9

According to Polignac, this tendency of the soldiers to think only of their immediate well-being without looking to the future consequences of such a course was unavoidable as it was due to the imperfections of human nature. He declared that he had known officers who had intrigued for an election with the intention of resigning when elected, whose only purpose was the satisfaction of being elected. It was impossible, he felt, for an army to:

thrive when governed by such a principle, one which will teach the officers to court popularity and the men to look to themselves as the constituents of their officers with a right to control their course and ready according to their real forbearance to suppress or bestow their favors.-1-0

He insisted that if Congress wanted to carry the organization of troops to the highest degree of efficiency it would be necessary to

O Camille de Polignac to Sir, October 30, 1861, Camillus J. Polignac File, War Department Collection of Confederate Records, National Archives (Washington, D. C.), hereafter cited as Camillus J. Polignac File Q Ibid. Professor T. Harry Williams points out that the "election method was the only available method to obtain quickly the large number of troop leaders required" for the mass armies of the Civil War, see T. Harry Williams, Haves of the Twenty-Third (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1955), p. 20.

^Camille de Polignac to Sir, October 30, 1861, in Camillus J. Polignac FLle. fill all vacancies by promotion, which would be "a reward to the

deserving and an encouragement to all."'*”*'

He also called attention to the enormous quantity of baggage

in the army. The allowance of excess baggage, he pointed out, might

"be attended with dangerous consequences and might interfere with a 12 whole campaign should its success depend on dispatch. • • •"

Polignac found that it required between 4,000 and 5,000 wagons,

excluding ambulances, for the Army of the Potomac to move with fifteen

day's rations. He recommended that pack mules or pack horses be sub­

stituted for wagons whenever possible. This would, he insisted, make 13 the army "more wieldy in the hands of its generals."

The letter apparently went up to someone in the Confederate

government, for appended to it was a note signed by General Beauregard,

who stated he warmly approved "the within remarks and recommendations — — 14 of Col. /sic/ Polignac." There is no evidence that the Congress made any effort to put Polignac's suggestions into practice.

Polignac's observations were probably sought because of his

five years experience in the French army. At that time France was

universally considered to be the leading m ilitary power in Europe.

Both Federal and Confederate recruits "learned the rudiments of drill and elementary tactics from manuals based largely upon existing French 15 regulations."

11I b id .

12I b id .

13I b id . 14 x I b id . 15 Luvaas, Legacy of the Civil War, p. 2. Polignac came to the Confederate army with the typical French view of what was proper m ilitary organization and procedure* His views can be understood only when presented against the background of ideas and doctrines prevalent in the French army*

The French were obsessed with the offensive; "dash and bustle were all that was necessary to solve military problems*" Emphasis was placed on the bayonet charge which required professional disciplined troops* It took years, according to the French, to acquire the necessary knowledge, discipline, and sp irit to produce good combat 17 troops* Patriotism and devotion could not compensate for a lack of 18 m ilitary knowledge* 19 Military protocol was stressed* The spirit of individual independence of the American soldier was believed to be fatal to military 20 discipline* The greatest criticism was leveled at the citizen soldier; the democratic method of electing officers by the rank and file; and the custom of granting commissions to anyone who recruited a unit*

Polignac came to America prepared to fight according to French manuals* But this was a new and different kind of war; the increased firepower gave the advantage to the defensive, which along with the

American terrain made the bayonet charge obsolete* Dash and bustle

•I /> Ibid*. p* 79, quoting from Marshal Franchet d'Eperey, "Du Directoire 1914," Histoire mllltaire et navale de la nation franyaise. VIII of Histoire de la nation franyaise. p* 382* 17 Luvaas, Legacy of the Civil War, p* 82* TA Ibid., p. 94.

19I b id « . p . 80. 20 Ibid.. p. 88. 48

were no longer all that was necessary to solve every m ilitary problem.

Polignaci as a professional soldier* confident of his ability*

probably expected to rise rapidly in the ranks to a position of

leadership. However* he found that the Confederate method of selecting

officers by election in the volunteer units* which "violated every 21 known principle of the military procedure*" frustrated all his efforts.

What he found in the Confederate army was not the professional soldier*

but civilians in military uniforms—-more often referred to as the citizen

soldiers. These men made good soldiers* but they did not like the

discipline and regimentation of the m ilitary. The citizen soldier 22 could not be driven* but had to be urged and persuaded.

These men would only follow a commander that they respected and

trusted. Gaining their respect and devotion was difficult at best* but

< was especially hard for a foreigner who disagreed with the organisation

and procedure in their army. Polignac was to learn* however slowly*

that in this war a good commander had to appear democratic and human

and prove to his troops that he cared for their best interest and

welfare. He would have to treat his men as individuals, associating

with them* but remaining distant enough to preserve their respect for 23 a u th o rity .

But winning devotion and respect was only the first hurdle in

becoming an effective officer. Both would disappear quickly if the

commander was hesitant or timid under fire. These citizen soldiers

^W illiams, Hayes of the Twenty-Third, p. 21.

22I b id . . p . 25. JO Ibid.. pp. 24-25. 49 would only follow the commander who was fearless In hattle; they were

Impressed with) as Professor T* Harry Williams puts it: "sheer physical 24 courage displayed in the most spectacular fashion*"

Courageous action alonet however, was not enough* A good com­ mander also had to think* He had to direct every movement of his forces, deploying them in such a way as to attain maximum efficiency* To do this he had to know the terrain and had to he able to accurately antici- 25 p a te th e movements o f th e enemy*

To acquire such sk ill required considerable knowledge of war*

Like many others in the Civil War, Polignac had no formal m ilitary edu­ cation, and had to acquire the necessary knowledge from self-study and from experience*

He had the advantage, however, of being an avid student of war, dating back to his childhood* His special interest was strategy, and his diary is filled with commentaries on strategy and tactics, and maps of battles*

But he also had the disadvantage of coming into the war with preconceived ideas that were not applicable to the Civil War* For

Polignac, adjustment to the unorthodox ways of the American war was slow and painful* The most depressing and frustrating period of his military c a re e r in America came i n th e sp rin g and summer o f 1862*

Early in 1862 Beauregard left Virginia for an assignment under

General Albert Sidney Johnston in the Western Theater, but Polignac did not Immediately follow him* During the Battle of Shiloh, April 6 and 7,

Johnston was killed and Beauregard succeeded to the command* After the

24Ib id . . p* 25.

25Ibld. , pp, 26-27* battle, Beauregard retreated about forty-five miles south to Corinth,

Mississippi* Polignac remained in Richmond until April 10 and then set out

for Corinth to join Beauregard, arriving there on April 17* He was with the army as it continued its retreat southward toward Tupelo, M ississippi.

Although Beauregard reported a successful withdrawal, Polignac insisted that the troops were demoralized and complete disorganization prevailed.

He stated that many stragglers and sick were left in Corinth "half 27 starved in the woods," and had to be moved forward by wagons. On one occasion when he discovered a number of stragglers, who pretending to be sick* were taking advantage of the hospitality of the local citizens,

Polignac noted that in any but the Confederate army such men would be 28 considered deserters*

He expressed the concern that if the army did not maneuver it would surely be defeated, and if the army did not recover it would

"dwindle to nothing thro /sic/, sickness and desertion*" He insisted that the troops were "almost too, undisciplined to be organized" and that "nothing but a successful campaign will bring them up to the 29 required standard."

Polignac seemed bewildered and dismayed with the conduct of the whole army—officers and men alike* Failing to comprehend the nature of the citizen soldiers, he could not understand why the officers, most of whom were also citizen soldiers, failed to properly discipline the

26Dlary, April 17, 1862.

27lbid. , May 29-30, 1862.

28I b id * * June 3 , 1862.

29I b id . 51 troops, or why the generals did not see the need for an offensive

campaign to bring the army "up to the required standard." Increasingly he thought it necessary to be promoted to a position of authority where his opinions would carry some weight.

Polignac wanted a command position, and shortly after arriving 30 in the West he thought ho was to be assigned a regiment. To command a regiment was exactly what he desired, for he felt himself to be a leader, and a regimental command would possibly pave the way for further promotions. Because of the elective system of selecting officers in the volunteer regiments, he was unable to secure the desired command.

The news of his possible promotion caused a "bristle" in the regiment, and one of the colonels angrily stated that he did not consider 31 th e P rin c e capable o f assum ing a command. In d is g u s t, Polignac in s is te d that this was the "consequences of the volunteer organization which teems with such consequences." He continued: "How will this end . . . I don't know. Something has to turn up. 1 stand a mere looker on at the whole 32 proceedings—-a spectator at a play and make the best of it."

If there was anything that Polignac did not want to do, it was to stand a "mere looker on." He was a determined mem and not one to give up easily, and hence approached General Beauregard about the matter.

The general assured him that he would write to the Secretary of War in

Richmond and obtain his appointment as brigadier general. This, according

ao Ibid., April 22, 1862.

3W , April 28, 1862. By "bristle" Polignac was referring to the opposition expressed by the officers regarding his appointment. The soldiers probably did not trust Polignac because he was a foreigner.

32I b id . 52

to Polignac, would "settle things once and for all in a way more 33 profitable and gratifying to myself."

Several days later Beauregard s till had not written the promised

letter, but he continued to assure the persistent lieutenant colonel

that he would attend to the matter. And Polignac insisted that he would

— — 3 4 not "let it pass out of his /Beauregard*s/ mind."

After the troops had arrived safely at Tupelo, Beauregard, who

was in bad health and at the same time was wader fire for evacuating

Corinth, an important railroad center, left the army and went to recu­

perate at a resort near Mobile, Alabama. General Braxton Bragg was

tem p o rarily l e f t in command. The C onfederate P re sid e n t, J e ffe rs o n D avis,

seized on Beauregard's absence as an excuse to remove him and appoint 35 Bragg as commander of the Western Department.

Polignac felt that the sudden removal of Beauregard "will at

first have a demoralizing effect on . . • the army which can only be 36 dispelled by an energetic and successful campaign."

Polignac was assigned to Bragg*s staff as assistant inspector 37 general, but he expressed no opinion about his transfer.

OQ Ibid., April 29, 1862. 34 Ibid., May 6, 1862. The files do not disclose that Beauregard ever wrote the letter on Polignac*s behalf. 35 For a full discussion of Beauregard's removal see Williams, Beauregard, pp. 192-203.

36Diary, June 21-22, 1862. 37 The War of Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington: Y/ar Department, 1880- 1902), Series I, Vol. XVII, pt. 2, p. 648, hereafter cited as 0. R. with, unless otherwise noted, all citations to Series I. 53

He had, however, never been satisfied In the Inspecting department, which he felt was "generally used as an outlet to dispose of troublesome 38 and worthless officers, be it stated without reflection on myself."

But he had done his best to make the most of what he considered an unfortunate situation. Once when he had to check out an account of a telegraph company, he wrote:

After dangling for a little while I Introduced a system of proceeding which facilitated our agencies. I shall take the matter into my own hands and report about it as I have been the leader of the appointed board. I shall get the credit for the whole transaction.—-(a man if really superior ought everywhere to—lead, to be the head mem among his equals, and fate will help him).39

This ambition to be "head man" now took increasing possession of him. He even hoped to use his title of "prince" for personal advantage,

for it gave him pleasure "to see that a title still has some prestige 40 left here and that 1 can make mine subservient to my designs."

Although his immediate design was promotion to the rank of brigadier general, he harbored hopes of going higher. He often wrote of his aspirations of "greatness," although he never really defined the term. At any rate, he definitely considered himself to be a great man, and he was always frustrated and depressed because others did not see him as he saw himself. If his writing is indicative of his thinking, obviously he was unaware that he might have shortcomings which would prevent him from reaching his goal. A life without purpose had no

38Diary, June 12, 1862. 39 Ibid., May 20, 1862. 40 Ibid., June 11, 1862. 54 meaning to Polignac, On one occasion he wrote:

What is life without an object, whole object for the attain­ ment of which every nerve must be strained for it alone is worthwhile to live to which every pleasure every love every desire must bend, yield, which absorbs every drop of useful life into constant contemplation of the means by which it is to be gained and concentrated upon • * • into forces to work reality out of this flattering dream,^

Undoubtedly Polignac*s religious-like dedication to his advance­ ment caused him to be his own greatest enemy. He seemed obsessed, thinking that that day was wasted which did not contribute to his reaching his goal. Late one night, musing over the day*s activities, he lamented:

I had to contend as usual with my eternal foes—the Inmate of my own self—my relentless mind and my thoughtful heart— indeed the almighty power to which all creation is ascribed has framed me into a restless being and between the labors of my mind and the throbs of my heart and the aspiration of my soul I do not know how my delicately built earthly frame has not been shattered to fragments.^2

His only consolation was his belief in fate, and no matter how frustrated, he still could blame fate for any obstacles to acheiving his aims in life, yet on one occasion he wrote:

• , • the task is harsh and I sometimes feel that I must sink beneath my fate. Oh but for that irrestible drift which im­ pels me onward to my ocean and keeps me buoyant on its foaming tide as it bears me onward to the aim I strive to attain with hopeful energy but with scarcely any other rapture but to think that everything else is impossible,^3

He continued:

Why should I have harbored in my bosom the two greatest poss­ e ssio n s which one can f e e l—th e f i r s t I know by what name to call it; The second claims the name either love or jealousy

41Ibid„ May 1, 1862,

42Ibld. , July 6, 1862.

43I b i d . , June 16, 1862. or heart ulceration scorn for mankind—it is perhaps after all nothing hut a general dissatisfaction of human things— arising out of a feeling of self-superiority and an exqui­ site sense of knowing what should he • • • •

He concluded with a saddening and frustrating note: "Goodnight indomi­

table spirit that quickens in my mind—thou shalt have no rest hut in 45 sleep this side of the grave*"

The feeling of self-superiority is prevalent all through the

diary* On June 13, after reading the editorial from the Hay 13 edition of the London Times in which the editor stated there were no decisive

geniuses on either side of the American conflict, Polignac wrote:

But is there none? Who knowB??? If there is what can he he without an occasion, without a concurrence of events that would help him along* He is already perhaps among the paltry crowd* He walks among them and they see him not, he oheys many of them whom he could o r should command, he i s pow erless under them, he would he efficient over them, and successful and great* His spirit quickens among the dull and plodding multitude hut inert in hody his material progress is checked because he has not yet been found out.—was not Caesar Caesar at twenty? and not yet known for what he was as such hut to himself until forty*^6

Such statements were the result of a prolonged period of frus­

tration and disappointment* Polignac was a professional soldier, with no meaningful position, while all around him, he saw what he considered lesser men in positions of authority* It was only natural, schooled in the French autocratic tradition, that he would disapprove of the democra­ tic procedure in the Confederate army.

Polignac was a determined, hold,aggressive, man with an iron will* He often expressed feelings of self-superiority, as though he had

44I b id .

45I b id .

46 Ibid. 56 an exquisite sense of knowing what should he* While this arrogance would be strange among most men, it was not an unusual characteristic of the

Polignacs* Camille's father had had sim iliar beliefs at the time of his death many years earlier*

Camille was sure of himself, but he was not sure of others around him, those who were in positions to influence his future* He poured out h is f r u s tr a tio n s in th e pages o f h is d iary th a t summer* I f only he could be recognized for what he really was, or what he thought himself to be, a born leader of men. If his superiors failed to see his ability, and must be convinced, then all he asked for was a chance to prove his military greatness on the battlefield* But all his efforts for advance­ ment were thwarted* He came to feel that he would never see battle and that he was in danger of facing a long, dismal, nonconsequential military career*

Only his faith in himself and his belief in fate sustained him*

He believed that fate had destined him for greatness* He was a shrewd calculating man, who dedicated his entire being to securing a promotion one way or another* He was an extremely ambitious man who craved dis­ tinction and promotion* But there was more to it than this* He honestly believed that with his superior knowledge he would be of great value to the army if he was only given a chance*

Depressed and frustrated, Polignac still had confidence in his ability, but what could he do "without an occasion, without a concurrence of events that would help him along*" CHAPTER IV

f,He has freely exposed himself to all the dangers of war"

The Confederates suffered a series of disastrous ; m ilitary reverses in the early months of 1862} which resulted in the loss to

Federal forces, of almost all of Tennessee and Kentucky, and control of the M ississippi River down to Vicksburg. The United States was applying pressure in the V/est, and by summer it appeared that Northern armies might make additional intrusions into the South.

In June Brigadier General George W. Morgan occupied the Cumber­ land Gap, a deep depression in the Cumberland mountain range, located on the boundary between Tennessee and Kentucky near the western boundary of Virginia. The gap made a natural highway and was considered a gate- f way into east Tennessee. The action not only prevented the Confederates from using this important route, but it also threatened Major General

Edmund Kirby Smith*s little command of Confederates at Knoxville, on the southern border of east Tennessee.'1'

Also in June, General Don Carlos Buell and the Army of the Ohio was ordered to move east from Corinth, M ississippi, to conduct operations against the Confederates in east Tennessee, with Chattanooga as his

1 Joseph Wheeler, "Bragg*s Invasion of Kentucky,11 Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, ed. Clarance C. Buell and Robert U. Johnson (New York: The Century Co., 1887-1888), III, p. 2; Henry M. Cist, The Army of the Cumberland. VII of Campaigns of the Civil War. (New York: A. S. Barnes and Co., Inc., 1963), p. 34.

57 58 objective* Buell moved first to Nashville, Tennessee, to prepare his offensive against Chattanooga* Chattanooga, on the Tennessee River, was important to both sides, for whoever held this mountain city could use it as a base to Invade the other section*

The Confederate problem, and more particularly Bragg*s problem, as commander of the Western Theater, was to devise a plan to recover at least part of the lost territory, and turn the tide from disaster to

victory* Knowing that his government expected him to fight and realiz­

ing that the Confederacy could not afford to lose more territory, Bragg

decided to go on the offensive and invade Tennessee and Kentucky* He

left a force to engage the Federals in northern Mississippi, and on

July 12, took the main body of his army and moved to Chattanooga, ar­

riving there ahead of BueH on July 30* From Chattanooga Bragg planned

to push up through central Kentucky to Louisville* Taking this route

would enable him to draw Buell out of Tennessee and prevent an invasion 2 of northern Georgia.

At the same time, Bragg planned that Kirby Smith, with a smaller

force, should move up through eastern Kentucky to Lexington* The two

armies could link up, and with the recruits that he expected to pick

up en route, Bragg believed that he could either invade the North or at 3 least defeat any Federal army sent against him* His strategy was

sound, but he did not have the courage to execute such a daring plan*

Polignac had accompanied Bragg to Chattanooga, thinking that at

last he was to take part in a campaign* Impatiently he thought that

S/heeler, "Bragg*s Invasion of Kentucky,” Battles and Leaders. I l l , p* 2.

3I b id . 59 the Confederates should go on the offensive, but to his sorrow, Bragg, 4 overly cautious, seemed to be in no hurry to invade Kentucky*

After a few days in Chattanooga the Prince reached the con­ clusion that the army would not engage the enemy on the battlefield for some time* Frustrated, he decided that his first year in the army had been wasted* He had come to the United States to fight, and after a year still had not seen any action. Oh August 1, very depressed, he wrote: "I stood thoughtful yesterday and in a fit of disheartness /sic/ actually longing for /th e/ repose in the contented smooth happiness of 5 private life • . ."

Depressed as he was, Polignac was a determined w illful man and could not believe that he was doomed to obscurity in this war. Perhaps in a moment of weakness he had thought about the "happiness of private life," but only for a moment. His desire for promotion was stronger than ever, and he entertained thoughts of going to the Confederate capital to present his case in person to his influential friends in the govornmeht. He wrote: "I expect to go to Richmond there to ______to my private affairs and would to God that the subsequent events would / 0 work that analogy in circumstances into the perfect similitude."

In the meantime, Bragg, concerned about the Federal build-up in east Tennessee, was sending reinforcements to Kirby Smith, who for a short time considered operations against Morgan, hoping to force him

4 Diary, August 1, 1862.

5Ib id .

6Ib id . 7 out of the stronghold at Cumberland Gap,

Polignac, anxious for combat, delayed his decision on going to

Richmond, and thought about applying for a transfer to Kirby Smith*s

command. On August 6 , he w rote: " I might i f n o th in g --a s I b e lie v e i s

the case—is going to undertaken here before the success of that •_ — g /operations against Cumberland Gap/ expedition is known."

The next morning he had made his decision and requested the

transfer which was granted that same day. He left for Knoxville on

August 9, arriving there two days later on August 11. He reported to

Kirby Smith who received him "with great affability and courtesy" and 9 assigned him the position of assistant inspector general on his staff.

The expedition against Morgan was temporarily called off when

Kirby Smith learned that the Federals at Cumberland Gap were well

entrenched and provisioned and could withstand a prolonged sieg e,^

But at least to Polignac *s satisfaction, the two-pronged invasion of

Kentucky was about to get underway.

On August 14, as Bragg, with the Army of the West, marched north

toward Nashville, Kirby Smith, with his main force of about 6,000 men,

7 Ibid., August 6, 1862; Paul F. Hammond, "General Kirby Smith*s Campaign in Kentucky in 1862," Southern H istorical Society Papers, paper no. 2,. IX (August, 1881), p, 247; Wheeler, "Bragg's Invasion of Kentucky," Battles and Leaders. Ill, p. 4. g. Diary, August 6, 1862.

9Ibid«. August 11, 1862,

^ Ib id ,, August 12, 1862; Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern Historical Society Papers, IX, p. 247. later designated as the Army of Kentucky) left Knoxville* After four days, and approximately seventy-five miles of hard marching by way of

Clinton, Tennessee, over the Cumberland Mountains through Big Creek Gap and Rogers Gap into Kentucky, Kirby Smith's army reached Barboursville.

Barboursville was a town in southeastern Kentucky on the main road leading to Lexington seventy-five miles to the north*11

Early in the campaign Polignac speculated that Buell and Morgan could join forces, get between the two Confederate armies and annihilate each separately* But he noted optim istically, correctly appraising the Federal commanders, that he did not believe that either man was 12 "equal to his opportunities*"

After he had been with Kirby Smith for a few days, the ambitious

Polignac requested to leave the staff and volunteer into a regiment; as he said: "there to take my chance as 1 feel convinced that it must be 13 • * * a sure way to distinction and promotion* • • •"

The desired permission was granted on August 26, and he joined the Fifth Tennessee Regiment, Second Brigade, of Brigadier General

Patrick R* Cleburne's division, about three miles from London, a small 14 town eighteen miles north of Barboursville* To impress the men favorably and let them get used to him, Polignac dismounted and walked

11 Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern H istorical Society Panere. IX, p* 227; Wheeler, "Bragg's Invasion of Kentucky," Battles and L ead ers* I I I , p* 6*

12Diary, August 12, 1862*

13Ibid., August 19-24, 1862.

^Ibid*, August 25-28, 1862. 62 with the troops, being aware, he said: "that under such circumstances and with the object X had in view much depended on the first impression „15 • • • •

Paul F* Hammond, volunteer aide on Kirby Smith's staff, gave the following impression of Polignac:

Lieutenant-Colonel Polignac, or Prince Polignac, as he was usually called, was undeniable ugly, and he clothed his ugli­ ness in garments neither tidy nor becoming, which certainly had no suspicion of Parisian elegance about them, and which helped to give him the mingled appearance of buffoon and Italian organ- g rin d er* 16

Despite the uncomplimentary remarks, probably Polignac's casual dress and democratic action impressed the soldiers* Perhaps they were flattered to think that the apparently unpretentious French aristocrat with such a high title thought it proper to walls with them. At any rate, his action was a step in the right direction*

As the Confederates under Kirby Smith pushed into Kentucky,

Major General William Nelson, Federal commander at Lexington, Kentucky, prepared to face the invaders with green recruits, who were hastily gathered from the surrounding area and nearby Ohio* Near the end of

August Nelson sent two divisions of his untried troops, less than 6,000 men, to Richmond, Kentucky, a town about forty miles to the south, on 17 the main road leading to Lexington*

Major G eneral H oratio G* W right, commander o f th e Departm ent o f the Ohio, ordered Nelson not to risk battle at Richmond unless he was

1 5I b id .

■^Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern Historical Society Papers* IX, p* 252* 17 C ist, Army of the Cumberland, p, 53* sure of success. He was to "fall back to a more defeasible position, 18 say the Kentucky River. • . •" Accordingly, Nelson planned to

concentrate the 16,000 troops at his disposal on the river about twenty

miles west of Richmond; he thought that the Confederates would not cross 19 the river while a superior force was on their flank. But Brigadier

General Mahlon D. Manson, commander at Richmond, did not receive the

orders to withdraw until around noon on August 30, the day of the battle.

On the previous day, late in the afternoon, an advance force of

Kirby Smith's cavalry attacked the Union pickets that had been set out

on the road about two miles south of Richmond. The Confederates were

pushing the Federals back when General Manson arrived with reinforce­ ments and drove the attackers away.

Colonel Benjamin J. H ill, commander of the Second Brigade,

Cleburne's division, at the head of the Confederate column, expected an all-out assault. He formed the brigade, including the Fifth Tennessee 21 in a line of battle perpendicular to the road. Later Polignac wrote:

"this order of battle was defective applied to a defensive line and

order in echelon should have been prepared as best calculated to foil

flank movements. As it was both our flanks were very much exposed . . .

But the Federals did not advance. Night ended the engagement,

180. R.. XVI. pt. 1, p. 908.

19Ibid., p. 909.

20I b id . . p . 913. 21 Ibid., p. 949; Diary, August 29, 1862.

22Diary, August 29, 1862. 64 and the Confederates fell back to a position near the hamlet of

Rogersvllle, about ten miles from Richmond, and made plans for an 23 all-out attack the next day* During the night the Union troops were reinforced and moved forward, talcing a position about three miles 24 from the Confederate camp*

By morning the combatants were of about equal strength, the

Confederates having a slight edge in manpower with 6,850 effectives, 25 as opposed to the 6,500 of the Union* Prospects of a victory

favored the Confederates, whose ranks consisted mainly of veterans, while the Federals were forced to fight with green recruits who were often commanded by inexperienced officers* According to General Manson, his troops had been in service less than a month and "some had never 26 had a battalion drill and knew not what a line was*11 As the Confederate

Paul F* Hammond optim istically put it: “raw levies were counted as 27 nothing in the hands of our veterans*"

The three engagements constituting the Battle of Richmond took place between Richmond and Rogersvllle, along the state turnpike* The

23 C ist, Army of the Cumberland, pp* 53-54; Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern Historical Society Papers* IX, p* 249; 0* R.« XVI, pt* 1, pp* 911-915, 938, 944-945*

24ib id . 25 Thomas L* Livermore, Numbers and Losses in the Civil War in America: 1861-1865 (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1957), pp* 89-90*

260 . R«. XVI, p t . 1 , p . 914* 27 Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern Historical Society Papers, IX, p. 248. 65 road, set in a valley, was flanked on both sides by ravines, cornfields, and woods resting on the gentle sloping h ills at the edge of the Appa­ lachian mountain range*

On August 30 the sun rose brightly over the field which was to be the scene of battle that day* The warm summer morning found the young soldiers on both sides confident of victory* One Confederate looking in the direction of the enemy noted optimistically that: "no fairer _ M 2g field /was/ ever offered on which to do battle*"

The battle began at 7 A.M. with a Federal attack* By 3 P.M. the Confederates after two engagements, had driven the Federal forces almost ten miles to the outskirts of Richmond, where they made their last stand* Commanded by General Nelson, who had arrived from Lexington, the Federals had fallen back to a strong position on the crest of a hill at the etdge of town* They formed their line of battle, with'both flanks protected by woods; the left resting on the turnpike stretching across through a cemetery on the right* At 5 P.M. the Confederates attacked both wings of the Federal lines*

The Battle of Richmond, although minor in history of the Civil

War, was one of the turning points in Polignac *s military career* His regiment, the Fifth Tennessee, saw little action in the first two engagements, but during the last and bloodiest fight In front of Rich­ mond, the Fifth Tennessee, as part of Cleburne's division, was engaged 29 in heavy fighting trying to take the cemetery*

Ibid. . p. 250. 29 Diary, August 30, 1862* There were 295 men in the Fifth Tennessee Regiment at the beginning of the battle, see 0. R. . XVI, pt* 1 , p* 952* For the third time that day ’’the fierce hum of minnie balls was followed by the sullen thud of the rifle, and cannons boomed at short intervals like the baying of deep-mouthed bloodhounds above the 30 din and clatter of the Beagles*" All along the lines firing was vigorous, with both sides suffering greater losses than at any previous tim e th a t day.3'L

For a moment there was some confusion in the Confederate ranks— 32 the soldiers hesitated* Polignac stated that many officers showed

fear and hid whenever possible to avoid the fight, that he urged them 33 to fall in with the men, and that all observed his participation*

He, therefore, "endeavored to exhibit more coolness and experience

than the men's old officers, by standing upright under fire and not

dodging."34 Finally the men of the Fifth Tennessee rallied, and Polig­ nac was virtually in command* He wrote: "I felt that the moment had

come when I must make a mark and consequently merge from o b sc u rity and by material exertion acquire a reputation, /sic/ ascending could bring my intellectual facilities to bear and give me a chance to shape my ends,"

With this view in mind, and knowing the effect of personal valor

30 Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern H istorical Society Papers. IX p . 253*

^ I b i d .

32Ibid. , Diary, August 30, 1862* 33 Diary, August 30, 1862*

34Ib id .

35I b id , 67 on the soldiers, he worked himself into an emotional state he did not think possible. Taking the regimental flag, he jumped the fence, waved his handkerchief from atop a tombstone, and urged the men forward. 36 They followed.

A charge was ordered by the entire line, and Colonel Preston

Smith, at the head of the division, Cleburne having been wounded in the

first attack, made a "dashing charge through murderous fire" and took 37 the cemetery* The enemy fled in confusion through the town. The

Union troops for the third time tried to rally, but it was too late, the army was "no longer an army, but a mob, cavalry, infantry, artillery, and wagons, mingled together in complete confusion, rushed along the 38 road for Lexington."

The sun was setting. The Confederates had fought all day, and 39 were exhausted; no reserves were available and pursuit was impossible.

However, Colonel John S, Scott's cavalry, sent earlier to the rear of

Richmond to cut off the anticipated retreat, was merciless in its 40 harassment of the fleeing soldiers, killing and capturing many. It

was clearly a Confederate victory.

After the battle, Polignac said that the men looked at him as one

36I b id . 37 Ibid#: Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern H istorical Society Psl^ gtg, IX, p« 253| | .XVX, pt# 1 , pp# 934| 946, 951# 38 Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern H istorical Society Papers. IX, p. 253.

39I b id . 40 Ibid.: 0. R.. XVI, pt. 1, pp. 909, 914, 935. The Union casualties included 1,050 men killed or wounded, and 4,303 captured, while the Confederates lost only 450 men killed or wounded, see Liver­ more, Numbers and Losses, pp. 89-90. 68 fit to command them and as one who had escaped from death by a miracle.

In amazement they insisted that he might have been killed. Shaking his finger at one soldier who had made such a statement, Polignac said: 41 "all is fate." The men insisted that he remain with them. Polignac indicates in the diary, that he assumed command of the regiment.

The next day the Prince recorded that he rejoiced over the decision to join the regiment. He went on to say that on the previous day, after a year's service, he was no better known than the day he arrived. He had no distinction and was "not expected by many to acquire any, but today I am praised by my superior officers, and looked upon 42 as a man by all."

Others were impressed by his behavior. Colonel Benjamin J. H ill, commander of the Second Brigade, Fourth Division of the Army of Kentucky, s ta te d :

While I make no indlviduous distinction between the actions o f th e o f f ic e r s and men under my command, I fe e l i t o b lig a to ry to mention the gallantry of Lieutenant Colonel Polignac, who, in the last fight before Richmond seized the colors of the Fifth Tennessee, bearing them triumphantly through the thickest of the fight and encouraged the men to withstand a terrible fire.

Colonel Preston Smith, commanding the First Brigade, also stated in his re p o rt:

I feel it due to a gallant foreigner to call your attention to his bearing throughout these several bloody conflicts— Lieutenant C. J. Polignac though not born on this soil, a stranger to nearly the entire command . . . has freely exposed himself to all the dangers of warfare, leading the gallant little band of which he was i n command, tem p o rarily , through th e th ic k e s t o f th e

41 Diary, August 30, 1862.

42Ibid., August 31, 1862.

430. R., XVI pt. 1, p. 952. fight and cheering them on to victory. He deserves the thanks of the country.4

Polignac, shrewd and calculating, was not one to miss an op­ portunity to use his popularity as a means of advancement. Because of his success at Richmond, he probably thought that he had won the acceptance of the troops, and decided to whip them into a crack fight­ ing unit. He felt that their action in any future engagement would make him look good, perhaps paving the way for a promotion and a larger command. According to Paul F. Hammond, Polignac: "morose, unsociable, silent, perhaps melancholy, and misunderstood for the most part, and 45 seemingly inclined to be tyrannic, • . . was anything but popular."

Obsessed with discipline, the ambitious Polignac, determined to prove to his superiors his ability to handle troops, evidently pushed the command pretty hard. A "Captain N on one occasion, when the Prince had treated some of the men as he thought with unnecessary harshness, /sic / to describe him in language more forceful than elegant, as ‘that ______little French peddler'."46

As a military man in the French tradition, not yet understanding the citizen soldier, Polignac's relation with the troops was probably impersonal. He probably saw no need to treat the men as individuals, they were soldiers; their purpose was to fight and his was to see that they were ready to fight. In short, except in the strictest military sense, he paid no attention to his men's personal needs. He spent most

44I b id . . p . 948. 45 Hammond, "Kirby Smith," Southern H istorical Society Papers, IX, p. 252.

46I b id . 70 of the time alone, absorbed in his own interest.

He was devoted to mathematics. That was his greatest and only recreation. He carried his calculations on little slips of papert in a pair of old leather bags, which were constantly strapped about his person; and no sooner was camp struck or was a halt called, than throwing himself upon the ground, face downwards, Polignac had out his papers, and utterly absorbed, pursued his logarithms by the sunlight, or by the flickering flame of the camp fire, while jest and laugh circled merrily all around and about him .^

But Polignac*s strictly m ilitary, impersonal method of dealing with the troops, did not produce the desired results. Sometime before the middle of September he left the regiment. A number of intoxicated officers expressed dissatisfaction and complained to Colonel H ill that the Prince was too severe with the troops. Agreeing with the officers, 48 H ill suggested that the men hold an election and select a new colonel.

Polignac, disgusted, later wrote that he was glad to turn over the regiment to someone else because "it had been reduced very much of late by desertions • • •" According to him, most of the deserters were men who had enlisted for twelve months and whose time had expired.

These men were needed to finish the campaign, but their officers could not encourage them to remain rather than do as so many of them did— 49 d e s e rt.

The Prince insisted that he was popular with the troops, but he knew that his popularity would decrease as the recollections of his be­ havior at Richmond were obliterated by time, unless as he put it: "I should tamper with the men & indulge the same loose & careless unmilitary administration & indulge the same relaxation of all rules of discipline,

47Ib id . 48 Diary, September 15, 1862.

49Ib id . 71 which is customary with a commander of Vol. Regts., a thing which I was most loath© to do,”50

At any rate, Polignac could not refrain from making one last speech, intending to make sure the men regretted his leaving* One evening before camp was struck, he ordered the men to assemble* To

Impress the soldiers, Polignac, sitting gallantly on his horse, rode 51 to the front of the regiment and without dismounting addressed them*

He reminded the soldiers In heroic words thati:he had left his staff position to join them on the battlefield. MI did it," he said,

"not for any personal motives but to show the country that I am ready to 52 give my life for the cause which I have espoused."

He added that they knew he had really cared for their welfare and had promoted their interest and efficiency* He had done a great deal for them, such as securing rations of coffee and sugar and getting the promise from the chief ordnance officer to supply the whole regiment with the best rifled muskets* He was sorry, he said, for not being able to do more, but he was happy that he had at least accomplished something*

Moreover, he would remember them, and they him, for their friendship was consecrated by blood—-blood that had been shed on the battlefield*

When Polignac reminded the soldiers that on the "glorious day" at Rich­ mond he had stood, marched and charged with them under fire, there were 53 'bries of that's so! that's so!"

50I b id .

51I b id .

52I b ld *

53Ib id . 72

Polignac, seeing that his speech was having the desired effect, told the soldiers that before parting he wanted to leave them two hints as a legacy. First, when they came within range of artillery, the nearer they got "to the guns the less is the danger." Secondly, he

told them that he had learned from personal observation that if they

could "get to the ditch • • •" when storming "a work. • •" the "work 54 will necessarily be carried in spite of its armaments or defenders."

He concluded, in a democratic tone, with: "Soldiers! . . .

Should you hear of me hereafter, remember that whenever my name will be

pronounced it will be in connection—-not with political or military

quacks—a set whom I most abhor—-but with the real, true & genuine 55 interests of the people!"

Polignac's speech was greeted with three cheers and many soldiers

urged him to remain with the regiment. Nevertheless, he stuck to his

decision, content, as he said: "to leave my command in the full enjoy- 56 ment of my popularity." He returned to the staff of General Kirby

Smith, where he remained as the army marched north, temporarily occupying

Lexington and Frankfort, Kentucky, and threatening Cincinnati, Ohio.

Kirby Smith's success counted for little ; the Confederate in­

vasion of Kentucky ended on October 8, at the Battle of Perryville, Ken­

tucky, when Buell forced Bragg back into central Tennessee. Kirby Smith,

isolated in hostile country, unable to link up with Bragg's retreating

army, was ordered to move back into Tennessee.

5* Ib id .

55I b id .

56Ib id . Kirby Smith thought Polignac deserved a promotion* On October

21, according to the Prince, the general ’'wrote a letter to the Presi­ dent, making a very handsome mention of my behavior on the battlefield of Bichmond, Ky., and recommending me both for my bearing and attainment 57 for the rank of brigadier general.” Apparently satisfied with the letter, Polignac wrote: "this at last my exertion coupled with perse- 58 verance have been brought to bear*11

He secured nothing immediately, and remained on Kirby Smith's staff until sometime around the first of November* At that time he returned to the Confederate capital, and continued his efforts to obtain a promotion*

57I b id * * O ctober 21, 1862.

58Ib id . CHAPTER V

"A series of dinners, dances and charades, and theatricals"

Richmond, Virginia, sitting on picturesque hills overlooking the James River, was the most "Interesting" city In the Confederacy.

Its population of about 38,000 In 1861, more than doubled before the war ended.1 With the coming of the Confederate government, the city was flooded with government officials, m ilitary personnel, refugees

fleeing from Union armies, and all sorts of pernicious characters.

Young soldiers fell easy prey to gamblers and prostitutes. Lawlessness was so widespread by the spring of 1862 that martial law was proclaimed 2 to rid the city of the newly created criminal class.

Hotels and boarding houses, as well as many private residents

did a thriving business, as the city's ability to house the increased population was strained to the lim it. The sidewalks of the main 3 thoroughfares were crowded with pedestrians. The rumble of heavy wagons and other vehicles warned of approaching danger as drivers urged

W illiam J. Kimball (ed.), Richmond in Time of War (Boston: Houghton M ifflin Co., 1960), p. lx. 2 Clement Eaton, A History of The Southern Confederacy (New York: The Free Press, 1965), p. 61. * * 3 Thomas Cooper DeLeon, Four Years in the Rebel Capitals (New York: Collier Books, 1962), p. 171.

74 4 their steeds recklessly through the once quiet streets.

As the crowds poured into the city, the demands for goods in­ creased while the supply steadily decreased. Because of the Federal

Blockade, dwindling resources, the demands of the Confederate army, in­ flation, and an inadequate transportation system, Richmond*s population suffered many hardships, including in some cases, near starvation.

Richmond suffered, and in early fall, 1862, many people looking like vagabonds were seen "in the streets in dingy and dilapidated 5 clothes, and some seemed gaunt and pale with hunger*" But according to John B. Jones, a clerk in the Confederate War Department, there were still no beggars walking the streets, "no cry of distress is heard g although it prevails extensively."

To make matters worse, Richmond, only 150 miles from Washington, was vulnerable to attack. Her citizens lived in constant fear of a

Federal invasion, but somehow they adjusted to the fears and hardships of war and found time for pleasure. The resident, permanent or temporary, could always attend one of the many dinners, dances, recep­

tions, amateur concerts, charades, or tableaus. For the less sophisti­

cated there were saloons and gambling houses. For the young there were 7 drives and picnics and "much flirtation."

Polignac arrived in Richmond in early November at the beginning

4 Daily Richmond Examiner. October 8, 1861, p. 3, quoted in Kim­ ball, Richmond, p. 27. 5 John B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk*s Diary, ed. Earl Schenck M iers (New York: A. S, Barnes and Co., Inc., 1961), p. 126.

6I b i d ., p . 124. 7 Thomas Cooper DeLeon, Belles. Beaux and Brains of the *608 (New York: G. W. Dillingham Co., 1909), p. 63. 76 O of the social season* Returning officers were soon "involved in a 9 series of dinners, dances and charades, and theatricals," planned especially for their benefit* Polignac, "with his Crimean medal, long cloak, and Napoleon III goatee, was back from the West expecting to be made a brigadier,"*1*0 and at first the social season was of little i n t e r e s t to him* 11 After paying his respects to President and Mrs* Davis, Polignac contacted George W* Randolph, Secretary of War, who informed him that 12 the letter relating to him had been brought to the attention of the

President. Randolph added that he was going "to take it /the letter/ in hand and give it a more m ilitary turn," and he was also going to take the application for promotion made on Polignac*s behalf "with a

g Unfortunately Polignac*s diary is the only source that contains anything significant on this period of his war career* It is equally unfortunate that he was not a careful diarist* When writing, he did not attempt to identify anyone; he often used initials instead of full names; he used as many as four different descriptive terms or symbols to refer to the same person. Furthermore, he gives no geographical information that is of any value; it is impossible to determine by the diary, the location of any of the places he wrote about* On the other hand, details and exactness by Polignac are not the most important considerations in this study* The primary purpose is to simply record his actions for a five-month period, with the expectation that this will, in some way, help to understand the man—and for this the diary is adequate* Q Alfred Hoyt Bell, The Beleagured City (New York: Alfred A* Knopf, 1946), p* 161*

10I b id . , p . 160* 1 1 D iary, November 12, 1862.

12Ibld. . April 29, 1862* This letter may have been the one that General Beauregard had promised to write on April 29, 1862, to the Secretary of War recommending Polignac for promotion* 13 view to have it acted upon." The apparently satisfied lieutenant colonel observed that the secretary ’'seems to understand fully the 14 necessity of the appointment*"

After the interview with Randolph, Polignac dined with a number of friends at the home of a man identified in his diary only as Judge

C* R., and like most of the returning officers he was soon to be en­ gulfed in the social whirl of Richmond*

This gaiety was only temporarily interrupted on November 15, when he learned that Randolph had resigned his post as secretary of war* He wrote: "this circumstance may interfere with my plans; it 15 is a quite a mischance*" Later that day, seemingly not too concerned, he visited the Louisiana Hospital*

The Louisiana Hospital was part of the Chimborazo Hospital com­ plex, constructed in 1862 and located on a forty acre plateau east of

Richmond* With its 150 buildings, looking very much like a large town,

Chimborazo was the largest m ilitary hospital in the world* The various hospitals, making the whole, "were designated by state names so that the men from a given state, in sickness, pain or death, would be surrounded 16 by men and matrons of their own soil*"

13 Ibid, , November 13, 1862. The application may have been made by General Kirby Smith on October 21, 1862* 14 Diary, November 16, 1862*

15Ib id . T fi' Douglas Southall Freeman, "When War Came to Richmond," Richmond News Letter, Bicentennial issue, September 8, 1937, p* 75, quoted in Kimball, Richmond, p* 12* The Louisiana Hospital was also called the Richmond College Hospital and the Baptist. College Hospital* The main building, "Columbia," was jointly operated by the Confederate government 78

Many Richmond citizens, and certainly important political and military figures, considered it their duty to visit Chimborazo. Ac­ cording to Douglas Southall Freeman: ’’visitation of one or another of these hospitals was part of the duty of every Richmond woman who could 17 endure the strain on her emotions."

After leaving the Louisiana Hospital, Polignac called on a Mr*

Eggleston, and in the evening, attended a party where his exploits 18 in the Kentucky campaign became the "general topic of conversation*"

Possibly because of his royal background, Polignac was becoming a much sought-after guest, but his main interest was still to secure his anticipated promotion* He complained: "I don’t know how long I shall have to lead this idle, lounging, slipshod snail like life I am 19 leading here* * • •" On the other hand, he admitted that he had been lured into: "a soothing sort of confidence that my appointment will sooner or later find its way to me as everyone here seems to think I am 2 0 "quelque notiron*" While waiting for his appointment, Polignac con­ tinued to renew old friendships and make new ones*

For an ambitious man, one of the best places to meet influential and the Louisiana Hospital Committee, see Robert W* W aitt, Jr., Confeder­ ate M ilitary Hospitals in Richmond (Richmond: Official publications no. 22, Richmond Civil War Centennial Committee, 1964), p. 21* 17 Freeman, "War came to Richmond," Richmond News L etter. Septem­ ber 8, 1937, p. 75 quoted in Kimball, Richmond, p* 12. 18 Diary, November 16, 1862*

19Ibid. . November 19, 1862.

20 Ibid. "Potiron" literally translates pumpkin. Probably "quelque potiron" was a slang expression meaning a very important person, see the Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton, August 22, 1965, in Polignac Papers. people was the "Executive Mansion." Mrs. Davis was "at home" every

evening to extend "all her varied guests a warm welcome and a pleasant 21 visit." Some of the most important men and women of the South 22 gathered around the lirst Lady.

Polignac was not one to miss an opportunity to meet influential

people, and certainly the lirst Lady was close to the most influential man in the Confederate government. On November 21 Polignac called on

Mrs. Davis, and "found her lively and humorous as usual." In his diary,

Polignac related that for the most part they talked of the theater. He

told the story of a famous English actor who used to play the part of

Hamlet in English, while the other members of the cast spoke only German,

and the tale threw Mrs. Davis "into rapture." Mrs. Davis, in turn,

humorously remarked that the program should have read: "Hamlet, Prince

of Denmark . . . the part of Hamlet' will be left out for the benefit of 23 the audience."

Thereafter, seeming: to deliberately cultivate this new relation­

ship, Polignac often called on Mrs. Davis. Occasionally he was invited

to breakfasts at the "Executive Mansion," affairs which included the

President as well as his wife. But most of Polignac*s social calls

were paid to Mrs. Davis. Usually their conversations were about trifles

but were entertaining, at least to them. Nevertheless, on one occasion,

they discussed a subject of great interest to Polignac. He recorded

this episode, recalling that he and Mrs. Davis had

2 1 DeLeon, Rebel Capitals, p. 177.

22I b id . 23' D iary, November 21, 1862. 80

• • • a long conversation on various subjects but principally on the different degrees of ambition and the kind of inward fore knowledge of their own fate which seems to be given to great men a theory to which she objects predicting her denial o f b e lie f o f many in sta n c e s which have come under h e r own personal observation of men who she says—-were fully convinced of the greatness of their destinies and yet achieved nothing or at least did not compass their end* . . *2^

On November 23 Polignac was in v ite d to th e home o f h is German friend, Hr* Eggleston, where he was introduced to another German, a male music teacher in Richmond* The teacher played the piano, and they sang

"several trios" from Mozart*s The Magic Flute* and concluded with an 25 oration from Beethoven*

Polignac spent a great deal of time with his German friends, and they remained his closest associates during his stay at the Confederate capital* He was probably attracted to the Germans because they shared his love for music* He often attended concerts given by the Virginia

Singing Society which was made up exclusively of Germans*

In the course of events Polignac became interested in a singer, a German girl, whom he identified in the diary variously as the singer, the artist, xxx, E., and Exxx* To avoid confusion she will be referred to as Exxx here*

Polignac's interest in the singer did not go unnoticed by the local rumormongers* On November 26 he wrote: "I have heard a moderate share of gossip about my late acquaintance--the German singer* My calls were being trumpeted about town with the usual additions, remarks,

24 Ibid., November 12, 1862. Polignac wrote that President and Mrs* Davis "are always full of kind attentions towards me* • *," see Camille de polignac Letters* 25 Diary, November 23, 1862* and comments*"26

On December 4 Polignac visited the Louisiana Hospital again with

Dr* Formento, probably his most intimate friend* He walked with the doctor through the wards, and was horrified by the condition of some 27 of the patients*

Later that evening he and the doctor found more pleasant surroundings in the form of a public gambling house which was as elegant as "circumstances now permit*" Polignac noted that a "perma­ nent inducement is held out to guest in the shape of a supper to which they can set every night for nothing*" He added that this was a "liberty which their gambling proclivities do more than ten fold ..28 re q u ire ."

Gambling houses were certainly popular and became more so as the Confederate money continued to depreciate in value and the prices continued to climb* The men of the South, "impulsive by nature, living in an atmosphere of constant and increasing artificial excite­ ment, feeling that money worth little today, perhaps, would be worth 29 nothing tomorrow • • • gambled heavily, recklessly, and openly*"

According to th e jo u r n a lis t, Thomas Cooper DeLeon:

* • • to the camp-wearied and battle-worn officer, the saloon of the fashionable Richmond 'h ell1 was a thing of beauty. Its luxurious furniture, soft lights, obsequious servants and lavish store of such wines and liquors and cigars as could be had no­ where else in Dixie—these were only part of the inducement*

26I b id * . November 26, 1862.

27Ibid., December 4, 1862*

28Ib id . 29 DeLeon, Rebel Capitals* p* 269* 82

Excitement did the rest, leaving out utterly the vulgar one of possible gain, so rarely did that obtain* But in the faro- banks collected the leading men, resident and alien., of the Capitol. Senators, soldiers and the learned professions sat elbow to elbow, round the generous table that offered the choicest viands money could procure* In the handsome rooms above they puffed fragrant Havanas, while the latest develop­ ments of news, strategy and policy were discussed; sometimes ably, sometimes flippantly, but always freshly.3®

When Polignac left Dr* Formento, he called on a Miss Cali Mys, whomhe described as a “charming woman and what eyes!!1' He then returned home where he indulged in his favorite hobby—mathematics. After working with prime numbers for some time and thinking he had made a discovery, he wrote: "I believe and hope it is entirely new or at least the methods 31 which admits the discovery is surely so*11 ^Retiring very late that night, he was satisfied with his accomplishment* He had enjoyed the company of friends, perhaps made a contribution to the study of mathe­ matics, and had been treated to a free supper at the gambling house*

The next evening he called on, as he put it: “my charming

German artist where I had plenty of music as usual, a nice chat, some 32 flirtation, etc., etc., etc. ..." The following night, after re­ turning from the artist*s, he wrote: "I took up the business with Exxx 33 where I had left it yesterday namely at etc., etc. • • •"

3QIb id . 31 Diary, December 4, 1862. 32 Ibid. . December 6, 1862.

^Ibid*, December 7, 1862. Richmond suffered a smallpox epidemic that winter, and toy

December it was spreading at an alarming rate. The government was innoculating civil and m ilitary personnel en masse. On December 17

Polignac and Exxx attended a "vaccination party" at Louisiana Hospital.

Polignac predicted that since this was'something new it would "toe an all engrossing topic of conversation in the social circles of Richmond for many days." The women were "handsome . . . and stylish looking • • and dark and lively." Later that night, thinking of Exxx, he wrote:

"with a little patience I have fine prospects . . . tout I must proceed toy regular approaches until I find an opportunity to carry the position and effect a lodgement."34

Polignac was evidently pretty confident about the "prospects" with the singer because he continued to call on other ladies in Richmond

But he rarely missed seeing Exxx longer than four or five days at a tim e.

The Christmas season in Richmond, according to J. B. Jones, found her residents smiling "tout with little apparent reason to do so. 35 Smallpox is greatly on the increase." Even though misery was apparent everywhere it was s till Christmas, and each person in his own way ob­ served this special time.

On Christmas Eve Polignac, like many others, purchased a number of gifts. Although he did not mention who was to receive them, some probably went to Exxx, for he called on her that evening. She was angry with the Prince, possibly because he had been seen with other ladies.

34Ib id . . December 17, 1862. 35 ’ Jones, A Rebel War Clerk*s Diary, p. 131. If this were true, the holiday spirit, and perhaps some gifts, filled her with the spirit of forgiveness, for Polignac wrote: “stayed all night • • • clouds blown off—-sky cleared--horizons bright—nothing 36 but a passing gale originating in a breath of jealousy*"

Polignac was greeted on Christmas morning with the sound of "pop crackers" and "sky rockets," and the happy voices of children playing in the streets; the cheerful sounds continued throughout the day* That evening he dined in the home of Judah P. Benjamin, the Confederate

Secretary of State* The main topics of conversation were the war and 37 American and European politics* Polignac did not record the details of the conversation, but at the time he was being considered for a dip­ lomatic mission to Europe to plea for European intervention in the war, and this may have been discussed* On January 15, 1862^ he wrote Beaure­ gard: "I came very near, several times being sent out on a diplomatic mission but unexpected intelligence from abroad would always supersede 38 the necessity of the step*"

Perhaps in one way, Polignac would have been a good choice for a diplomatic mission, since he was well known in European court circles*

But, in another way, he would have been a poor choice* Various entries in the diary indicate that he misjudged the European position on inter­ vention. He wrote in one entry:

the object that should be answered • • • is to find out what is at the bottom of the intentions of European statesmen with respect to the American struggle. Possibly they only put off

33Diary, December 24, 1862* 37 Ibid. * December 25, 1862* 38 Camille de Polignac to P* G* T* Beauregard, January 11, 1863, in Camillus J* Polignac Hie* 85

mediation of acknowledgement starting from the principle that the North cannot subdue the South and this is most likely to be the feeling of England who--I believe—would not under any circumstances have one government re-estab­ lished on this continent,—In this case then it would be well to open the eyes of Europe to read the real dangers of the situation least it should grow too late for foreign nations to interfere in our political existence • • • •

He continued: "the greatest inducement which could be held out to

England for interference would be the hint that the South would eventually be crushed. But unfortunately our agents abroad never thought of baiting 40 their hooks with such a suggestion."

Although Confederate foreign policy was not influenced by the opinions of Polignac, he was in a position where he could express his views to policy makers, on both foreign and military matters. In fact, his opinion was often sought by members of the Confederate Cabinet, and on at least one occasion, he was approached by President Davis, who requested "some hints on the composition of the French and German 41 organization of the staff." Polignac prepared a memorandum, which, according to Judah P. Benjamin, gave "much satisfaction" to the Presi- 42 dent, who read it aloud to the Secretary of War and the Adjutant General.

During the holidays Polignac continued his usual routine of studying English, visiting Exxx, Dr. Formento, the Louisiana Hospital, and his German friends. It appears that his once "sought after" promo­

tion lost its significance in favor of his social engagements in Richmond.

39 Diary, December 8, 1862. 40 • Ibid. , March 9, 1863.

41Ibid., March 25, 1863. 42 Ibid., March 28, 1863. The author has found no evidence of t h is memorandum o th er th a n i t s b eing m entioned by P o lig n ac. New Tears Eve, like Christmas Eve found him with Exxx where he

"enjoyed a nice supper, music, etc., etc., etc., . . . ."^3 Later that night, after looking hack on the events of the preceding year, he seemed satisfied with his conduct. The final entry in the diary for 1862 read:

This day closes the year . . . when I look hack into it I am in a general way pleased with the answer. I have horne myself through it from its rise out of the mines of the past and during its progress through time up to its downfall into eternity— Goodhye 1862 forever and ever farew ell.*4

The first day of the new year "dawned in gloom, hut the sun . . . soon beamed forth in great splendor upon a people radiant with smiles 45 . . . ." Taking advantage of the sun, Polignac, Dr. Formento, Exxx, and another friend, walked from the Louisiana Hospital into town:

went to the gambling establishment deliberately into the dining room, took coffee, then over taken by pentinence at the coolness of our behavior we all resolved to contributing $5 each and to fight the Tiger with the aggregate which after many ups and downs resulted in a balance of S3 in favor of everyone of us upon which we adjourned.*6

The next day Polignac and his German friends, including Exxx, were invited to give a concert for Mrs. Davis. Afterward Polignac 47 walked Exxx home, and spent the remainder of the day with her.

During the first week in January Richmond's spirits brightened when her residents were informed that General Bragg had won a smashing victory at the Battle of Murfreesboro, Tennessee (December 31-January

*3Diary, December 31, 1862. 44 I b id . 45 Jones, A Rebel War Clerks Diary, p. 144. 46 Diary, January 1, 1863. 47 Ibid. , January 2, 1863. . 3).*8 But Pollgnac rightly observed: "Bragg's great victory turns

out to be little less than a defeat—his campaign in Tennessee can be 49 summed up 'a partial success and a complete reverse*

January was extremely cold* J* B* Jones bitterly wrote of the

privation and destitution: "we are now, in effect, in a state of

siege, and none but the opulent, often those who have defrauded the 50 government, can obtain a sufficiency of food and raiment*"

Polignac does not indicate, in the diary, that he suffered

greatly, but as the winter continued he spent more time at the Louisiana

Hospital* He frequently both dined and slept there* He made few com­

ments about the terrible conditions in Richmond, and seemed perfectly

co ntented w ith h is new mode o f liv in g *

By mid-January he was so involved in Richmond society that he

had almost forgotten about the promotion, for when he received it he

was not particularly happy* He was informed by the Adjutant General,

Samuel Cooper, on January 10, that he was being promoted to the rank

of brigadier general* According to Polignac:

I saw General Coop /sic / on the day before yesterday who told me that the application for promotion in my behalf had come up and that the President thought .that, X might be useful in Louisiana and he General Coop /sic / asked me whether such an appointment would prove acceptable to me and upon my answer­ ing him in the affirmative whether I authorized him to Impart my willingness to the President* What could I say but yes* I don't feel so very anxious now about being promoted—why. * . * I was eager for it when I arrived in Richmond last Novem­ ber* Such is the course of life—it is seldom that wishes are fulfilled when they are most intense* My promotion

^8Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary* pp. 144-145* 49 Diary, February 22, 1863* 50 Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary* p. 152. will interfere with many other pleasant things I am now engaged in hut all must yield to one object, one w ill, one end, one all prevading thought.51

Such a statement seems strange, coming from one supposedly obsessed with the desire for promotion. But it would be erroneous to conclude that Polignac was inconsistent, or what is worse, insincere.

It should be noted that he wanted the promotion and increase in rank so that he might play a decisive role in the war. He had been in the Confederate army for nearly two years and had only taken part in one minor battle in the Western Theater. Now with the pro­ motion he was being sent to the trans-M ississippi region, a minor theater of the war where there had been no great battles. The prospects of distinction on the battlefield in this area must have seemed slight to the Prince. He wanted to fight, he would obey orders, but what good would it do to have authority if it could not be used in a beneficial way.

Furthermore, in Richmond he was enjoying an active social life.

And no doubt, when he wrote that the promotion would interfere with

"many other pleasant things," he was referring in part, to his relation with Exxx, whom he saw almost every day. This relationship became the talk of the town. He lamented: "Gossip, Gossip., Gossip about the

German artist and myself. Some people wonder why I stay here. I wonder why they wonder?" Realizing the futility of his bitterness, he contin­ ued: "should they not wonder at something or other what a wonder it 52 would be." Finally, turning his entire attention to the German artist,

51 Diary, January 11, 1863. For his appointment see Journal of the Confederate Congress. Ill, p. 137. 52 Diary, January 13, 1663. 53 he wrote: "she looked quite pretty last night." This last statement indicated that it was not likely that he would stop seeing the singer*

At the same time, it was just as unlikely that the gossip would stop*

On January 22 he rode out to see Exxx, who apparently was un­ happy at the prospect of his leaving her* Polignac stated that he

"found the general aspect of things gloomy as scarcely to justify my 54 staying in consequence of which I rode back • • • ," into town* But the next day he called on the singer, and later, in a poem written in

German, summarized the "feeling exhibited on the occasion."

Translation

Many greetings I*m a gen eral will have to leave soon Uever to see you again Therefore in my heart I feel Love p ain s Sorrow and sadness Hangover1*®

During mid-February the cold and rainy-weather greatly hampered

Polignac*s social activity. He did, however, whenever the weather would permit, attend a number of parties* On one occasion he and an­ other gentleman were required to ride a horse double in order to avoid 56 walking in a muddy road. At another party, Polignac described his return home as follows: "a violent snow storm broke out and when I

53I b id . 54 Ibid*. January 22, 1863*

55Ibid*. January 23, 1863*

56Ibid*, February 15, 1863. came home the wind was blowing the sleet in my face which came pelting down driven with such a force into my eyes as actually blind me» so 57 that I had to grope my way along to my house* • • •"

Those days that the weather forced him to remain at home were usually spent reading, writing, or solving mathematical problems*

Sometimes he became so involved with a problem that he lost track of time* On one occasion he wrote: "I stayed home worked out some math­ ematical questions and went to bed late and so much wrapped up in scientific contemplation that I forgot to make the daily entry in my diary*” 58

He seemed to be little aware of the great suffering going on all around him* On February 11 J* B* Jones wrote:

Some idea may be formed of the scarcity of food in this city from the fact that, while my youngest daughter was in the kitchen today, a young rat came out of its hole and seemed to beg for something to eat; she held out some bread, which it ate from her hand, and seemed grateful* Several others soon appeared and were as tame as kittens* Perhaps we shall have to e a t them*59

Yet a few weeks later Jones proudly wrote: "There aze some pale faces seen in the streets from deficiency of food; but no beggars, no complaints* We are all in rags, especially our underclothes. This for Liberty*"5®

In the latter part of February Polignac received his orders to proceed to Louisiana, where he was to join General E. Kirby Smith's

57 Ibid*« February 22, 1863.

58I b id . 59 Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, p. 164* 60 Ibid.. p. 178. 91 command. In March, as most of Richmond suffered from hunger and cold,

Polignac made preparations for his journey to Louisiana. He attended several going away parties, saw most of his friends, and wrote a number of letters. The entries in the diary are, for the most part, short- some limited to a few lines. This may indicate some regret for having to leave Richmond for he had made many friends that winter--friends whom, although he did not know it at the time, he would never see again.

On Tuesday, March 31, he called on President Davis for the last time. The President bid him "farewell in kind and affectionate terms."

Two days later Brigadier General Polignac and his staff, composed of

Lieutenant William Eggeling and Captain S. Cuculler, left Richmond by train for the Louisiana assignment.

On the day Polignac left, April 2, there was a "bread riot" in the Confederate capital. Early that morning "a few hundred women and boys met . . . in the Capital Square, saying they were hungry, and must have food. The number continued to swell until there were more than a 63 thousand." About 9 A.M. the mob left the square and marched through the streets of the downtown area, breaking into and looting many stores 64 on Main Street.

Shortly thereafter, Governor John Letcher and one company of the state m ilitia arrived at the scene. The governor threatened to order the troops "to fire on the mob" if they did not disperse within five

61Dlary, March 31, 1863.

62Ibid. . April 2, 1863. 63 Jones. A Rebel War Clerks Diary, p. 183.

64I b id . . p . 184. minutes*4 4. 6 5

Before any action could be taken, however, President Davis ap­ peared. Seemingly deeply moved, he spoke to the crowd, urging them to bear the "privations with fortitude, and continue united against the

Northern invaders • • • •*' He concluded by threatening to order soldiers to fire on the crowd if they refused to disperse. The mob, realizing that the President meant what he said immediately began 07 drifting off, and by early afternoon the streets were quiet again.

There was no violence, but Richmond would see more disturbances of this kind before the war ended; conditions did not improve—they got worse.

Polignac, already in transit, was unaware of this new crisis raging in the capital. Because the southern railroads were unable to meet the demands of war, his trip would take a little over a month to com plete.

For the first time in war railroads played an important role in logistics. The South did not have the industrial capability to maintain or extend its railway lines; no locomotives or cars were built during the war. Private companies owned and operated the 9,000 miles of track that had been constructed primarily to haul cotton to seaports. All railroads in the South were single track with at least eleven different gauges. Therefore, troops and supplies often had to be transported

65ib ia. 66 Ibld. 07 Varina Howell Davis, Jefferson Davis (New York: Belford Company, 1890), p . 375. over long round-about routes, with many delays, to the main battle fronts*

Prom Richmond, the train, with Polignac and his staff aboard, traveled to Knoxville, Tennessee* At Knoxville, the three soldiers were transferred to one of the "so-called ladies cars" which Polignac described as:

One of the American humbugs—a little cleaner than the other cars and one in which gentlemen are not allowed to smoke; a restraint which "ladies" make up for by puffing away at a rate that would put a steam boat stack into the shade, they also chew a little occasionally • • • *69

He added that one of the ladies candidly said: "I wonder whether it would be considered fast to smoke a pipe?" Polignac made no remark 70 about this statement*

He and his staff remained in the "ladies car" until they arrived at Danville, Virginia, a little town in the southern part of the state, on April 4* After changing trains several more times they arrived at

Mobile, Alabama, on April 5*

Mobile, on the gulf coast, was an important Southern port* The city, at the head of the bay by the same name, was protected by forts*

Submerged mines and torpedoes in the bay prevented Union vessels from attacking the city, which was an important base for the blockade runners who slip p e d by th e Union sh ip s on t h e i r way to and from Bermuda*

Because of the difficulty in making train connections, Polignac and his staff remained in Mobile until May 5, spending their time sight-

CQ Eaton, The Southern Confederacy, pp* 243-249* 69 Diary, April 4, 1863*

70Ib id . 94 seeing, inspecting the fortifications, and meeting some of the Con- 71 federate m ilitary and naval personnel in the area*

Finally making connections on Hay 5, the Polignac party pro­ ceeded across the state of M ississippi, arriving at Natchez on May 10, at 4:30 A.M.. Immediately crossing the river to the little town of

Vidalia, Louisiana, Polignac had no time to see the beautiful homes of Natchez, the center of ante-bellum culture, located high on the bluffs overlooking the Mississippi Elver.

At Vidalia, after having breakfast, they began the last leg of their journey. They traveled to Monroe, a large town in the north­ eastern part of the state, by way of the Ouachita, Tensas, and Little 72 rivers. They were passing through a generally flat land of dense forest broken only by vast acreage of plantations spreading out beyond the river banks. The subtropical climate, long growing season, and rich alluvial soil, produced bountiful crops of cotton. Stopping oc­ casionally to visit various plantations along the way, Polignac could not help but notice "how rough and backward . . . were some of the 73 largest planters."

Around midnight on May 17 the party arrived in Monroe, and after two days of rest they left for Shreveport in a crowded old stagecoach 74 that "moved off at a turtle like gait." Despite the slow speed, the

71I b id . . A p ril 6—May 5, 1863.

72Ibid. . May 11—21, 1863.

73Ibid. . May 16, 1863.

74Ibid., May 17-19, 1863. coach finally arrived in Shreveport on May 21* Polignac immediately 75 vent to see Lieutenant General Edmund Kirby Smith for assignment* CHAPTER VI

"Above all forbear to whistle, to drink wine, spit, talk German or swear"

The Confederacy had suffered a disaster in April, 1862, when New

Orleans, the South's most populated city, largest port, and most Im­ portant financial and commercial center was occupied by Federal troops.

After April the Confederates feared that Federal armies might move up the Mississippi River from the gulf, gain control of the Mississippi

River line, and accomplish their objective of splitting the Confederacy.'1'

The United States would also have access to the Red River, which > emptied into the Mississippi about fifty miles above Baton Rouge. The

Federals, by controlling the Red, could stop the flow of Confederate supplies bound for the East from Louisiana, Texas, and Mexico. At the same time, the Red could be used as an invasion route into Louisiana, and beyond into Texas.

For a thorough coverage of the war in Louisiana see Jefferson Davis Bragg, Louisiana in the Confederacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1941); John D. Winters.' The Civil War in Louisiana (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1963); Joseph Howard Parks, General Edmund Kirby Smith C. S. A. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1954); Harvard Arthur Noll, General Kirby Smith (Swanee, Tennessee: The University Press at the University of the South, 1907); Richard Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, ed. Charles P. Roland (Waltham, Massachusetts: Blaisdell Publishing Company, 1968); Ludwell H. Johnson, Red River Campaign (Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1958); J. B. Davis, "The Life of Richard Taylor," Louisiana H istorical Quarterly. XXIV (January, 1941), pp. 40-126,

96 97

The river was navigable at all times as far as Alexandria, a town in central Louisiana* When the water was high, transports and gunboats could go up the river as far a Shreveport, a city near the

Texas boundary*

A small Confederate garrison at Port Hudson, a town on the bluffs overlooking the Mississippi eighteen miles north of Baton Rouge, was the only force available to resist a Federal invasion of Louisiana by way of the Red River* Even if the Confederate bastion at Port Hudson was able to deny the Federals access to the Red River, there was still the danger that the enemy would use the many navigable streams and 2 bayous in south Louisiana to invade the interior of the state*

Accordingly, in May, in an effort to regain control of the region west of the M ississippi, the Confederate government created the

Trans-Mississippi Department, which included all the area west of the

Mississippi, divided into the D istricts of Arkansas, Texas, and West

L ouisiana.

Because the West was an important source of supplies for the

East, it was of paramount importance for the Confederates to keep open communications and transportation across the Mississippi* At all cost the Federals were not to be permitted to extend their authority beyond the immediate vicinity of New Orleans.

Federal control of the waterways made it difficult for the authorities in Richmond to communicate with Confederate officers or officials beyond the Mississippi or to exercise much regulation of events in that area. After the fall of New Orleans there were no

^Bragg, Louisiana* p, 139. Confederate general officers In Louisiana; the only troops available

to face an Invading force from New Orleans were some 2,000 men of the

state m ilitia hastily gathered together by Governor Thomas 0. Moore*

Cut off from New Orleans, the state's Industrial and trade center, these

troops were poorly equipped and were hardly able to conduct serious m ilitary operations* Thus Governor Moore urged the Richmond government Q to send him officers, men, and weapons*

Accordingly, in June, Major General Richard Taylor returned to his native soil with orders to take command of all of the state west of

the Mississippi, designated as the D istrict of West Louisiana* Richard

Taylor, the son of Zachary Taylor, was well-known in Louisiana* General

Taylor's orders were to raise an army, deny the Federals use of the rivers and bayous in the southern part of the state, and to take back L as much of lower Louisiana as possible*

Taylor's task was formidable; his first job was to raise and

equip an army* By October he had only 5,840 poorly equipped and in­ adequately trained men, while his opponent at New Orleans, Brigadier

General Benjamin Butler, had 18,000 troops in his command* Fortunately

for the Confederates there were few battles in 1862; but there were many 5 skirmishes, most of which were small and indecisive.

^Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, pp. 149-150.

^Ibid. , p* 152; 0. R*. XV, pt. 1, p. 791; Davis, "Richard Tay­ lo r,'1 Louisiana Historical Quarterly. XXIV, p. 68. 5 Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p, 157; Eaton, The Southern Confederacy* p . 177* Butler sent out expeditions to disperse Taylor's scattered forces assembling In western Louisiana. Federal troops also raided the towns and plantations along the Mississippi and Invaded the country west of

New Orleans as far as Bayou Teche.

The country west of New Orleans produced great quantities of rice and sugar cane. This rich, densely populated area was comparatively easy to raid because vessels of considerable size could navigate on the network of streams and lakes In the southern part of the state. Further­ more, a railroad, the New Orleans, Opelousas, and Great Western, con­ nected New Orleans with Berwick Bay eighty-eight miles to the west.

From Berwick Bay an invading fo rce could move in to th e I n t e r i o r o f th e state by way of the Atchafalaya River and Bayou Teche, both of which 0 had their origin In central Louisiana.

The Federal marauding expeditions into this region were so suc­ cessful that by fall all of southern Louisiana from the Teche to New

Orleans, suffering from plundering and pillaging, was in a destitute condition. To make matters worse, there was no indication that the 7 raids would stop.

In December there was considerable excitement in Louisiana when the Federals Increased their efforts to take control of the Mississippi

River. Major General Ulysses S. Grant, with the Army of the Tennessee, began operations against Vicksburg, the northernmost Confederate strong­ hold on the M ississippi. Later that month Major General Nathaniel P.

Banks, one time bobbin boy from the textile mills of Massachusetts and

0 Bragg, Louisiana, pp. 129-130. 100 later governor of that state* arrived in New Orleans and replaced Butler as commander of the Department of the Gulf* The orders given to Banks from Major General Henry V* Halleck, General-in-Chief of the United States armies* vere to aid Grant at Vicksburg and open the Mississippi River to the Federal fleet* After taking Vicksburg* Banks was ordered to lead an expedition up the Red River to open an outlet for the sugar and cotton of the region* He would also be in a position to conduct operations Q against Texas*

Immediately upon assuming command* Banks* a citizen soldier* without previous m ilitary experience* optim istically made plans for an offensive campaign* Realizing that to help Grant open the M ississippi he would have to take Port Hudson, one of the strongest points on the river, the cautious Banks decided to by-pass the enemy's stronghold and move north along the bayous toward the Red River* If he could control the Red* it would be possible to cut off all supplies to the enemy at g P o rt Hudson*

Early in April, Banks, with 14,000 troops designated as the

Nineteenth Army Corps, started his expedition into the Red River country.

His forces moved west from New Orleans to Brasher City (Morgan City) on

Berwick Bay and proceeded north along Bayou Teche* Taylor's small force of less than 5,000 troops could do no more than delay the enemy's advance and had to fall back*

Driving the Confederates before him* Banks had advanced to

Alexandria by May 7; but Admiral Davia Porter* with several gunboats,

80. R.. XV, pt. 1, p* 590. g Winters* Civil War in Louisiana, p. 212. * 101 took the city only a few hours before Banks and his army arrived.

T ay lo r' 8 forces continued to retreat toward Shreveport, but the river, with Its dangerous rapids, prohibited the vessels from continuing the pursuit. Banks, without the aid of the gunboats, decided to end the expedition at Alexandria.

In the meantime, Grant urged Banks to join him at Vicksburg; but the overly-cautlous Banks Insisted that he could not make such a journey unless he was given adequate facilities to transport his troops. He also feared that If he was so far away Taylor might attack New Orleans.

Hence Banks wrote Grant that he would take Port Hudson and join him later. Accordingly, Banks moved his troops out of Alexandria and pro­ ceeded to Port Hudson. 1 0 The Confederates under General Bichard Taylor quickly reoccupied the area south of Alexandria following the enemy withdrawal.

During Banks' advance up the Teche, there was a change in Con­ federate personnel In the Trans-Mississippi Department. In March,

Lieutenant General Edmund Kirby Smith, a thirty-seven-year old career officer and West Point graduate, replaced Theophllus H. Holmes as the commander of the department. With fifteen years experience in the United

States army, Kirby Smith first saw combat in the Mexican War. Already, during the Civil War, he had displayed ability and .had enhanced his reputation at Manassas and in the invasion of Kentucky the previous summer.

The new commanding general set up his headquarters at Alexandria and prepared to defend the interior of the state with the meager forces

10Ib ld . at hand; hut as the Federals approached, he was forced to move his headquarters up the river 120 miles to Shreveport*

It was shortly after Kirby Smith had set up his new headquarters in Shreveport that Polignac arrived and reported for duty* At their first meeting, on May 21, the commanding general offered the Prince a 11 brigade of Texas troops soon to arrive from Arkansas*

While waiting for his brigade, Polignac made plans to remain in

Shreveport and make himself available for an assignment should the occasion arise*

After a few days rest in one of the local hotels, he set out to find new lodging in the form of a house* Pursuing his inquiries about town, he came "across an old fashioned piano a broken down hectic, played out instrument half the keys wanting* • » •" It was being played by:

A young artist in the shape of a school girl flourished in the indefatiguable fingers, regardless of the chords which broke forth from worn out strings some wanting in tone, some wanting in tune, & some wanting altogether, the whole resulting in a perfect jangle something like the effect that might have been produced by a flock of chickens played in column by two 8e running at double quick over the keys* • •

Polignac wrote that at the conclusion of the performance: "the musical character spoke to us and answered our compliments at which my astonish­ ment was greatly increased as I had soundfully believed that she was 13 deaf and dumb—— *"

That same evening Polignac attended a party where the music was

i:LDiary, May 21, 1863.

1 2Ibld. . May 25, 1863.

13Ib id . tetter than that made by the young girl. He enjoyed country dancing, which included the Quadrille and the Virginia Reel, and saw "local belles . . . go through the figures of 'swing corners, swing your 14 partners • • •' with infinite grace and modesty."

Near the end of May Polignac learned that he was to be assigned to command a brigade of Texas troops. Two regiments had arrived and were encamped for instructions a few miles from town on the Texas Road.

They were "perfectly green, undrilled and unbroken to military duty 15 and discipline, including the officers."

Kirby Smith was so disgusted with the two regiments, the Twenty-

Second, and the Twenty-Fourth Texas Cavalry, that he referred to them as "an undisciplined mob, the officers as worthless as the men • • • •"

He had considered breaking up the regiments and placing the men in other units, but had decided instead to send them to a camp outside

Monroe for instruction under his aide-de-camp, Colonel William R.

Trader, hoping that they might be made into soldiers and the brigade 16 converted into an infantry unit.

Kirby Smith must have known that it was a bad policy for one man to train troops and for another to lead them in combat. He knew that these citizen soldiers must have a certain affection and trust for their commander before they would follow him in battle. Nevertheless, being short on senior officers, and being aware that the Prince had

1 4I b id .

1 5lbid. , May 3, 1863.

•j e 0. R.. XXII, pt 2, pp. 839-840; Alwyn Barr, Polignac»s Texas Brigade (Houston: Gulfcoast H istorical Association, 1964), pp. 19-21. successfully led troops In combat, he apparently thought that Polignac could take over these men. Perhaps Kirby Smith was also influenced by his knowledge that Polignac, by his strict military methods, had lost his command in Kentucky. The commanding general probably thought that the Prince would have a better chance of controlling his command if it had been disciplined before turning it over to him.

Polignac*s arrogant and seemingly unconcerned reaction upon 17 hearing about his "undisciplined mob 11 was simply "we s h a ll se e ."

Evidently, after two years in the Confederate army, he s till thought that all a good officer had to do was to courageously lead soldiers in dashing charges across battlefields. There is no indication that he even suggested to Kirby Smith that he wanted to take charge of the raw troops. While idle it seems as though he could have at least gone to the camp of instruction and familiarized himself with the men and the problems of the two regiments; but he did nothing except complain about being inactive. Polignac was willing to leave the unpleasant and difficult task of training the troops to someone else and then step in to lead the brigade and himself to glory on the battlefield.

At the time, the Prince, suffering from "inflammation of the mouth, tongue, palate and lips • • • ," was concerned about his health rather than about the welfare of the brigade. After seeing a doctor he wrote the following "sentiments suggested by the occasion."

To sufferers from palatial inflammation, below you* 11 __ find the only effective lotion. This the recipe to wit /sic/ three drams of borax combined with two ounces of pure rose water, and s till to sweeten more the dose, an equal weight of honey (without wax.) One spoonful and a tumbler will

17Diary, May 30, 1863. 105

relax the throbs and Itching* When you stir and season the mixture I*d advise you straight to put on a learned air and specticles—Tis well that you should know tho* I dislike to talk~In order to cancel the prescription that you must need refrain from all flirtation however fair the dame, great the temptation. Tho you think words would flow sweet as honey upon a single draught of that sweet potion* You would find th a t you had thrown away yo ur money* B esides a k is s would increase the inflammation therefore I say abstain from all flirtation and futhermore the treatment must debar you from the pleasure e’in of a cigar or pipe ~ I stop as I know you don*t chew tobacco-God forbid! Should you eschew a ll tempting plugs /tobacco/ and above all forbear to whistle, to drink wine, spit, talk German or swear*18

Perhaps the remedy worked, for by June 3 he was preparing to attend a moonlight riding party with some ladies* But when the "moon

failed to rise • • • ," he went to a dancing party where a single

Negro fiddler made up the orchestra, a scene "both national and pictur­

esque*"e s

The following day Polignac succeeded in renting a house, but

thought that he was "likely to be like the man who had bought an ele­

phant and did not know what to do with it • • • ," as it was "next to 20 impossible to procure furniture and mess articles etc* • • •" Finally

securing the necessary furnishings, he moved into his new home on June 10*

A short time later he met John Moncure who was to be the adjutant of 21 his brigade*

Despite the gay social life , Polignac was unhappy, believing

he was doomed to permanent inactivity* On June 15 he wrote in his

1 8Ibid., May 31, 1863.

1 9Ibid., June 3, 1863. 20 * I b id *

^Ibld. . June 10-12, 1863. 106 diary that there were some days when there was "such a dearth of new 22 facts or striking events of any sort to be recorded*" He continued:

All I can remember is that 1 got up in the morning as usual, I washed of course, but that is not interesting, I went out, surely, I made calls, probably—on some ladies; possible—I • • • no I did not, what else, I think I'll 23 stop for fear of writing something objectionable goodnight*

He continued to dwell in the diary on his plight as a soldier, feeling that he should compare his daily records with those of the past year* He was sure that comparing the past with the present would in­ crease his experience and at the same time afford him some gratification:

• . • namely that which arises from any task when ful­ filled or .from recollections of past trialB and obstacles overcome /sic / finally it may show a general improvement in the state of things and from this last consideration any man and especially he who has an aim in life w ill draw inexhaust- able stores of comfort • • • *2^

While admitting that very little had been achieved during the previous year, he insisted that it was not his fault:

When the laborer has ploughed a furrow and sown and har­ rowed the field he must pause and wait patiently till the gentle rays of the sun and the hand of Providence have done their work on the seed* Thus time works out the events of which man is the author or the tool, the perpetuator or the victim, smothers down obstacles that appeared inseparable strike light from darkness, unfolds new horizons, cools the boiling metal of human passions within the mold of future events and hardens it into an imperishable work*2'’

Despite his depression, Polignac continued to attend various social functions, including two sessions of the Louisiana state legislature,

2 2Ibid. . June 15, 1863*

23Ibid*

24Ibid*, June 16, 1863.

25I b id . 107 vhere he met Governor Thomas 0. Moore, and other dignitaries of the state* But now he was assigned a duty, of a sort. He was to go to

Alexandria and there serve as president of a court-martial convoked 27 to try Lieutenant Colonel Aristide Gerard for disobedience of orders.

Before leaving, he attended a court in Shreveport and was ap­ palled when he saw justice in action. A man was being tried for passing counterfeit notes and according to Polignac, the evidence was conclusive,

"yet the jury returned the verdict of 'not guilty!'" He noted that "if the prisoner had been found guilty the sentence would have been death even though he was merely accused of having passed counterfeit notes, knowing that they were forged, and not having forged them himself." He continued:

The extreme severity of the law defeated in this case, I think its very object; for there is little doubt in my mind from the evidence brought forward and from public feelings as exhibited on the occasion, but that the man was most uni­ versally thought guilty. . • and that he would have been foundgg such by the jurors if the penalty had been anything but death.

Polignac left for Alexandria by coach on June 27. The second night of his journey was spent at a hotel in the town of Mansfield, where the next morning he was happily surprised at finding a copy of a history of Rome which afforded him "the opportunity of reading over 29 the great Caeser • • • ," who was his "favorite among the dead."

26 Ibid. . June 19-20, 1863.

27 Ibid. . June 23, 1863; 0. R.. XXII, pt. 1, p. 933. 28 Diary, June 25, 1863. 29 Ibid., June 29, 1863. 108

Resuming the journey after breakfast, Polignac stopped at

Natchitoches, the oldest settlement In the Louisiana Purchase. The quaint little tovn located on the Cane RLver seventy miles southeast of

Shreveport was the site of Fort St. Jean Baptiste, established by the

French in 1714. At Natchitoches Polignac was flattered by a local planter, who hearing of him, had come "to meet a prince. ' 1 P olignac obligingly talked to the man for a while and "heard afterwards that

— — 30 the planter was veiy much pleased with /th eir/ conversation." 31 Polignac arrived at Alexandria during the afternoon of July 1.

He did not indicate in his diary whom he reported to for duty, but he evidently saw someone and learned that the court would not convene immediately. The delay, however, did not seem to bother him, for two days later, socializing as usual, the Prince, "dressed up as well as the existing circumstances and enforcement of a blockade would permit • •

." and rode "out into the country to see a Mr. F. • . •" The evening was "diversified with talk, music, dance, tableau, charades, and a dumb show, walks, flirtations, etc. • • ," which lasted until 3 A.M., when the "company adjourned to their beds severally not collectively q o for the night."

The next morning the gueste played the old American game of

"Simon Says." This game, most fascinating to children, was one which was played with several people being led by one person who gave the instructions. When he said "Simon says thumbs up," everyone complied

3 QIb id .

3 1 Ibid., July 1, 1863.

32Ibid. , July 3, 1863. 109 to his directions. When the leader gave the order without saying

"Simon says" and a player executed the order given anyway, he had made an error at which time attention was called to his mistake. This usually brought on great laughter from all the other players. Polignac found it thoroughly fascinating, and noted that the game involved "scenes of interest attended with high glee and explosions of mirth and roars of laughter." One lady declared that it was "too exciting • • • , which 33 opinion being concurred by all present."

On the next day Polignac went to the local Catholic church, but arriving too late to attend services, compensated by having dinner with the priest. He enjoyed the company of the priest who was "impulsive and even fiery and at times war like cast." A Yankee soldier had tried to take the priest's horse without the usual procedure of sale, but the

"puctilious clergyman tumbled him over from his /the officer's/ horse and bringing the barrel of his revolver to bear upon him thus reminded 34 him of the law very forcibly."

That evening Polignac attended another party and recorded a trium ph:

Guessing riddles and conundrums. . . . I had the oppor­ tunity of introducing to the company two or three enigmas which met with unanimous approbation and (from what I had been led to infer) may be considered as a foundation with which, if I choose to build upon it, I may establish for myself a great reputation of wit unless I be deceived by appearances. • • .® 5

The following evening he spent with Mr. Bynumj who was the

3 3Ibid. . July 4, 1863.

3 4Ibid. . July 5, 1863.

35I b id . 110 father of two beautiful daughters* Smugly he noted that "there is a notion prevailing among the ladies here that I am engaged to the General*s daughter • • • •" He was teased, he said: "very much by frequent hints 36 and allusions, which for the most part are lost upon me*"

In the meantime, while Polignac was busy socializing in Alexandria, the Federals were dealing a disastrous blow to the Confederate strong­ holds on the Mississippi River. On July 4 Grant took Vicksburg and four days later Port Hudson fell to General Banks* With the opening of the

Mississippi River to Union forces, it was no secret that northwestern

Louisiana would be invaded—it was only a matter of time* Furthermore, thousands of Union troops were available for a campaign across the

Mississippi*

General Taylor, who had less than 4,000 men, called for additional troops* He hoped that General Kirby Smith would send the recently created Polignac brigade to his command. On July 14 he wrote: "Where is 37 General C. J. Polignac*s brigade? Is it armed and ready for service?"

Two days earlier Kirby Smith had written Taylor that the troops were needed to support the battery in the Natchitoches area* He did not think that there would be an all-out invasion that summer, but he did fear "cavalry excursions from either the Indian country or the M ississippi, 11 which might capture valuable stores* He concluded by asking Taylor to send arms, if possible, to the brigade which was proceeding toward

Natchitoches*3 8

3 6 Ibid*, July 7, 1863. 07 0. R.. XXVI, pt. 2, p. 111.

Ofi • I b id . . p* 109. I l l

On July 7, after learning that his brigade was being sent into the field, Polignac wrote: ’’Once more my fate is going to be tested. 39 It must be submitted to many more tests before anything can come of it."

The court-m artial finally convened and Colonel Gerard was found innocent of the charge of disobeying orders while in command at Fort 40 De Hussy. The fort, located on the Hed River south of Alexandria, had been abandoned the previous May when Porter's gunboats moved up the

Hed to Alexandria.

Polignac left for Shreveport on the eleventh and arrived there on the evening of the fourteenth. He remained at Shreveport until July

17. On that date he left to join his brigade, which at the time was at

Grand Ecore, a little village on the Hed River about three miles from

Natchitoches.

He was to take command of the Second Texas Brigade, which con­ sisted of the Twenty-Second Texas Cavalry, the Thirty-Fourth Texas Cavalry, 41 and the Seventeenth Texas Consolidated Dismounted Cavalry. His orders were to remain at Grand Ecore, and after putting the place in a state of 42 defense, await further instructions.

39Diary, July 7, 1863.

4°Ibid., July 15, 1863; 0. H. . XXII, pt. 1, p. 933.

41Barr, Polignac1 s .Texas B rigade. pp. 1 , 21; 0 . R .. XVTI, p t , 2, p. 16; Rebecca W. Smith and Marion Mullins, (ed.), "The Diary of H. C. Medford, Confederate Soldier, 1864." Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXXIV (July, 1930-Apr 11, 1931), p. 219; Marcus J. Wright, Texas in the War 1861-1865, ed. Harold B. Simpson (Hillsboro, Texas: The H ill Junior College Press, 1965), pp. 120-121; Stephen B. Oates, Confederate Cavalry West of the River (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1961), pp. 176-177; Dudley G. Wooten, (ed.), Comprehensive History of Texas, 1685-1897 (Dallas: William G. Scarff, 1898), II, pp. 638-640.

4 20. R.. XXII, pt. 1, p. 933; Ibid.. XXVI. pt. 2, p. 113. CHAPTER VII

"A damn frog-eating Frenchman"

During th e summer o f 1863, a f t e r th e f a l l o f Vicksburg and P o rt

Hudson, military activity in Louisiana was virtually at a standstill.

Despite the lu ll, the Confederates anticipated an invasion and hastened

to complete fortifications at Grand Ecore and Fort De Russy on the Red

River and Fort Beauregard on the Ouachita River near the village of

Harrisonburg, about fOrty miles west of Monroe,'*'

On July 20 Polignac, charged with the defense of Grand Ecore,

arrived at the village and assumed command of the Second Texas Brigade.

Preferring their former commander, Colonel William H, Trader, the

Texans were suspicious of the "dapper little Frenchman," and were ripe

for mutiny.

The dangers of a mutinous brigade were immediately apparent to

Polignac, and he moved to quell the incipient rebellion. Assembling the

officers in the presence of Colonel Trader, the Prince calmly announced

that he was honored by the confidence Kirby Smith had expressed in him

by giving him the command. He would try to justify that confidence, he

said, and would work to win the respect of the brigade. The loss of

Colonel Trader was understandably regrettable, he continued, but duty

required that General Kirby Smith*s orders be obeyed. Appealing to their

1Davis, "Richard Taylor," Louisiana Historical Quarterly. XXIV, pp. 77-78* 112 respect for Trader, Polignac reminded the officers their obedience to his orders would demonstrate "they had profited by his /T rader's/ teach- 2 ing and example*" Colonel Trader expressed complete agreement with

Polignac*s arguments* Convinced that he had made his point, the Prince 3 dismissed the officers*

One week later, on July 27, Polignac moved the brigade to Camp

Salubrity located three miles southwest between Natchitoches and Grand

Ecore* After erecting a camp hospital, he went to Grand Ecore and appealed to the local citizenry to organize a volunteer mounted company to scout the banks of the river* In the meantime the brigade dug trenches and made other adjustments necessary to put Grand Ecore in a 4 state of defense*

Y/hen Polignac returned to camp, he was confronted with a dis­ ciplinary problem which promised a severe test of his resourcefulness as a commander* A drunken soldier from Colonel James E* Stevens' regiment

(Twenty-Second Texas Cavalry) had threatened to stab a civilian from

Grand Ecore* The soldier had been humiliated by being marched before the brigade wearing a sign inscribed "guilty of drunkness and unsoldier- ly conduct*" This public humiliation caused an uproar in Stevens* regi­ ment, and after the prisoner was returned to the guardhouse his comrades 5 rushed the stockade and rescued him,

Polignac, faced with a serious breach of m ilitary discipline,

^Diary, July 20, 1863*

3 I b ld .

4Ibid. . July 21-27, 1863; 0. R*. XXVI, pt. 2, p. 109.

^Diary, July 28, 1863* 114 and uncertain that he could "rely on the officers and men of the other two regiments," decided to avoid immediate action. He did, however, advise Colonel Stevens that he would consider remitting the remainder 0 of the sentence if the prisoner was returned to the guardhouse.

A crisis was averted when the following morning his officers reported the prisoner had been returned to the guardhouse and the dis­ turbance had abated. Although Polignac failed to record that he remitted the remainder of the prisoner's sentence, he probably did so. He ex­ pressed pleasure in the way he dealt with the disturbance; he had main- 7 tained discipline without jeopardizing his position with the troops.

He later learned that only a few men from Stevens' command had actually been involved in the incident, and. he delivered an address to the other regiments complimenting them for not participating in the g disturbance. But he also learned that many Texans objected to his command because he was a foreigner and that the rebels had been encouraged 9 by their officers. One officer who objected to him "as being one of the royal family and likely to conspire against the institutions of the c o u n try, " 1 0 apparently failed to recognize the irony of his oppbsition to the Prince. Polignac recognized that dissension at the command level would lead to a high desertion rate; indeed on one day, August 4, some

forty men fled the camp.

On August 6 , the Prince received orders from General Taylor to

6 I b id .

7 I b id .

8Ibid., July 30, 1863. Q Ibid., August 1, 1863.

10I b id . 115 move the brigade to Alexandria, Making the journey to Alexandria down the Bed River by steamer, the brigade arrived before noon on Sunday,

August 7, Some time between August 8-16 a permanent camp site was es­ tablished In a pine woods about eighteen miles south of Alexandria on

Bayou Clear*

With his troops In bivouac, Polignac had time to meet some lady friends, identified in his diary as "miss S*, Miss Q*, and Miss S* 0*, and S* 0*, and Tutti Quantil," whom he found as pleasant as "night, beauty, dress, and a glass of Champagne could make them* * *

On August 15, seventeen deserters were brought into the camp, and

Polignac ordered the construction of a guardhouse* The guardhouse was a crude structure made of stakes fourteen feet high which formed a circle 12 ten feet in diameter* The soldiers jokingly referred to it as the "jug*"

A constant rain prohibited much activity for several days, but X3 between showers Polignac was able to d rill his brigade for a few hours.

In the meantime Polignac received orders to attend a court-martial of General Henry Hopkins Sibley who had been charged with disobedience 14 of orders and unofficer-like conduct* However, confronted with the nagging problem of desertion and disorder in the brigade, Polignac felt that it was necessary to remain with his troops and wrote division head- 15 quarters requesting to be relieved of this added duty*

1 1Ibld. ■ August 8-16, 1863.

V i , August 19, 1863* TO Ibid*, August 19-25, 1863* 14 Ibid., August 17, 1863* For the text of charges and the find­ ings of the court, which were "not guilty," see 0. R.* XV, pt. 1, pp* 1093-1095. 15 Diary, August 17, 1863* His request was denied for on August 26 he was ordered to proceed to Opelousas without delay for the court-martial* Polignac arrived in

Opelousas early on the morning of August 27. He met General Alfred 16 Mouton who he said looked "like a lion: dark, ta ll, and handsome," and General John G* Walker, president of the court-m artial, whom he later described as a man "of sound judgement" who was "always perfectly self- possessed • • • * " ^

The court-martial opened immediately on the day of Polignac*s arrival, and remained in session for the next two days. The third session ended on Saturday, whereupon the court adjourned to the follow­ in g Monday . 3’8

On August 29 as the court adjourned, news came of Federal of­ fensives in southern Arkansas and northern Louisiana and of a Federal force under John D. Stevenson, consisting of some 6,000 men who were threatening Monroe. General Paul 0. Hefcert's command at Monroe did not 19 exceed 1 ,0 0 0 cavalry and three batteries of artillery.

Polignac*s brigade was ordered to be in readiness to move toward

Monroe. The Prince expressed concern about the necessity of always pulling together the scattered forces from all over the department to meet the Federal attacks. He said: "if we don*t make one army out of the troops now in Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas we shall be overwhelmed 20 and lose the department."

1 6 Ibid., August 27, 1863.

1 7 Ibid. . September 10, 1863.

1 8Ibid. , August 29, 1863.

1 9I b id .

20I b id . 117

Better news came the next day* General Taylor learned that the

number of Federals In the Monroe area had been exaggerated and decided 21 to keep Polignac *s brigade near Alexandria.

Polignac was anxious to return to the field, for serving on the

court-martial was boring; on several occasions he indicated that he

hoped that the trial would adjourn quickly. Late in the evening on

August 30, while recording the events of the day in his diary, he re­

called that exactly one year earlier he had taken part in the battle of

Richmond, Kentucky. He concluded with: "Oh! for another day like that, 22 for years of days like that!! and then rest and enjoy."

On September 4 he noted that "the trial goes slowly but surely."

Although bored with m ilitary duties, Polignac found some compensation

in social activities. During his stay in Opelousas he made several new

acquaintances—some of whom were ladies. In describing a typical day,

he wrote: "courtmartialing, /sic / mathematizing, reading and walking 23 w ith la d ie s , embody th e tra n s a c tio n s o f th e day. • • •"

One night he attended a ball at the Variety Theater in Opelousas.

On this occasion:

The Beauty of Opelousas and Washington were marshalling forth in two rival camps, a most gorgeousarray on both sides, trying their best to out talk, out dance, out shine, out flirt, out dash, out smash, and last but not least to out wit each other and the same rivalry which was to be observed between both 'sets* was kept up between the combatants in each set, every one fighting as the term is *on her own h o o k !

23Tbld. . August 30, 1863.

2 2I b i d i. 23 Ibid#» September 8 , 1863# 24 'Ibid# 9 September 4$ 1863# It was not until September 11 that Sibley was found ’’not guilty" to all charges and the court-martial adjourned* The next day Polignac was ordered to rejoin his troops in central Louisiana* He immediately left Opelousas and on the fifteenth arrived at his brigade's camp located in a pine woods about twenty-two miles up the Natchitoches Hoad on Bayou 25 Hapldes* It appeared that Polignac*s brigade would soon see combat, for while he was at Opelousas there was increased m ilitary activity in th e sta te *

The Union high command, fo r p o l i t i c a l r a th e r th an m ilita ry re a ­ sons, had decided to send troops to Texas as a show of force against the

French who were dispatching troops to Mexico* To many Americans this intervention of a European power in Mexico violated the Monroe Doctrine*

The crisis in Mexico arose as a result of Mexico's refusal to pay its debts to bankers in Spain, England, and France* Those three nations were determined to collect the debts by force if necessary, and by

January, 1862, they had landed troops on the Mexican coast* But no m ilitary action was taken; instead negotiations were opened with the

Mexican government and five months later Spain and England, satisfied with the Mexican promise to honor its debts, withdrew their forces* How­ ever, Napoleon III, the French Emperor, not only refused to withdraw his troops, but increased their number to 25,000* He hoped to carve a French protected empire in the Western Hemisphere* Napoleon's forces, making war on the Mexican guerrillas, had by June, 1863, after heavy fighting, occupied Mexico City*

25 Ibid. * September 11-15, 1863. 119

The United States made little protest against the French inter­ vention until September) 1863. At that time, with rumors circulating that the French might seize Texas, Secretary of State William A. Seward warned the French that the United States would enforce the Monroe Doc­ trine; and he hinted that a collision between the two countries might result if the French continued their intervention in Mexico*

Accordingly, General Halleck ordered General Banks to occupy various points in Texas* Early in September Banks sent Major General

William B* Franklin with a force to Sabine Pass, at the mouth of the

Sabine Diver* This river marking a natural boundary between Texas and

Louisiana, flowed from east Texas to the Gulf of Mexico* The proposed

expedition was abandoned when a small force of Confederates, after sinking several ships, drove off the Federal fleet that had assembled at Sabine Pass to transport the troops upriver into the Lone Star State*

Banks, haying abandoned the attempt to invade Texas by way of the Sabine Diver, decided that he could accomplish the same objective by taking another route* He would move his troops up the Teche to Lafayette or Vermillion and then march 300 miles westward across the prairies of 26 Louisiana into east Texas*

Accordingly, in early October General Franklin, with 20,000 men, moved from Berwick Bay up the Teche* Dichard Taylor, with a force of

11,000 men, could only delay the enemy's advance* By the time the

AC Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p* 296; Davis, "Diehard Taylor," Louisiana Historical Quarterly* XXIV, pp« 78-79; John Dimitry, Louisiana. X of Confederate Military History (New York: A* S* Barnes and Co*, Inc., 1962), pp* 104-105* 120 cautious Franklin reached the upper Teche country, "the waters in the 27 bayous were at low stage and no longer suitable for navigation."

Franklin, constantly harassed by Taylor*s forces, decided to abandon his second attempt to invade Texas. After occupying Opelousas, he 28 returned back down the Teche to New Iberia.

The Confederates had successfully prevented an invasion of north

Louisiana and Texas. And they immediately reoccupied Opelousas after

the Federals deserted the town. With their lines extending below the

town, the Confederates held all the territory north of Opelousas. Both

combatants made raids into the regions held by the enemy, hoping, there- 29 by to extend their lines deeper into each other's territory.

For the remainder of the year there were no important m ilitary

operations in Louisiana. The Confederates tried to hold what they

had, extend their lines if possible, and prevent the Federals from

making further intrusions into the interior of the state.

Host of the m ilitary activity, in the form of skirmishes and

raids, took place along the upper Teche, and the Atchafalaya and Missis­

sippi Rivers. Since late summer Taylor had kept a force of artillery

and cavalry along the M ississippi from the mouth of the Red down below

the town of Morganza, a distance of about thirty miles. These troops 30 seriously interfered with the enemy's use of the river.

27 W inters, C iv il War i n L o u isian a, p . 298.

2 8Ib id . 29 Davis, "Richard Taylor," Louisiana Historical Quarterly. XXIV, p. 80; Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p. 299. 30 Ibid. : Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 149; Dimitry, Louisiana, pp, 104-105. Polignac*e brigade did not take part in the military operations against the Federals in September. When Polignac arrived at his camp near Alexandria on September 15, he found that morale in the brigade had not improved. The men were not yet ready for combat. In fact, desertion had been so extensive during his absence that General Taylor considered breaking up the command and distributing the regiments among the other brigades of Walker's division. Polignac, eager to retain his command, rode into Alexandria to discuss the matter with General Walker. Walker assured him that he would take his "interest in hand, adding very 31 courteously, because they are consistent with those of the Division!"

Satisfied with Walker's assurance, Polignac evidently made no

effort to Improve conditions in the brigade. He seems to have been

completely unaware that he should have or even could have done anything

to improve the morale of the brigade. Camp life bored the Prince; he had always refused to spend any more time with the troops than he thought absolutely necessary. In fact there was nothing wrong with the brigade; it was the brigade's commander who was at fault. Polignac refused to look after the interest and welfare of his troops; his only concern was

t h a t he n o t lo s e th e command. I t i s s u rp ris in g th a t he was unable to

see that in its present condition the brigade would be worth little

should it be called on to face the enemy on the battlefield.

An example of Polignac's apparent disinterest and unconcern for his men can be found in the September 18 entry of his diary. The only

31 Diary, September 17, 1863* 122 excitement of the day that had "dragged along quietly," he wrote, was the capture of two squirrels hy some of his men* According to Polignac, the sight of the men capturing the squirrels reminded him of scenes of 32 his childhood in Germany.

The Prince simply was not taking his job seriously; he still thought to be a good commander all he had to do was lead dashing charges on the battlefield* With such a commander it is little wonder that morale was bad and that there were many desertions in the brigade.

P olig n ac re ta in e d th e command, but th e d e se rtio n s co n tin u ed , and on September 21 he went to General Walker again, this time asking for cavalry because he suspected that there soon would be mass leaves 33 in his brigade*

A company in Colonel Almerine M* Alexander*s (Thirty-Fourth

Texas Cavalry) regiment, suspected by Polignac of joining the deserters, was placed on picket duty* He ordered the captain to "stack arms and pile all the knapsacks," knowing, he said, that the would-be deserters,

"would not leave without taking their knapsacks and • • • they would not fill their knapsacks when sent on picket•" A guard was placed over the arms and knapsacks and this last act "caused the greatest excitement and dissatisfaction, among the troops."3*

The officers of Alexander's regiment were outraged at the thought

3 ^Ibid. * September 18, 1863*

3 3Ibid. , September 22, 1863.

3* I b id . that they were distrusted and had to be prevented from running away.

They also feared that news of the incident might be heard at home and 35 tarnish their image with their friends and neighbors. In an angry gesture of protest these officers placed their swords on the stacks and insisted that they would be removed only after the order was rescinded.

That n ig h t d isc o n te n t reached i t s peak. A man named Cummings, a drummer in Stevens' regiment) was arrested by order of General Walker for writing a letter to a friend in Joseph W. Speight's brigade telling of a projected desertion which he planned to join. The letter did not reach the intended receiver because he had already deserted. It was 36 opened and Cummings was arrested.

Pandemonium broke out in the camp. In the evening two brothers)

J. A. and John Vowely led a crowd of men from Alexander's regiment toward the guardhouse, planning to rescue Cummings. After considerable disorder and noise they stopped at the foot of the h ill where Polignac»s tent was located. The crowd, despite appeals from the Vowel brothers, refused to advance on their commander's quarters. The noise lasted nearly half an hour but gradually died down as the men drifted off to 37 their tents.

During the disturbance Polignac ordered one company from the

Seventeenth Texas to guard the stockade, but the company assembled so slowly that the prisoner was left with the usual small guard. 124

The Prince, uncertain what course he should take, vacillated between joining the Seventeenth Texas, which might encourage the men to riot, or 38 remaining in his tent* He finally decided not to show himself*

Later he expressed satisfaction with his decision, realizing that he had overrated the danger of the uprising* It had been limited to a small group of men, and his presence had not been necessary* The Prince noted that such experiments "are hazardous as they may result in loss of authority • • • especially when it is dark and men can shelter their disobedience under cover of night, which insures impurity to their g u i l t . " 39

The next morning he was informed by Colonel John H* Caudle of

Alexanders regiment that the officers refused to take their arms from the stacks* Polignac ordered Caudle not to divulge his knowledge of the breach of discipline and to return to the regiment, order it to the 40 drill field, and "if the officers refused, to march on without them."

Assembling the men, Polignac expressed astonishment that his order to stack guns and knapsacks had caused such dissatisfaction* It was, he said, only a measure designed to keep order in camp and was for their protection* If their arms had been lost, they would have to reimburse the government for the loss. Moreover, he said, the country was filled with jay hawkers who would be glad to arm themselves at 41 their expense. He insisted that if they were "offended at what they

3 8I b id .

3 9I b id .

4 0I b id .

41Ibid* 125 considered as a slur on them,” his "feelings were hurt" by the belief that he thought them disloyal. Seeing that the speech was having the desired effect, Polignac concluded by telling them of "their duty and 42 said they would probably take the field soon."

After addressing Stevens' regiment in the same way, Polignac ob­ tained a general order from General Walker directing that all arms were 43 to be stacked and guarded in the whole division. The Prince had made his point and at the same time the spirit of insubordination and dis­ satisfaction was quelled, at least temporarily.

The n ex t day, September 22, G eneral Walker se n t Cummings back to

Polignac, saying that the soldier's letter "was not sufficient to try him

for treason or execution for desertion." Polignac was shocked to find

4 4 that Cummings was a "mere boy . . . evidently frightened to death."

The fact that he was shocked to learn that Cummings was a "mere boy" shows how l i t t l e he knew about h is command. He was not in te r e s te d in getting to know the men in his brigade.

Nevertheless, the Prince was equal to the occasion. In an inter­ view in his tent with Cummings, Polignac told the youngster he was guilty, but added that due to his age he would have mercy on him, explaining that the letter, the only evidence of guilt, was in his possession and that he would tear it up in front of him. After the Prince tore up the letter, 45 Cummings cried and promised that he would never again consider desertion.

42I b id .

43I b id .

44I b id .

45I b id . The conversation was heard by the guard stationed outside

Polignac's tent* He had been planted by the Prince to make certain the 46 story of his leniency would find its way back to the rest of the troops*

The desertions continued, but there were no more violent outbreaks in th e camp*

In late September Banks sent an expedition against the Confeder­ ates who were interfering with Federal shipping on the Mississippi* To meet this new threat, General Taylor, on September 25, ordered General

Walker*s division, including Polignac*s brigade, to move from central

Louisiana to the vicinity of Morganza to reinforce the Confederates along the river, and to prevent any attempted invasion of the state by way of 47 the Red River*

From Alexandria, Walker's division marched in a southeasterly direction, along the right bank of Bayou Boeuf, passing through the towns of Lacompte and Cheneyville and down to the village of Evergreen, which 48 was located on the right bank of Bayou Rouge* Bayou Rouge flowed into the Atchafalaya near Morgan's Ferry, about forty miles west of Evergreen.

Polignac with his brigade marched at the head of the column, which moved slowly because: "the road was exceedingly dusty and very severe on the feet of the soldiers, badly shod for the most* The hot dust driven through the seams of their shoes by perspiring would raise 49 blisters on their skin*" Because the day was warm, and most of the

46I b id . 47 Ibid. , September 25, 1863*

48Ibid. . September 28, 1863* 49 Ibid. . September 27, 1863* 127

Confederates were unaccustomed to long marches, Polignac "halted the

column for 10 or 15 /sic / minutes after every hour or hour and a half's m a rc h ." ^

Three days later the division reached Evergreen where General

Walker left Polignac's "brigade to guard his rear from a possible move- 51 ment o f th e enemy from Sim m esport. ..." The town of Simmesport was located about eighteen miles east of Evergreen on the Atchafalaya River, a short distance from its juncture with the Red River. General Walker and the remainder of the division moved on the Morgan's Ferry on to: 52 Atchafalaya, thirty miles south of Simmesport.

At Evergreen Polignac immediately made arrangements to put the village "beyond the possibility of surprise" attack. Pickets of

cavalry and infantry were set out on the three roads leading from

Evergreen to Simmesport. As an added precaution, the Prince dispatched mounted patrols each day to scout the roads for signs of enemy activity 53 in the area. The brigade remained in the vicinity of Evergreen until mid-October.

From mid-October until early December, Taylor's forces, including

Polignac's brigade, were constantly on the move in eastern Louisiana between Bayou Teche and the M ississippi River, as Taylor sought to

50 Ib id . 51 Ibid., September 28, 1863.

52Ib id . 53 Ibid. , September 29, 1863. 128 forestall any offensive that he thought might develop in the region.

On October 18, near the settlement of Moundville, on Bayou

Coudric, General Taylor merged Polignac*s unit with Colonel Joseph W.

Speight's brigade. These combined forces became a consolidated brigade composed of the Fifteenth Texas Battalion, and the Twenty-Second, the 54 Twenty-First and the Thirty-Fourth Texas Dismounted Cavalry regiments.

Polignac, because of his rank, received command of the brigade.

Unimpressed with their new commander, the Texans "swore that a damn frog-eating Frenchman with a name they could not pronounce, and 55 whose orders they could not understand would never command them." Some

Texans called him "coldnack," others distorted his name, pronouncing it 56 "polecat," and would hold their noses whenever he was near.

General Taylor went to the camp and pointed out the consequences of disobedience to the officers, but added that if they were dissatisfied with Polignac after an engagement, he would then be transferred to an o th er command. In T a y lo r's words, " o rd e r was re s to re d but i t was up h ill work for General Polignac for sometime, not withstanding his 57 patience and good temper."

54 Ibid. . October 18, 1863; Barr, Polignac*s Texas Brigade, p. 29; Cooper K. Ragan, (ed.), "The Diary of Captain George W. O'Brien, 1863," Southwestern Historical Quarterly. LXVII (October, 1967), pp. 420-421; Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, pp. 183-184; Wright, A Southern Girl in *61. pp. 92-93.

^Wright, A Southern Girl in *61. pp. 92-93. Cfi Ibid.; John Q. Anderson (ed.);, Campaigning with Parson's Texas Cavalry Brigade. CSA (Hillsboro, Texas: The H ill Junior College Press, 1957), p. 133. 57 Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 151. Evidently Polignac, for the first tine, realized that he was about to lose his brigade* Taylor had in effect told the officers that if Polignac failed to gain their respect and confidence he would be removed* The French aristocrat's future was to be determined by his own men. His career was on the line and he would have to change— not the men of the brigade* To lose the brigade would mean that he was a failure as a commander, and the prospects of failure must have shocked the Prince, for he immediately moved to improve conditions in h is command*

He was informed by the brigade's colonel* James E* Harrison,

that the troops were discontented and demoralized because the officers

took no initiative, were often absent, and did not enforce discipline*

Moreover, he added, the brigade was plagued by illness and many 58 soldiers needed shoes and clothes*

F!rom October 21-26 the brigade held itself in readiness to go

to the aid of the Confederate skirmishers in the Opelousas area*

During this interim Polignac's relations with his troops improved*

Evidently heeding Harrison's advice, the Prince paid more attention to

the welfare of his men* Henceforth, he seems to have realized the

necessity of spending as much time as possible with his brigade*

One day as he rode up to inspect some troops on picket duty he

was greeted with loud cheers by the men of the Seventeenth Texas* When 59 he inquired the reason, they replied that they were glad to see him*

58 Barr, Polignac's Texas Brigade, p* 29* 59 Diary, October 24, 1863. 130

An Intelligent man, Polignac must have realized that his presence had improved his men's morale*

In late November Polignac was directed to lead an expedition to

Red River Landing, ten miles west of Simmesport where the Red flows into

the Mississippi* His mission was to harass Federal use of the river*

Polignac was disappointed that his force was able to sink only one 60 Union transport and turn back another*

M ilitary engagements in Louisiana had for the most part been

small* When compared to those in the Eastern Theater, few men had

been engaged or killed. The true casualties of the war in Louisiana

in 1863 were not soldiers, but civilians--those people living in the

region from Alexandria southward to New Orleans and from Bayou Teche

on the west to the Mississippi River on the east* These people, since

spring, had been subjected to periodic Federal invasion which resulted

in the loss of great quantities of food and cotton, as well as numerous

horses and cattle.

In December one Confederate soldier described the destitute

condition of south Louisiana as follows:

This section of country might have been termed the 'p a ra d is e 1 of Louisiana before the war; but alas, what a change has befallen it now! The houses are all deserted; occasionally you meet with.a few old, faithful negroes, left by their owners to take care of their place until their re­ turn* Here you can behold mansion after mansion, including costly sugar-houses, now going to decay. 6-L

60 Ibid. . November 19-22, 1863.

g l • J. P. Blessington, The Campaigns of Walker's Texas Division (New York: Lange, L i t t l e and C o., 1875), p* 153* 131

Early in December Banks* troops returned to south Louisiana into winter quarters, and General Taylor began dispersing his forces to strategic points; after establishing winter quarters they would be in a position to move against any Federal force that might attempt to in­ vade north Louisiana* Polignac was ordered to take his troops to Monroe in the northeastern part of the state*

On December 11 Polignac*s brigade le ft Morgan*s Ferry and that evening shortly after setting up camp on L ittle Bayou, the soldiers were drenched by a heavy rain which lasted several hours. The next morning the troops moved toward Alexandria over roads muddy from recent r a in s . 62

Late in the evening on December 16 the brigade began crossing the Red River at a point about ten miles from Mansura* Due to the r is in g w ater and muddy banks, only the Seventeenth Texas made i t a cro ss the river; the other units returned to their camps and "with wet equip- 63 ment and bedding • • • spent a miserably cold night . 11

Polignac and his staff spent the night in Mansura in a building occupied by two surgeons from General Mouton*s staff. Everyone ’‘had a lively time," and Polignac "was soon sufficiently mellow to be enter­ taining, and enlivened the house by singing every few minutes a verse of a song, which had reference to one ’Madam Gregoire* whoever she may have been." Someone prepared "a bowl of delicious egg nog, which with the proper ingredients soon brought out the musical abilities and

6 ^Diary, December 12, 1863.

CO Regan, "George 0*Brlen," Southwestern H istorical Quarterly. LXVII, p. 431; Barr, Polignac*s Texas Brigade, p. 33. 64 loquacious qualities of the company*"

The next morning) December 17) the remainder of the brigade crossed the river and continued to march, arriving at Alexandria on the 65 nineteenth* The troops camped about two miles from town*

On December 20 Speight's batallion was detached from Polignac*s command for an assignment in south Louisiana* The same day the remainder of the brigade proceeded north to Monroe and after ten days of marching 66 camped a few miles from the town on the Richardson plantation*

On January 1 the temperature dropped to five degrees below zero, and then a heavy rain fell* In such weather many of the poorly 67 clothed men became ill with pneumonia* Therefore Polignac moved his troops through Monroe to a better camp south of the city and arranged 68 for shoes to be issued to the needy*

For the next few days Polignac was busy trying to restore the . spirits of his men. The weather was cold and wet, and morale was lower 69 than usual because of the poor quality of the beef* On one occasion

64 Grisamore, "Reminiscences," Weekly Thibodaux Sentinel. July 17, 1869. 65 Barr, Polignac's Texas Brigade* pp. 33-34; Ragan, "George O'Brien," Southwestern H istorical Quarterly* LXVTI, pp. 431-432.

0. R.« XXXLV, pt. 2, p. 914; Barr, Polignac's Texas Brigade. p* 35* fi 7 Diary, January 1, 1864; Barr, Polignac's Texas Brigade, p. 35.

6 8 I b id . 69 Diary, January 10, 1864. 133 the Prince assembled the brigade and explained that their hardships were not due to Incompetent commanders, but rather were, the results 70 of unavoidable circumstances. According to one source, Polignac

said: "I wish I could tell you . . . that matters are likely to Improve, but on the contrary I fear harder times are In store for us. It Is for you to decide whether the cause for which we are fighting Is worth the 71 sacrifice we are called upon to make.

Polignac*s speech was effective, for that evening the band from 72 the fifteenth Texas assembled before his tent and gave a concert.

After the concert, the Prince, In his usual style, thanked the

band fo r:

their kind attention and sweet music whose accents had broken on most pleasantly upon my ear; that I was not one of those that believed that music is trifling but on the contrary that it filled an important place and answered an Important purpose in human life having—softening and sooth­ ing Influence which makes our gloomy hours leas gloomy and our pleasant moments more pleasant, etc. That now the music performed by our military bands had even a far greater im­ pact, that every note they struck was a war note which sounds the 'reveille' amid the nations of the earth and claim her place as a full grown child; a sound which the present generation would acheive its independence and whose echo would usher thousands of generations yet unborn Into an everlasting era of peace and liberty . ^ 3

7 0 I b id . 71 Cecil Battine, The Crisis of The Confederacy (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1905), p. 358. Battine does not reveal when Polignac made this speech but he says that afterward Polignac "had no more murmurings from his soldiers." His troops did suffer a great deal that winter, and Polignac does not.Indicate In his diary that he made a sim iliar speech to the troops either before or after his address on January 1, 1864. 72 Diary, January 10, 1864.

7 3 I b id . 134

Polignac and some friends then retired to his quarters, which he described as comparable to the well-ventHated Negro cabins in the area, 74 and had a "cup of very bad tea*"

A fte r fiv e months w ith an Independent command, Polignac seemed to have adjusted reasonably well in his new position and the men in d ic a te d th a t they had accepted t h e i r new commander* Follow ing a series of crises, it appeared that he had learned that to be a good commander he must pay careful attention to the needs of his men*

There is no evidence that he particularly liked this command role, but he realized that the opportunity to lead dashing charges on the battlefield would be few, and a harmonious relationship with his men was just as vital in camp as it was during a charge* He probably realized that in order to advance himself, he must continually control his troops and promote a feeling of respect and confidence toward him­ self in any situation that might arise*

7 4 I b id . CHAPTER VIII

'•I w ill show you whether I am ‘polecat* or ‘Polignac

On January 11 it was learned that the Federals were planning an expedition which was to move from Trinity, Louisiana, up the Ouachita 1 River to Monroe.

Taylor was alarmed and ordered Polignac to dispatch pickets to a large hend in the river ahout four miles below Monroe. As an added precaution Taylor directed Polignac to select a place in the bend and set up a battery of artillery. A small cavalry force was to be sent out the following morning to reconnoiter and warn of the approaching 2 enemy.

Polignac immediately set up his pickets and sent two companies out in advance, one guarding the adjacent road and the other watching the river. Captain Thomas A. Faries was directed to place hie battery on the river at a position from which he could fire at the advancing gunboats . 3

For the next three days Polignac directed the work on the forti- 4 fications and waited for the rumored gunboats. But the gunboats did not appear, and on January 16 he was ordered to move his forces down

^Diary, January 10, 1864.

^bid.: 0. R., XXXIV, pt. 2, pp. 914, 929-930. 3 Diary, January 12, 1864. 4 Ibid. . January 13-15, 1864, 135 136 the Ouachita to Harrisonburg, where they were to protect the engineers 5 preparing earthworks for artillery batteries.

On January 18 Polignac*s brigade and one battery of artillery g left Monroe. Two days later they arrived at the town of Columbia on the Ouachita River. Here Polignac ordered that enough provisions be collected to last eight days. This was a precautionary measure since the next day the troops would cross to the right bank of the river and the supplies were on the left bank. He knew that if the gunboats made it up the river his troops would be cut off from their source of supplies.

In such event they would be forced to transport supplies from Alexandria, which was about fifty miles from Harrisonburg. The round trip would take about eight days. Polignac wanted to guarantee his source of supply 7 even if his troops were cut off from their base.

The boat Ruby was used to carry provisions the seventy-five miles from Columbia to Harrisonburg by water. The land distance between g the two towns was only about thirty-eight miles.

On January 22 the troops left Columbia for Harrisonburg. The hilly terrain slowed the march considerably, but they arrived at their destination on the twenty-fourth. Polignac immediately sent out pickets on the Alexandria, the Trinity, and the Columbia roads leading into 9 Harrisonburg.

5Ibid. . January 16, 1864; 0. R.« XXXIV, pt. 2, p. 914. * Diary, January 18-20, 1864. 7 Ibid., January 20, 1864.

Q Ibid., January 21, 1864.

9 Ibid. . January 24, 1864. 137

The “brigade remained at Harrisonburg for a week, and during this

time Polignac had the various roads in the vicinity reconnoitered and

he set up communications between various points in the area."*"3

On February 3 approximately one hundred mounted Federals, mostly

Negroes, crossed the Tensas River at Percy*s Ferry and attacked the

Confederate pickets at Manderville Ferry, about six miles from Harrison­ burg. After driving off the Confederates and destroying the ferry, the

Yankee cavalry returned to its base in Vidalia . ^ 1

Polignac suggested to General Taylor that his forces make a raid on Vidalia, which he thought was not very well protected by its predominantly Negro garrison. Although Vidalia lay within enemy lines, there seemed to be no chance of a major battle. Most of the troops had been moved from Natchez to join General William T. Sherman*s army at

V icksburg . ^

Polignac *s suggestion to raid the Vidalia area was accepted and he was ordered to take control of all the country bordering the

Tensas River, Concordia Lake, and Bayou Concordia. All persons without passes were to be arrested, and jayhawkers found with arms were to be executed or put in irons. All good horses and mules were to be taken

from both loyal and disloyal people within enemy lines or exposed to

enemy raids, and all able-bodied Negro men working on plantations 13 occupied by the enemy were to be impressed for m ilitary service.

^ Ib id ., January 24-31, 1864. 11 Ibid. . February 3, 1864.

1 2Ibid. , February 19, 1864; 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 2, pp. 934-935, 952-953, 956.

1 3 I b id . 138 At midnight on February 6 Polignac, with two regiments of Texas

Cavalry, two infantry regiments, and six pieces of artillery, some 550 men in all, set out across the Ouachita. Because the roads were so muddy from recent rains that wagons could not be used to haul supplies, pack mules carried three days;* provisions. The troops moved down Con­ cordia Lake and by midafternoon were two miles from Vidalia. From the wooded area in which the Confederates were hiding, they could look out over an open field two miles wide and see cotton bales forming a barricade 14 across the village streets.

Seeing that the Federal forces were expecting an attack, Polignac decided not to make an all-out assault on the town. He felt that the sacrifices necessary to capture the place for the "momentary possession 15 of which would be without advantages."

Nevertheless, he thought that it would be dishonorable to with­ draw without a fight. He also wanted to divert the Federals from his foragers who were raiding the plantations along the river and rounding up livestock. Hence, he decided to bluff an attack and engage the

Federals until his foragers had time to complete their work.

Two roads led into the village; Polignac sent his cavalry to cover the road on the left, and his infantry formed a line across the 16 road on the right. When all was ready, Polignac led the charge. He raised himself in his stirrups and, waving his sword, shouted at the

14 Diary, February 19, 1864; O fficial Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1912), XXV, p. 771, hereafter cited as 0. R. N. 15 Diary, February 19, 1864.

1 6 Ibld. : 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 2, pp. 934-935, 977. top of his voice: "Follow me, follow me, you call me 'polecat,* X will 17 show you whether I am 'polecat' or 'Polignac*"• The men followed*

The Federal commander at Vidalia, Colonel B* 6 * Farrar, expecting the Confederate attack, had called for reinforcements from Natchez*

These troops were rushed across the river and quickly got into battle formation* Meanwhile, Union gunboats in the river began firing at the oncoming Confederates who had advanced to within less than 200 yards of the enemy lines* According to a Federal officer, the Confederates moved forward "in splendid style, carrying their arms, at a support, presenting 18 a most formidable front • • • •"

But confused by the bombardment, the Confederates fell back into the woods to reorganize* They made a second charge but again the fire of the gunboats and the Union infantry behind its cotton bales proved to be too severe, and the attackers, for the second time withdrew to th e woods. 1 9

Polignac saw no need to make another futile assault* He with­ drew from the field and returned to Harrisonburg, arriving on the tenth.

■^Wright, A Southern Girl in '61* pp. 92-93* Mrs* Wright does indicate that this Incident took place at Vidalia. But since this was the first occasion that Polignac led a charge, it was probably the time he declared that he would show them whether he was a 'polecat' or 'Polignac.*

1 80. B.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 130. 19 Diary, February 19, 1864; 0. S. N»» XXV, p* 737; Frank Moore (ed.), "Fight at Vidalia, Louisiana," The Rebellion Records: A Diary of American Events* VII (New York: D* Van Nostrand Publisher, 1861- 1868), pp. 377-378; 0. E.« XXXIV, pt. 2, p. 977*. 140

Hie effort, however, was not in vain, for at last, by his gallantry in the battle, he had won his troops' respect and admiration. He also brought in almost 400 cattle, horses, and mules, and he had lost only 20 24 men- - 6 killed, 10 wounded, and 8 cap tu red .

For the next few weeks Polignac attended to routine m ilitary affairs in camp, which always bored him. He was so depressed by camp 21 life that he wrote in his diary: ''forgot that I was alive."

In the meantime his troops worked on the fortifications at

Harrisonburg and Trinity. At Trinity the Confederates planned to mount three 32-pounder cannons. Only one gun had been mounted by March 1, when Polignac*s pickets off Beard's Point on Black River reported the approach of a squadron of six gunboats—one ironclad and five wooden 22 b o a ts.

Since the fortifications at Trinity were not complete, Polignac told the engineers to dispose of the guns. The mounted cannon, for I which there was no ammunition, was quickly buried in the fort, and the other two were sunk in the shallow water of the river. The Confederates hoped that by concealing the cannons they would escape losing the 23 valuable weapons to the enemy.

When the gunboats passed the mouth of Black River, one of

Polignac's officers, Captain W. H. Gillespie, with a small force of

20I b id . 21 Diary, February 23, 1864.

2 2Ibid. . March 1-7, 1864; 0. R., XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 1555-1558; 0. R. N.. XXV, pp. 787-789.

2 3 Ib id . 141 fifty cavalry, engaged the enemy and pursued the gunboats all the way to Trinity.

As the vessels approached Trinity, Lieutenant Oscar Gaudet, commanding Polignac's artillery, fired on the ships with two 12-pounder howitzers. He was within 300 yards of the ironclad but could not check 24 its progress or prevent the heavily-armed vessels from shelling Trinity.

As soon as the gunboats had passed Trinity, Polignac moved his infantry and artillery to Harrisonburg, a distance of twelve miles, leaving his cavalry at Trinity under the command of Captain James B.

Randle. When the gunboats approached Harrisonburg at 10 A.M., on March 2,

Polignac was prepared, having placed two infantry regiments and one section of artillery on the bank of the Ouachita River, extending from 25 the mouth of Bayou Bushley to the town.

The tro o p s on th e r iv e r were exposed, but th e a r t i l l e r y commanded by Captain Thomas A. Faries was mounted on top of a large Indian mound in a field midway between Harrisonburg and Bayou Bushley. The mound was

200 yards from the right bank of the Ouachita River. The other section of the battery did not take part in the fight "for want of its caissons, and because the horses were so badly used up by the night's march and 26 the bad roads as to be altogether unfit for service."

The infantry and artillery opened fire on the gunboats simul­ taneously. The fire was exceedingly heavy along the river banks. Both

2 40. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 155-156, 159; "George W. Guess Letters, 1861-1865," March 6 , 1864, in Louisiana.Vertical File, Louisiana Room, Louisiana State University Library (Baton Rouge, Louisiana)•

2 5I b id .

2 6 0. R.« XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 156. of Polignac‘s aides, Captain S. Cuculler and Lieutenant W. Eggling, in the thickest of the fight, had their horses shot from under them. The

Prince praised several of his officers for their coolness under fire, 27 and he said that the “troops, as a general rule, behaved well . 11

The ironclad was safe from artillery fire, and the wooden ships were well protected by plates of sheet iron which had been placed along their sides. Nevertheless, unknown to Polignac at the time, his fire did considerable damage to one of the wooden vessels, the Fort Hindman. which was forced to drop below the mouth of Bayou Bushley. As the other gunboats moved slowly up the river, they fired on the troops along 28 the bank, bombarded the town, and riddled several houses with shot. 29 Fort Beauregard, under construction at Harrisonburg, was also destroyed.

Polignac thought the gunboats would not return and led his men back to their camp about a mile from town. But the gunboats returned about an hour later and before the Confederates could return and drive them off, sailors set fire to the town. Only three houses were de­ stroyed before the Confederates returned and extinguished the fires 30 while under a heavy barrage from the gunboats in the river.

The gunboats spent the night one mile above Trinity and on the 31 morning of March 3 began shelling the village for the second time.

27 I b id .

2 80. R. N.. XXV, p. 788. 29 Davis, "Richard Taylor," Louisiana H istorical Quarterly. XXIV, p . 80.

3 0Ibid. ; Diary, March 1-7, 1864; 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 155- 158; 0. R. N.. XXV, pp. 787-789.

3 1 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 155-156. 143

Polignac, at Harrisonburg, was not Informed of the movement of the enemy* Upon learning that the gunboat Fort Hindman had been crippled by artillery fire on March 2 and required towing to Trinity, Polignac immediately detached two Infantry regiments to return to the town* It had rained throughout the previous night and he declared: "The road is almost impassable* I cannot move any artillery over it. My troops are 32 very worn out and deficient in rations*" He added: "I will do my best."

Road conditions made it impossible for the infantry to reach

Trinity in time to prevent the 32-pounders from falling into the hands of the enemy* The two guns that had been hidden in the water earlier by the Confederates could not be moved because of the condition of the road* When the water began to fall rapidly the following day, they were easily discovered* During the night of March 2 the Union forces 33 had found the other gun buried on the river bank*

On March 5 the gunboats returned to the M ississippi River*

According to Rear Admiral David Porter, United States Navy, the Ouachita

River expedition was completely successful:

The rebels, about 2,000 strong, under General Polignac, were driven from point to point, some extensive works cap­ tured, and three heavy 32-pounders brought away* The works were destroyed* The enemy s u ffe re d sev erely from our guns, and the vessels brought away all the cotton they could find* They also destroyed a pontoon bridge* • • • We lost two killed and fourteen wounded, and the Fort Hindman was badly

3 2 Ibid., pp. 157-158.

^O* R. N*. XXV, p. 787* 144

cut up with shot and shelly being struck 27 times, but nothing to Impair her efficiency.3*

General Richard Taylor held a contrary view as to the outcome

of the engagement. Writing after the war, he asserted that "the gunboats 35 were driven off . 11 In a general order issued at the time, he expressed

his appreciation for the services rendered by Polignac and his men:

The major-general commanding desires to express to Brigadier-General Polignac and the officers and men of his brigade his high appreciation for the gallant and soldierly bearing in their engagement on the 1st and 2nd of March, 1864, w ith th e enemy gunboats on th e O uachita R iv er. The dispositions made by General Polignac were excellent and were nobly sustained by his command. ' The gunboats were successfully engaged at close range with musketry and light artillery, and driven off with heavy loss, by the enemy*s own admission. . . . Our men were entirely without cover.

Polignac modestly reported: "I regret that I did not achieve more, but, with the means at my disposal, to fight was about all I 37 could do.” He had done rather well. With a force of only 2,000 men, he had to move constantly between the two towns of Trinity and Harrison­ burg over muddy roads and could not fully utilize his artillery. The

forces that Polignac was fighting were well protected while his troops were in an exposed position. Tet he had suffered only 16 casualties— 38 3 killed, 13 wounded. At the same time his troops were able to inflict 39 considerable damage upon a Federal gunboat.

3 4I b id . 35 Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 151.

3 6 Ibid. : 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 158.

3 7 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 157.

3 8I b id .

3 90. R. N.. XXV, p. 787. CHAPTER XX

"My boys, follow your Polignac"

During the winter of 1863-1864, while there was a lull in the fighting in Louisiana, the Federals planned a spring offensive which was to be the largest and most decisive campaign to take place in that s t a t e during th e war*

This offensive would be made for political rather than military reasons* The Federal State Department had insisted, after the occupa­ tion of Napoleon III*s forces in Mexico City in June, 1863, that

General Halleck send troops into Texas* If Texas were controlled by the United States, all Confederate foreign trade passing through the state would be stopped, and the presence of Federal troops would also end the possibility of France*s sending aid to the Confederacy from

Mexico*'1'

General Banks had occupied several points along the Gulf coast by the end of 1863* However, this did not satisfy Secretary of State

William A* Seward who wanted the Federals to move in force into the sta te *

General Halleck insisted that the Red River would be the most effective route for operations against Texas. Furthermore, the Red

River Valley contained large quantities of cotton that was badly needed

^Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p. 325; Johnson, Red River Campaign, pp* 34-35* 145 for the New England textile m ills. Accordingly, In late December,

Halleck began to make plans for a third Red River expedition. By Jan­ uary, 1864, the decision had been made—three armies, totaling at least

30.000 men, were to be used in the campaign against north Louisiana 2 and east Texas.

A fo rc e o f 10,000 men commanded by Major G eneral F red erick

Steele was to march south from L ittle Rock, Arkansas, and occupy Shreve­ port. At the same time Banks was to take his army of between 15,000 and

18.000 troops and move from Opelousas against Alexandria. At Alexandria he would be joined by approximately 10,000 more men, commanded by Major

General Andrew J. Smith from General William T. Sherman’s army at

Vicksburg. Smith was to be accompanied by Admiral David Porter and a 3 fleet of gunboats from the Mississippi squadron.

On March 1 Sherman went to New Orleans to discuss the proposed expedition with General Banks who was to be the overall field commander of the invasion forces. Upon learning of this meeting, both Generals

Kirby Smith and Richard Taylor predicted an invasion as soon as the water in the Red River was high enough to allow navigation.

During the winter Taylor, anticipating the spring offensive, had established depots of supplies in the northwestern part of the state from Bayou Boeuf, near Alexandria, to Pleasant H ill, a village about

20. R. . XXXIV, pt. 2, pp. 255-256; Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p. 325; Davis, "Richard Taylor,1' Louisiana Historical Q u a rte rly . XXIV, p . 84.

30. R.. XXXIV, pt. 2, p. 267; Davis, ‘'Richard Taylor," Louisiana H istorical Quarterly. XXIV, p. 84. fifty miles southeast of Shreveport* In mid-January he had suggested that Kirby Smith concentrate all available forces against one of the 4 invading armies*

But the commanding general made no attempt to send additional troops into central Louisiana until the end of February when he was convinced that the invasion was about to materialize* He then ordered units from Arkansas and Texas to move toward Alexandria to join Taylor*

By the first of March General Taylor*s forces had increased to about 7»000 men. His troops were widely distributed) Isaac F* Harrison regiment was in the vicinity of Monroe; Mouton*s brigade was near

Alexandria; Polignac*s brigade was at Trinity; and Walker*s division was at Marksville. A small detachment from Walker's command was at

Fort Be Hussy on the Hed* Small cavalry units were also on the Atcha- falaya, the M ississippi) and the Teche watching for enemy movements 0 in those areas*

From his headquarters at Alexandria General Taylor prepared to meet the expected Federal thrust* His first effort was to try to com­ plete the construction of Fort De Hussy and concentrate his scattered forces there*

General Walker) with 4,000 troops, was ordered to delay the enemy's advance until reinforcements arrived* If Walker could maintain control of the river, Taylor believed the Federals might give up the expedition* He wrote Walker: "any severe check to the head of their

40. R*. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 560-561, 562, 484-484; XXIV, pt. 2, p* 879.

5Ibid., XXIV, pt. 2, p* 1009; pt. 1, pp. 481, 488-489; XXXIV, pt. 2, p. 1027*

^Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, pp. 151-157* 7 column would probably break up this expedition.1'

On March 7 Polignac*s brigade was ordered to return to Alexandria from Harrisonburg, join Mouton's brigade, and move down the Boeuf toward 0 Fort De Russy to reinforce General Walker's troops,

The Confederates had little time to complete their defensive preparations, for on March 12, nineteen Federal gunboats entered the mouth of the Red River. Following the vessels were 10,000 men of

W illiam T. Sherm an's army, commanded by G eneral A. J . Sm ith.

Two days later the Federals under Smith attacked Fort De Russy and captured i t . Because th e enemy was su p e rio r in number, W alker made no attempt to save the fort and moved back to Evergreen to wait for g reinforcements. Polignac *s troops were unable to assist Walker for they did not arrive at Alexandria until March 14, the day Fort De Russy f e l l . 1 0

On March 15 the Confederates evacuated Alexandria just ahead of Porter's gunboats. The next day the troops of A. J. Smith occupied the town; the first part of Banks* army did not begin arriving until the nineteenth . 1 1

The progress of the expedition was delayed for several days because the water in the Red River was not high enough to allow the gunboats to pass over the dangerous rapids at Alexandria until March 28.

7 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 493.

8Ibid.. pp. 492-496, 573-575.

9Ibid. . pp. 495-496, 551, 578-579, 1036.

10Ibid., pp. 492-496, 573-574. On that date, as Porter began taking his lighter vessels over the rapids, the first column of Banks* army left Alexandria* In order to be near the gunboats, the army moved toward Natchitoches along the Bed River l i n e *1 2

Meanwhile, General Taylor had joined the main body of his troops on Boeuf Bayou, twenty-five miles south of Alexandria. There, under the command of Alfred Mouton, the brigades of Polignac and Henry 13 Gray were joined to form the Second Infantry Division* On the eigh­ teenth Mouton* s and Walker*s divisions were united for the long re- 14 treat that would eventually stretch 200 miles to Mansfield*

The Confederate cavalry guarding Taylor *s rear set fire to all the cotton they could find along the Federal route* Sometimes the flames spread to houses and other buildings on various plantations*

All along the line of march from Alexandria to Natchitoches, except for a section of pine woods which took two days to cross, the

Federals were "greeted with the smoldering ruins of gin houses and piles 15 of half-burned cotton**' One Union soldier wrote: "From the day we started on the Red River expedition, we were like the Israelites of old, accompanied by a cloud (of smoke) by day, and a pillar of fire by n ig h t* " 1 6

1 2Ibid*. pt. 1, pp. 181-197, 214. 13 Ibid., p* 561; Blessington, Walker*s Texas Division, pp* 174- 175; Jo}mson, Red R iver Campaign, p* 96*

^O. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 551; Blessington, Walker*s Texas Division, p. 175.

15Wlnters, Civil War in Louisiana, p. 335,

16I b id . 150

General Taylor, who continued to fall back toward Shreveport, was anxious to fight, but the departmental commander, General Kirby

Smith, insisted that a direct confrontation with the enemy be avoided as long as possible* Sterling Price with 4,000 men from Arkansas had arrived in Shreveport* But upon learning that General Steele had left

L ittle Rock on March 23, Kirby Smith hesitated to send Price's troops 17 to Taylor*

Believing that Banks had at least 50,000 men, Kirby Smith had reorganized the Arkansas troops into two small divisions, and considered sending these units back to Arkansas to join the remainder of Price's troops to fight Steele before he could get to Louisiana* If Steele were defeated, all Confederate troops, approximately 13,000, could be 18 withdrawn from southern Arkansas and sent against Banks*

Taylor disagreed with his superior, insisting that if he were permitted to attack Banks, already in the heart of Louisiana, Steele would withdraw without attempting to fight* But Kirby Smith was per- 19 sistent and urged Taylor to avoid a fight as long as possible*

On April 1 Banks arrived at Natchitoches, spent five days col­ lecting supplies, and on April 6 resumed his movement toward Shreveport* 20 Porter's fleet left Grand Ecore the next day*

Two roads led from Natchitoches to Shreveport; one followed the

1 7 0* R.. XXXIV, pt* 1, pp. 513-517, 521, 179, 477, 480, 552.

1 8Ibid. * pp. 479, 516, 484-485, 513-519, 521-522. 19' Ibid*. pp. 484, 485, 486, 513; Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, pp. 336-337*

2°0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 179, 181, 198-199, 215, 484. river, and although longer, this route would have afforded the army the protection of Porter's gunboats* The other and shorter road to the west, away from the river, traversed a piney woods region that would 2 1 leave Banks without the protection of the gunboats*

Overconfident and underestimating his opponent, Banks took the shorter road through the pines away from the river* Banks was so sure that Taylor would not make a stand before Shreveport that he took few precautions and paid no attention to organization. His forces were strung out for twenty miles along the narrow road that formed a corridor in the great pines of northwestern Louisiana* The units were separated by long lines of supply wagons. If the Federals were attacked on the narrow road, they would be in no position either to give battle or make an orderly retreat. But Banks never considered the possibility of being attacked. On April 7 his army reached the little village of

Pleasant H ill . 2 2

By this time Taylor had fallen back twenty miles west of

Pleasant Hill to Mansfield and set up his headquarters. Here Taylor decided that he would fight the Federals if they approached the town.

If the Union forces passed through Mansfield, they could take any of the three roads that led to Shreveport, about forty miles further west.

Taylor knew that if Banks were permitted to move through Mansfield it 23 would be impossible to restrict him to one narrow road.

21 Ibid., pp. 181, 566; Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, pp. 337- 338.

2 20. R.. XfflV, pt. 1, pp. 179-181, 197-198, 199, 307; Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p. 338; Johnson, Red River Campaign, pp. 113-116

230. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 526, 563; Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, pp. 337-338. 152

Therefore, on April 7, General Taylor began preparations for battle on a site three miles below the town at a crossroad that led to the Sabine River. By daybreak on April 8 he was moving his troops into position on either side of the Mansfield-Pleasant Hill road. His line of battle was formed at the edge of a clearing 800 yards wide and 1 2 0 0 yards long. A fence on the far side of the sloping field separated it 24 from a dense pine forest.

Early in the morning on April 8 the Federal cavalry warned Banks that the Confederates were massing in his front. The Massachusetts general ordered the cavalry not to fall back as he hurriedly called up reinforcements and tried to tighten up the loose columns.

Around one o'clock that afternoon Federal troops moved into the woods on the south edge of the clearing opposite the Confederates, and 25 under cover of the dense forest began to form their line of battle.

General Taylor impatiently waited for the enemy to attack.

Mouton*s division, including Polignac's brigade, was in battle formation on the left side of the road. As General Taylor rode along his lines waiting for the action to begin, he called out to Polignac: "Little 26 Frenchman, I am going to fight Banks here if he has a million men."

Late in the afternoon, as the Confederates waited for the

Federal attack, Mouton, talking to Polignac, said: "Let us charge them 27 in the face and throw them into the valley." At 4:30 A.M., General

2 40. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 563-564.

2 5Ibid. , pp. 182, 564. 96 Sarah A. Dorsey, Recollections of Henry Watkins Allen (New York: M. Doolady, 1866), p. 261. 27 Ib id . 153

Taylor, correctly suspecting that the enemy had not completed their 28 hattle preparations, ordered Mouton to open the attack on the left.

General Mouton, at the head of his division, led the troops 29 across the field ’’under murderous fire of artillery and musketry.”

Volleys of grape and canister staggered the charging Confederates. When

Mouton was killed, along with many of his officers and men, Polignac

rode forward, took charge and continued the attack. Urging the men to

follow, the Prince, according to Richard Taylor, "displayed ability and 30 pressed the shattered division steadily forward.” "The division

never h a lte d fo r a moment nor even f e l l in to confusion, but under th e 31 gallant Polignac pressed stubbornly on.”

With a loud rebel yell the Confederates charged up the hill

into the woods that had concealed the deadly guns. The gunners panicked

and fled to the rear before the screaming Confederates overran their

position. The successful assault had been costly—*762 men were killed

in Mouton*s division which had consisted of 2,000 men at the beginning 32 of the charge.

2 80. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 564, 182, 200. 29 Ibid.. p. 564; Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 161. 30 I b id .

3 10. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 564.

32Ihld .; Dorsey, Henry Watkins Allen, pp. 262-263. According to W. W. Heart sill a participant in the battle Polignac was wounded, see W. W. Heart sill, Fourteen Hundred and 91 Days in the Confederate Army (Jackson, Tennessee: McCowat-Mercer Press, 1954), p. 180. Kate Stone wrote: "our loss was heavy especially in officers, . . . General Polignac dangerously wounded,” see John Q, Anderson (ed.), Brokenburn: The Journal of Kate Stone 1861-1868 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Uni­ versity Press, 1955), p. 278. Obviously this was a rumor because Polignac made no mention of being wounded in his diary and he led his troops the next day at Pleasant H ill. 154

Qeneral Taylor, sitting on his horse with one leg over the

saddle horn, calmly smoked a cigar as he watched the progress of the

attack on the left. Satisfied with Mouton's charge, he ordered General 33 Walker to open the attack on the right.

The fighting was heavy all along the lines, but the Confederates

steadily pushed the enemy back to a wooded ridge. Here the Federals

attempted to make a second stand. But they wore becoming disorganized

and were running out of ammunition. Soon the entire line gave way under

the Confederate attack. Many of them panicked and began to flee, "On

they ran. Guns, knapsacks, blanket s~ e very thing was thrown away by

the frantic soldiers as the hue and cry of the exultant southerners 34 rang in their ears,"

To make matters worse, the fleeing soldiers found that some

stalled wagons from their cavalry wagon train that had tried unsuccess­

fully to turn around on the narrow road blocked their escape. But the

frightened men refused to be stopped and detoured around the stalled 35 vehicles through the woods to continue their flight to the rear.

The pursuing Confederates stopped to investigate the contents

of the abandoned wagons before advancing. This short delay was long

enough for the Federal general, William H, Emory, to bring up his

division of 5,000 men and form a line of battle at a small clearing on

a ridge called Pleasant Grove, about four miles from the first engage­ ment, His troops held a creek that was the only water supply other

OO 0. R.. XXXIV, pt, 1, p, 564. 34 Ibid*, pp* 185, 200, 283; Johnson, Red River Campaign« p* 137. 35 0. R., XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 182, 185, 200, 564-565; Dimitry, Louisiana, pp, 141-142, ' 36 than Mansfield seven miles away.

Shortly before nightfall the Confederates) Including Polignac*s division, charged Emory’s position. In the spirited fight that lasted only twenty minutes the Federals were pushed back 400 yards from the creek. Darkness ended the engagement; the Battle of Mansfield, or Sabine

Crossroads as it was called by the Federals, was over. The Confederates camped near the creek that night and made preparations for the next day’s

0 7 b a t t l e .

Even though he had been outnumbered, General Taylor had forced a battle on ground of his own choosing—*he had repulsed 1 2 ,0 0 0 men o f

Banks army which had been thrown against him in detachments. In all three stages of the battle Banks’ combined units more than equaled

Taylor's strength. But the Confederates virtually defeated each unit 38 before reinforcements could arrive.

The Federals had suffered heavily, losing 2,186 men—*115 killed,

648 wounded, and 1,423 captured. General Taylor stated that his total 39 lo s s was 1 ,0 0 0 men.

After the battle Polignac, promoted to major general, was given 40 command of Mouton*s old division. Thus Polignac, the highest ranking member of Europe’s nobility to lead troops in battle in the war, was also the only foreigner to achieve the rank of major general in either

3 6 0. R.. XXXIV, pt, 1, pp. 200-201; Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p, 346; Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 161, 37 0. R., XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 201, 565; pt. 3, p, 556. 38 Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p, 347.

3 9Ibld. : 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 194-218, 560-572. 40 0. R.. XXIV, pt. 3, p, 764; see also Journal of the Confederate States of America. IV, pp. 227, 240, th e C onfederate o r Union army*

It is equally impressive that at the age of thirty-two the

Prince was one of the youngest generals on either side without the benefit of a formal military education*

He had waited three years for the chance to prove, in a decisive manner, that he could lead troops in battle* Although the numbers in

Mouton's division were not impressive, the circumstances under which

Polignac successfully assumed command were* The division had been shattered; one-third of the men had fallen under the terrible fire of the enemy's artillery and muskets* Yet when Mouton was killed, Polignac quickly assumed command and urged the men on* The troops never "halted for a moment, 11 and under the gallant little Frenchman, overran the enemy's strong position*

During the night of April 8 G enerals Thomas C h u rch ill and Mosby

M. Parsons arrived from Keachi, a small settlement about twenty miles to the northwest, with 4,000 Arkansas and Missouri troops to reinforce 41 Taylor*

Banks, overestimating the enemy's strength, decided not to make a stand and began his retreat during the night* Early on the morning of the ninth, Taylor ordered his entire force to pursue the Federal army* The c a v a lry , commanded by G eneral Thomas Green, was follow ed by 42 the infantry units of Churchill, Parsons, Walker, and Polignac*

41 0* R*. XXXIV, pt* 1, pp* 527, 553, 565; Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction* pp* 162-165.

^Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p* 163; Richard B* Irwin, HiBtory of the 19th Army Corns* (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1892), pp* 314-316; 0. R., XXXIV, pt* 1, p. 565. 157

As the Confederates moved forward In pursuit toward Pleasant

H ill, th ey saw th a t th e enemy had made a d iso rd e rly re tre a t* Wagons and supplies were smoldering and burning all along the road; dead and wounded soldiers lay along the line of march* Many Union soldiers who had been left behind were taken prisoner * ^ 3

Before daylight, about three miles from Pleasant H ill, the

Confederate cavalry caught the enemy's rear guard* The Federals drew up in a line of battle and during the light skirmish that followed Polignac *s division moved up to relieve the cavalry* But it was still dark, and 44 when the division got caught in a crossfire the men were pulled back*

Banks decided to force a battle at the village of Pleasant Hill which was located on a mile-square plateau* The Federal troops formed their line across the open plateau from College H ill, the highest ground on the left, to the woods bordering the Mansfield road on the 45 right* The Union troops had been reinforced by General A* J* Smith, moving up from Natchitoches, increasing the Federal strength in the 46 area to about 24,000 men, 13,000 of which would take part in the battle*

Taylor's full force of 12,500 men arrived at Pleasant Hill by one o'clock in the afternoon* Because the men were too tired and thirsty to fight, the attack was postponed while they rested* At four 47 o'clock they were ready for battle.

4 30 . R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 565, 617; Hamilton P. Bee, "Battle of Pleasant Hill--an Error Corrected," Southern Historical Society Papers* VIII (April, 1880), p. 184.

4 4Ibid. : 0. R*. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 618. 45 Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction* pp. 163-164*

46 0* R.* XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 553.

47 Ibid. * p. 566. 158

Even though the Federals, with 13,000 men, occupied a superior

position, Tayjor was confident and hoped to destroy the enemy army. He planned a flanking movement and sent Churchill's division wide to the

right of the Mansfield Hoad through the woods to flank the enemy's left.

Polignac's division, which had suffered most in the action on the

previous day, was held in reserve on the road. The remaining units 48 formed a line of battle across the road facing the Federal front.

At four o'clock Taylor opened the attack on the left with

artillery fire to mask Churchill's movement. At 4:30 P.M. Churchill, in

position, opened the attack, which was the signal for the Confederate

line to advance. The entire line moved forward and for a while victory

seemed assured; the Federals were falling back. Suddenly Churchill's

column which had not moved far enough to the right, was outflanked by

fresh troops. His men panicked and fled through the right wing of the

advancing Confederates causing considerable confusion. Despite this 49 unexpected development, the line continued to move forward.

The Confederates struck the Federal line but were repulsed.

They fell back, reformed their lines and charged repeatedly, suffering

heavy losses. Walker was wounded and many of his men were killed. The

whole Confederate line was staggered by the deadly fire. At this point,

the right wing, hardest hit, fell back in confusion. Polignac was 50 ordered forward to reinforce the sagging line.

* 8Ibid., pp. 567-568; Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 164-166. 49 I b id . 50 0. R.. XXXEV, pt. 1, p. 568; Taylor, Destruction and Recon­ struction. pp. 165-166. 159

Standing In his saddle, the Prince shouted: "My hoys, follow 51 your Polignac," The Louisianians In the division, remembering their 52 late commander, shouted "Mouton" as they advanced* They made several charges, but were hurled back "as if by a resistless and super-human power*"..53

By nightfall, however, the Confederates, persisting in their attack, began to regain some lost ground and pushed the Federals into the woods* But in the darkness the disorganized Confederate commands became separated in the dense woods and mistakenly began firing at each 54 other* Fighting continued until nine o'clock when General Taylor, to prevent more confusion, withdrew his troops and fell back six miles to 55 a water supply*

Kirby Smith had arrived at the battlefield shortly after dark and assumed command* He found his forces shattered, confused, and dis- organized, the only unit intact being Polignac's division* Polignac with one brigade of cavalry, therefore, remained behind to cover the the retreat .**7

51 Blessington, Walker's Texas Division, p* 197*

52Ib id . 53 Ibid* General H* P. Bee insisted that Polignac*s infantry and Tom Green's cavalry "were not defeated or driven back; they drove their foes within the line of the entrenchments, and held them there, although not able to break it* • • see Bee, "Pleasant Hill," Southern Historical Society Papers. VIII, p* 185.

5V R.. XXXIV, pt* 1, p. 568; Barr, Polignac»s Texas Brigade* pp* 40-41* 55 Ibid*; Irwin, 19th Army Corns* p. 320. 56 £• Kirby Smith, "The Red River Campaign," Battles and Leaders. IV, p. 372; 0. R*. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 564.

57 Ibid. : 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 554. 160

Thus the Battle of Pleasant Hill ended In a Confederate defeat.

But the next morning the Confederates found themselves In possession of

the village for Banks again had retreated during the night. Upon learning

of the retreat, Kirby Smith correctly appraised the situation when he

said that Banks had converted "a victory which he might have claimed into

a d e fe a t . " 58

Both sides had suffered heavy losses. According to one authority,

the Federals endured 1,506 casualties—152 killed, 859 wounded, and 495

captured. The total Confederate loss, according to Richard Taylor, was 59 approximately 1,500.

The Confederate cavalry pursued Banks while the infantry returned 60 to Mansfield to obtain supplies. On April 12 Polignac, in the field

near Mansfield, praised his troops for the gallantry they had displayed in the recent battle:

Thanks to your valor and your untiring energy, the host that had invaded the country and was moving up spread­ ing devastation . . . has been repulsed and is now in full retreat. . . . On the 8th o f A p ril, you made . . . a charge worthy of an army of veterans, . . . which shows that numerical strength must give way to a well settled deter­ mination of a just, cause. • • •®1

He praised General Mouton who had led the charge "with an energy which insured the success of the onslaught . . . rushing to the foremost

58 Kirby Smith, "The Red River Campaign," Battles and Leaders. XV, p. 372; 0. R.« XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 554, 569. 59 Livermore, Numbers and Losses, pp. 109-110.

6 °0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 554, 568-570. 6*1 C. E. Cloutier Manuscript Collection, Russell Library Archives, Northwestern State College (Natchitoches, Louisiana)!. rank, he ^outor/ fell while facing the foe and urging our troops to victory* • • •" Polignac concluded:

Many other gallant officers and soldiers of all ranks have been strewn on the battlefield, whose names would fill a long list of woe; but soldiers and companions in arms, though we mourn for the fallen brave, and for the wounded, who can no longer assist vis in the defense of the country, yet their fate is not without compensation* These will now enjoy the blessings of a quiet home, with the consoling thought of having done their duty towards God, their country and them selves, and w hile th e memoryof th e dead w ill be cherished by us and our children, they will wear in heaven the crown which is due to their devotion to our most sacred and holy cause *6 2

Upon hearing of Banks* defeat at Mansfield, Porter turned his ships around and headed back to Grand Ecore* With Banks and Porter in full flight, Kirby Smith decided to attack Frederick Steele in Arkansas*

Accordingly, on April 14, the three infantry divisions of Walker,

Churchill, and Parsons left Mansfield for Shreveport, to begin operations in Arkansas *®3

' Taylor, expecting to join the Arkansas expedition, left Polignac in command of the forces remaining on the Red River and went to Shreve­ port to report to Kirby Smith* On April 14 Polignac moved his division of infantry, numbering approximately 2,000 effectives, toward Grand Ecore 64 to support the cavalry engaging Banks' army there* Polignac arrived on April 19 and assumed command of the Confederate forces* Although

Polignac had less than 5,000 men, he .harassed Banks and kept him con- 65 fined behind the earthworks at Grand Ecore*

6 2 I b id .

6 3 0. R«, XmV, pt* 1, pp. 480-481, 555, 571-572. 64 Ibid*. pp. 480-484, 572. 65 Ibid*, pp. 610-612; Johnson, Red River Campaign, pp. 220-221* 162

In the meantime Kirby Smith decided to conduct the Arkansas campaign personally* He left Taylor in command at Shreveport, but gave him permission to rejoin his troops on the Red River* Refusing to remain idle, Taylor left Shreveport on the nineteenth, and arrived at Grand 00 Ecore on the twenty-first*

Early that morning Banks' attempt to leave Grand Ecore was thwarted by Confederate cavalry and skirmishers* Skirmishing continued 67 all day, but there was no general engagement* Banks again was forced to resort to a night retreat, and marched thirty-two miles to Cloutier- vllle without halting*68

Taylor detailed troops to pursue Banks. Attacking the Union forces on April 23, the Confederates forced the enemy to retreat to

Monette's Ferry on the Cane River four miles south of Cloutierville.

Here the Federals crossed the river* Pollgnac attempted to reinforce the Confederates at Monette's Ferry, but arrived too late to prevent the 69 last Federal troops from escaping*

The countryside along the road from Grand Ecore to Cloutierville suffered greatly from the wanton destruction of the Federal army*

Burning buildings marked the route of the retreating army* According to

T ay lo r;

The destruction • • • exceeds anything in history* For many miles every dwelling house, every Negro cabin, every cotton-

fie Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction* pp* 177-178; 0* R.. XXXIV, pt* 1, pp. 531-534, 571-572. 67 John Scott, Story of the 32nd Iowa Infantry (Nevada, Iowa: John Scott, 1896), p* 286; 0* R». XXXIV, pt* 1, p» 190*

68 Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction* p* 179; 0. R .. XXXIV, pt* 1 , p* 190*

6 9 0. R*. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 579-583. 163

gin, every corn-crib, and even chicken-houses, have been burned to the ground; every fence torn down and the fields torn up by the hoofs of horses and wheels of wagons. Many hundreds of persons are utterly without shelter . 7 0

The pursuit of Banks by a part of the Confederate cavalry and a

portion of Polignac's division of infantry continued. The Federals,

however, offered no resistance until they were safe in Alexandria under 71 the protection of some of their gunboats.

By this time the water in the Red River had fallen so low that

ten vessels were stranded above the rapids. With Banksr army confined

behind earthworks at Alexandria and some of the boats stranded above the

rapids, Taylor divided his army, which numbered less than 5,000 cavalry

and infantry, in an attempt to blockade the Red River and cut off

Federal communication with the M ississippi. John Austin Wharton's

cavalry was split into three units. William Steele, commanding the

first unit, was sent to hold the river and Rapides roads to the north

and west of Alexandria. Arthur P. Bagby, commanding the second unit,

was stationed on the Boeuf Road to the south of Steele's command, and

James P. Major was sent to David's Ferry, twenty-five miles south of

Alexandria on the Red River. Polignac's infantry, which consisted of

1,200 men, was located on Boeuf Bayou within supporting distance of 72 Bagby and Majors.

Polignac had orders to attack any force attempting to reach

Alexandria. If Banks tried to escape, Polignac and Majors were to

7 0 Ibid. . p. 581.

7 1 Ibid., pp. 589, 610-612, 791.

7 2 Ibld. , pp. 588-591; Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p . 181. 73 drive off all livestock in the Union line of march. On May 6 and 7 a brigade from Polignac's division engaged some Federals on the Rapides

Road and Robert and Boeuf Bayous. The Federals fired on the Confederates for several hours with heavy artillery and then advanced. This action threw the Confederates into confusion, but they rallied and were able to drive the Federals across Lamouie Bayou, capturing a number of prisoners.

In addition, two gunboats were captured, and Polignac ordered one of his 74 officers to take possession of the badly needed guns.

On May 1, as the water in the river continued to fall, the

Federals were forced to construct a log dam which was completed on May 8 .

The dam gave way during the crossing of the first two vessels and after four days of rebuilding, the remaining boats were able to cross the 75 ra p id s .

With the boats safely below the rapids, Banks decided to evacuate

Alexandria, leaving on May 14. The Confederates pursued him with

Polignac, Majors, and Bagby covering the front and flanks, while Isaac

F. Harrison was on the north side of the Red River and William Steele's 76 division followed in the rear.

Before leaving the town, some of Banks' men set fire to a number of buildings. The fire spread, causing a great deal of damage to

Alexandria. Banks made his escape only after heavy fighting that

7 3 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 588.

7 ^Ibid. , p. 173; 0. R. N., XXVI, pp. 171-172; Dorsey, Henry Watkins Allen, p. 265.

7 5 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 191-193, 209-210, 402-404; 0. R. N.. XXVI, pp. 130-135.

7 6 0. R. N., XXVI, p. 173; 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 591. 77 lasted most of the afternoon.

On Hay 16, at Mansura, about thirty miles south of Alexandria, the Confederates attempted to delay Banks' forward progress. Mansura was nestled in a wooded area fronted by a rolling plain seven miles long 78 and two and one half miles wide.

Before daybreak Taylor formed his line of battle in front of the woods which concealed the Federals. Bagby and Majors were on the right and Polignac's division with some cavalry regiments were on the left.

The entire line was hidden in a ravine about 300 or 400 yards from the . 79 woods.

At 6 A.M. an artillery duel began and lasted for almost four hours. At 10 A.M. the Federal troops, 10,000 strong and formed in several lines, were ordered to advance. They forced the outnumbered troops of Taylor back and opened the road to Slmmesport to the retreat­ ing army. Neither side suffered many casualties in the engagement which 80 had been, for the most part, limited to an artillery duel.

After the engagement at Mansura the Confederates followed the

Federals, and on May 18 Taylor made a final attack on Banks' rear at the crossing of the Atchafalaya. On Yellow Bayou, near Norwood's

Plantation, the Confederate cavalry harassed the Federal rear. Taylor formed his line of battle across an open field with Major's division on

7 7 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, p. 591. 78 Barr, Polignac's Texas Brigade, p. 44.

7 9 Ibid.: 0. R., XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 193, 211-212, 593. 80 0. R.. XXXIV, pt. 1, pp. 193, 211-212, 591, 593; Johnson, Red River Campaign, pp. 273-274. 166 81 the right and Polignac*s troops on the left*

After skirmishers drove "back some Federal cavalry into a belt of timbert the entire Confederate line moved forward* With a loud rebel 82 y e ll the C onfederates rushed th e woods*

Banks ordered General Joseph A* Mower with three brigades of infantry and one of cavalry to hold until the remaining army crossed the

Atchafalaya River* Mower drove the skirmishers back through the woods to an open field where he saw the entire Confederate line advancing*

Tinder cover of the woods he hurriedly deployed his troops in the line QO o f b a ttle *

Majors opened the attack on the left. He pushed the Federal cavalry before him, and succeeded in getting in the rear of the left flank. Mean­ while, Polignac made a frontal assault and moved into the thicket, but after a heavy barrage of canister followed by a bayonet charge his troops were driven back in confusion. With Polignac*s men in flight, Mower shifted his artillery and most of his men to the left flank. The heavy 84 barrage from the artillery forced Majors to fall back with heavy losses.

After a brief rest, in the early afternoon, both combatants moved into the thicket for the second time* Once again the Federals drove the Confederates back into the open field* This last assault set the 8 5 thicket aflame, making the continuation of the battle impossible*

810. R*. XXXIV, p t.'l, pp. 193, 212, 593-595; Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p* 376; Barr, Polignac*s Texas Brigade* p. 44,

8 2I b id .

8 3I b id .

84Ib id .

85I b id . Mower reported his losses as 38 killed, 226 wounded, and 3 missing, for a total of 267* Taylor had 30 killed, 350 wounded, and 86 over 100 of Polignac's men captured, for a total loss of some 500.

Theophilus Noel, a Confederate soldier, reported that 380 men of 87 Polignac's division were killed in an instant; Sergeant J. M. Boyd of the Thirty-Second Iowa Infantry, described the battle as follows: "Our men . . . delivered them volley after volley at close and deadly range, until . . . the "wily Prince of France," Polignac, certainly felt that he had spent life enough in attempt to turn our flank or break our line."

Banks escaped across the Atchafalaya River. Thus, after sixty- seven days, the Red River campaign ended where it had begun on the banks of the Atchafalaya. The Federals did not invade Texas as they had planned, and for them the campaign was a failure. Although there were no decisive victories, the Confederates had accomplished their purpose.

They had stopped Banks' advancing army and had forced a retreat. Their success prevented Texas and northwestern Louisiana from falling under

Federal control. No small part of the Confederate success was due to the ability and leadership of Polignac. General Taylor, in his report of the campaign, stated that Polignac's and Walker's divisions "had held every position entrusted to them, carried every position in their front, and displayed a constancy and valor worthy of the Guards of Inkerman or 89 Lee's veterans in the Wilderness!"

Winters, Civil War in Louisiana, p. 377. 87 Theophilus Noel, Autobiography and Reminiscences (Chicago: Theo. Noel Company Printer, 1904), p. 147. 88 John Scott, 32nd Iowa Infantry, p. 278* 89 Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 230. 168 Polignac had had an important part in stopping, repelling, and finally driving the Federals out of the Red River country* He had been in the forefront throughout the campaign and was justly praised by his su p erio rs*

The Prince had become a good commander, not only because of his m ilitary abilities, but also because he had learned to understand the citizen soldier* He had learned, by experience, that these citizens could be made into effective soldiers if properly handled*

Sincere affection and respect for him was expressed by the officers of his old Texas brigade, when, on June 1, while s till in the vicinity of Yellow Bayou, they gave him a field horse*

Colonel James £* Harrison, who presented the horse, stated that the gift was a "slight testimonial of our confidence in you /Polignac/ as an officer, and our esteem for you as a gentleman* • • *n Rather than being regarded "as a mere adventurer, borne on the fickle wave of chance, seeking wealth and distinction at the expense of a nation's blood • • • ," the Prince was praised for casting his "lot with the weak and oppressed

* * * *" Harrison declared that "by the best soldiership • • » , and a strict observance of orders," Polignac had made his way to and had shown himself "worthy of the high position and trust committed • • ." to him*

The colonel concluded: "We congratulate ourselves that your lot has been 90 cast with us in the struggle for national existence*"

Harrison spoke for the officers of those men who earlier had threatened mutiny and swore that Polignac or "polecat," a "damn frog-eating

90 "Reply of Maj* Gen. Polignac," Louisiana Historical Collection, Confederate Personnel, Manuscripts Section, Tulane University Library (New Orleans, Louisiana)* 169

Frenchman," would never command them* As Bichard Taylor said,

Polignac had had uphill work all the way; but by his patience, under­ standing, and devotion to duty, he had gained the respect and admiration of the brigade*

This was no small accomplishment; these independent-minded

Confederates were naturally suspicious of foreigners. In order to become effective soldiers they needed a father-image, somebody they could look up to—in other words, a leader* It is to Polignac's credit then that as a titled aristocratic European he was able to gain their respect and devotion.

The Prince had successfully led the Texans in several fights.

Although many of his men were killed, the remainder had not hesitated to follow their gallant commander. These Texans were now veterans; they had spirit, eSLan. and pride in their unit, and they were devoted to their commander—vital elements of a successful fighting force.

Further, there must have been a special pride in being a member of the only division in the war commanded by a prince. At the end of hostilities many of the Texans must have returned to their homes with tall tales of the gallant little French prince who had led them so courageously in battle. The presentation of the horse was one way of expressing their gratitude and appreciation.

Polignac's response to Harrison's speech was humble and demo­ cratic, and indicates his feeling for the brigade. He told the men that it was his duty to attend to their needs and to look after their welfare.

But what for him had been a duty, he said, was for them "a voluntary pledge of sympathy." This, he declared, "is your real gift to me; the free gift of your thoughts.” Looking beyond the value of the gift itself) he insisted that: "its beauty can add nothing to, its defects could take nothing from the excellency of your well appreciated inten- 91 tion and gratifying token of reward.”

And what reward, he continued, "could be greater to me, than thus to see, in the silent communion of our thoughts, my feelings appreciated, my heart understood.” This expression of confidence, he said, would always be an encouragement "never to swerve from the path 92 o f d u ty ."

Polignac must have been pleased at the way he had conducted himself during the recent engagements. Certainly for the remainder of his life he would always look back on the Red River campaign and the

Battle of Mansfield as the highlights of his military career. He would always speak fondly of his old Texas brigade and his former comrades in arm s.

91I b id .

9 2I b id . CHAPTER X

"The last days of the Confederacy"

The Red River campaign was over, but now came reports that the

Union general, Edward R* S* Canby, who had replaced Banks, was moving toward the Confederate stronghold of Mobile, Alabama, In response to these reports the Confederate War Department decided to move troops from the Trans-Mississippi Department across the M ississippi River, where they would be in a position to aid the Confederates fighting in Tennessee,

Georgia, and Alabama *1

On July 22, 1864, Kirby Smith received orders to send Richard 2 Taylor and part of his infantry to the east side of the river. Taylor was to assume command of the Department of M ississippi and East Louisiana 3 and was instructed to leave with "the least possible delay." He was to take with him Polignac's and Walker's divisions and George H* Thomas* brigade* 4

Taylor's troops, scattered over central Louisiana, began to make preparations for the move* Secrecy was stressed because it was feared that the Louisiana and Texas troops, extremely provincial, might refuse to cross the river* They were willing to defend the Trans-Mississippi

(l»ai^R*i, XLI, pt* 2, pp* 1030, 1035; pt* 1, p* 90; XXXXX, pt* 2, pp* 721, 724* 2 Ib id * , XLI, pt* 1 , p* 90; pt* 2, p* 121*

3Ibid., pt. 2, p. 1031; XXXIX, pt. 2, p. 724.

4Ibid*, XLI, pt* 2, p. 1035; 0. R. N., XXVI, p* 506. 171 Department) but they did not feel obligated to fight In another depart­ ment. Furthermore) the enemy, learning of the proposed crossing) would attempt to block It.

Despite the attempts to maintain secrecy, the Union command learned of the move, and Federal Ironclads were stationed at twelve-mile

Intervals from Vicksburg to the mouth of the Bed Elver. Gunboats patrolled the gaps and not more than a few hours passed that a gunboat 5 did not reach every point where a crossing might be made.

In mid-August Polignac le ft Alexandria for Waterproof, Louisiana, where he planned to cross the river. During the march he "had an attack 0 of fever, the second In two years." He also complained: "The Louisiana clim ate i s beginning to t e l l on me. T his i s my second summer in th is state which is said to be the most trying. The weather has been hotter 7 than last year. ..."

To further complicate matters, when the troops learned of the proposed crossing, mutiny was threatened and the desertion rate rose sharply. Some of the deserters, possessing arms, were encouraged by a few officers to mutiny, and in at least one Instance there was an open rebellion. Several hundred men deserted and at least 200 from Polignac's g division escaped with arms. On August 22, In response to the problems

5 Diary, August 10, 1864; 0. B». XLI, pt. 2, pp. 473, 849; pt. 3, p. 746; 0. B. N.. XXVI, p. 549; Blesslngton, Walker's Texas Brigade, p . 273.

. A Diary, August 10, 1864.

7 Ibid. . August 11, 1864. 0 0. B.. XLI, pt. 1, pp. 113, 120. The soldiers faced almost certain death if they attempted to cross the river while it was pa­ t r o ll e d by F ederal gunboats. P o lig n ac , fo r some rea so n , made no men­ tion of this In his diary. 173 arising from the proposed troop movement, Kirby Smith issued orders g suspending the transfer of soldiers across the Mississippi River. RLchard

Taylor crossed the river alone and assumed his new duties in the Depart­ ment of M ississippi and East Louisiana*

After the crossing had been called off, Kirby Smith turned his attention to Arkansas* Significant Federal advances in that area were unexpected while Major General Sterling Price continued to engage the enemy in Missouri* But since the destruction of Price was a major Union objective,^ Kirby Smith ordered Major General John B* Magruder, com­ mander of the D istrict of Arkansas, to hold his forces "in readiness, replenish supply depots, improve organization and discipline, and keep 11 a careful watch" on the enemy in his district and in Missouri*

On August 30 Polignac and Walker were ordered to move their 12 tro o p s tow ard M o n ticello , A rkansas, to jo in M agruder1s command.

Polignac*s division left Harrisonburg on September 1 and arrived at

Monroe oh the fourth* The "march had been hard, /and/ the sultry hot w eather had caused many men to f a in t under th e sco rch in g ra y s o f th e „13 sun* * . ."

On September 5 the troops were moved through Monroe to a better

g 0* B*. XLI, pt* 1, pp* 111-112, 117; Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 195; Parks, Kirby Smith, p* 427*

^ 0 . R.. XLI, pt* 3, pp* 950, 979; Parks, Kirby Smith, pp. 437- 438*

i:LParks, Kirby Smith, pp. 437-438; 0. R.. XLI, pt* 3, pp. 916-917.

1 2Blessington, Walker*s Texas Division, p. 275; 0. R.. XLI, pt* 3, p* 907* 13 Diary, September 4, 1864; Barr, Polignac*s Texas Brigade, p. 49. 174 camp site about two miles north of the city. Many of the men were sick, including Polignac, who had his third attack of fever. During the next week routine affairs filled the days; the only diversion was the execution of a deserter . 1 4

On September 13, Magruder, fearing a Federal advance from Pine

Bluff, ordered both Walker*s and Polignac*s divisions of 7,000 cavalry 15 and 7,000 infantry to move north to Monticello, Arkansas. The two units immediately embarked on their 110-mile march to Monticello. They made good time and struck camp three miles south of the town on the \ 16 eighteenth. The Federals did not advance, and nothing of note occurred during the remainder of the month.

David Walker, Surgeon of the Fifteenth Texas, lamented that the region around Monticello was:

as poor as poverty to begin with, forged upon by a large body of troops, quartered here for a month, the prospects for something to sustain man and beast do not look prom­ ising. We are getting ten ears of corn per day for our horses. This, as well as the meat we eat, has to be transported sixty miles. From present indications, if a campaign is attempted here, our saddle horses will starve before spring . ^ 7

In order to protect Price*s cavalry, returning from a raid into

Missouri, and at the same time, conduct defensive operations against a

Union advance from L ittle Pock in the south, Magruder ordered his in­ fantry to Camden. On October 2, amidst heavy rain, the troops marched

14 Diary, September 5-9, 1864.

1 5Ibid. : 0. P.. XLI, pt. 3, pp. 907, 915-916, 918; pt. 1, p. 753; Barr, Polignac*s Texas Brigade, p. 49; Blessington, Walker*s Texas Division, p. 275.

1 6 Diary, September 13, 1864. 17 Merle M. Duncan, "David Richard Wallace," Texana, I (Fall, 1963), p. 346. 18 south by way of Warren, and arrived at Camden on the sixth, where they helped fortify the town* Afterwards they moved on to Camp Bragg, near

Washington, Arkansas* Magruder then considered attacking the Federal 19 garrison at L ittle Bock, and ordered the troops back to Camden*

The constant marching In September and October, combined with the ever-increasing shortage of supplies and food, was taking its toll* 20 The sick Hot increased greatly in Polignac's division* On October 12 hardship and suffering was so distressing that the Prince assembled his troops and announced that, despite an attack of fever, he would go to 2 1 Shreveport and try to secure badly needed supplies for them*

The fo llow ing morning P olignac and se v e ra l members o f h is staff set out on their journey* They arrived in Shreveport on Sunday, 22 October 16*

Polignac spent the next few days calling on various agencies, 23 attempting to obtain supplies for his needy troops* He rummaged "in the different Departments in search of favors and indulgencles" for his 24 men, as he said, "looking to the relief of my poor naked soldiers*"

18 Barr, Polignac*8 Texas Brigade, p. 50; Diary, October 8 , 1864* CK^aaJR*a, XXIX, pt# 1 , p# 900#

1 9I b id . 20 0. B.« XLI, pt, 3, p* 966; pt* 4, p* 1002; Barr, Polignac 1 s Texas B rig ad e* p* 51* 21 Diary, October 12, 1864*

2 2Ibid*« October 16, 1864*

23 Ibid*. October 17, 1864.

2 4Ibid, . October 19, 1864* 176

In the course of events he dined with Kirby Smith and called on the newly elected governor of the state, Henry W* Allen, who received him 25 "very kindly*"

On October 20 he called on the governor again and picked up some clothing that had been collected for his division* Later that same day he received a letter from a "committee of gentlemen" inviting him to a congratulatory dinner* The dinner was held the following Saturday, 26 October 22, at the home of a Mr* J* A* Sigur*

Upon his arrival Polignac was greeted on the porch by Governor

Allen who, upon reading a complimentary address, presented him with a sword* Following Polignac's rather lengthy reply the whole company

"walked to the dinner table, dressed with an entertainment which might have been almost sumptuous in good time which, under the circumstances 27 exceeded everybody's expectations*"

After dinner there were toasts to Jefferson Davis, Robert E* Lee, and General Polignac* The Prince acknowledged the compliments with a 28 few remarks, and others offered their sentiments*

On October 27, after complying with Governor Allen's request for another visit, Polignac and his staff began their journey back to

Camden, Arkansas, where they arrived four days later* That evening,

October 31, the troops were assembled to hear the farewell speech of

Brigadier General Henry Grau, who had been recently elected to Congress*

At the conclusion of Grau'a address the men began shouting Polignac's

2 5Ibid*. October 18, 1864.

26 Ibid., October 20, 1864.

27 Ibld. . October 24, 1864.

2 8I b id . 177 name, asking him to speak. He did not comply with the request, and the 29 troops were soon dispersed. Obviously his men appreciated the supplies he had brought to them.

During the next few days rain fell constantly and Polignac, con­ fined to his tent, entertained himself by reading. He was concerned about the welfare of his men, and on November 4, although the cold, wet weather continued to lim it activity, he was able to walk through the camps of his division.

Shat evening, after writing a. number of letters, he attended a party at the local courthouse. At the affair he met several young ladles, including a Miss Helen Goddard, who he said was the prettiest of all. He saw her several times and later noted, after walking her 30 home by moonlight, that he found her especially memorable.

A few days later, while making several social calls in town,

Polignac came upon a band. Impulsively he joined it, and he and the musicians went about serenading the local citizens. 31 But generally life in camp around Camden proved to be boring. The routine was broken by reading, writing, attending an occasional dance, and visiting Helen

Goddard . 32

The scarcity of food and supplies continued to cause great hardships on the Confederates in Magruder 18 command. He d ecid ed , th e re ­ fore, in early November, to disperse his troops, sending them into winter

2 9Ibld. « November 3, 1864. 30 Ibid. . November 11, 1864.

31Ibid.. November 7, 1864.

32Ibid. . November 11, 1864. 178 33 quarters so they would have more room to conduct forage operations.

Polignac was ordered to move his troops to a site near the Red

River In Lafayette County, Arkansas. Marching In rain, the division left

Camden on the fourteenth, and four days later arrived at the new camp near

Walnut H ill, which consisted of a single house. The name was given to 34 the house because it served as a post office for the area.

Before quarters could be settled, Polignac received orders from

Kirby Smith to establish winter quarters In Minden, Louisiana, where 35 supplies were more plentiful.

Kirby Smith had recalled Polignac's and Major General John H.

Forney's (formerly Walker's) divisions not only because supplies were more plentiful, but also because there was little prospect of winter operations in Arkansas. Furthermore, from this position he could co­ operate with the commanders in the department should there be an 36 o ccasio n .

The distance between Walnut H ill and Minden was about fifty miles. Although Polignac had some difficulty getting the troops across the swollen streams, they arrived at Minden on November 26 and were received as heroes.

Polignac, entering the town at the head of the division, was both surprised and impressed when a lady sent him a bouquet with a note which read: "all honour to General de Polignac, our gallant defender."

33 0. R.. XLI, pt. 4, pp. 1033, 1082; Barr, Polignac's Texas Brigade, p. 51; Parks, Kirby Smith, pp. 439-440.

3 ^Ibid. ; Diary, November 13-18, 1864.

3 5 Parks, Kirby Smith, pp. 439-440; Barr, Polignac's Texas Brigade, p. 51; O.R.. XLI, pt. 4, pp. 1052, 1082. 36 ibid. The troops settled down In their new winter quarters and seemed to be 37 satisfied with Minden and the surrounding area.

But for Polignac, camp life near Minden, as elsewhere, proved to

be dull, and as usual, he passed his time reading and writing, visiting

friends, attending an occasional party, and complaining about the weather

The sultry, damp Louisiana weather seems to have taxed his "system to 38 —the-utmostV------

On December 2 he wrote: "Nothing of importance to record, no 39 news from any quarter." By December 18 depression had gotten the best

of him, and once again his frustrations were expressed in the diary. He

w rote:

I have for some time past felt that depression of spirits which hitherto has ever preceded some great event, as before the battle of Richmond, Ky., the battle of Mansfield, etc., etc., something like the clouds gath­ erings before the lowering storm. Will this time the omen be ju stified ???^ ®

Although Polignac did not know it, his military career In

America wasabout to come to an end. As he predicted, he would have a

role in the future, but It would be as a political agent rather than as

a soldier on the battlefield.

During the winter he had received letters from friends in Prance

who were sympathetic to the Confederacy. This led Polignac to decide

that he would be of greater service to the South by seeking aid for the

Confederacy abroad. Since he had been an active participant in the war,

37 Diary, November 26, 1864; Barr, Polignac»s Texas Brigade, p. 51 38 Diary, November 29, 1864. 39 Ibid., December 2, 1864. 40 Ibid. . December 18, 1864. 180 he felt that he might have influence in seeking aid in France* He

planned to approach Emperor Napoleon III through a mutual friend) the 41 Duke de Morny.

Polignac discussed the idea with General Kirby Smith in Shreveport

and asked for a six-month leave of absence* The commanding general)

realizing that without aid the Confederacy was doomed) agreed with 42 Polignac's suggestion* Polignac then laid the plan before Governor

Allen, who also agreed with the proposal; but none of the three were overly

optimistic about the results that might be obtained* Nevertheless, since

French commercial interests leaned toward the South, it was not beyond

the realm of possibility that the Prince might be able to arouse some A3 sympathy and interest for the Southern cause* Because time was im­

portant and there was difficulty in communication with Richmond, neither 44 President Jefferson Davis nor the War Department was consulted.

. Polignac suggested that his chief of staff, Major T. C. Moncure, be permitted to accompany him to "give more weight to /h is/ presence 45 abroad." Kirby Smith and Allen approved. The governor took the

41 C. J. Polignac, "Polignac's Mission," Southern Historical Society Papers. XXXII (January-Deeember, 1904), p. 366. This article is a reprint of a letter from Camille de Polignac to General Marcus J* Wright, April 17, 1901. The letter was intended to refute charges made by the Washington Post on March 14 and 19, 1901, that in 1865 Polignac was sent to France by President Jefferson Davis to offer Napoleon III "a retrocession of the State of Louisiana in exchange for armed inter­ vention on behalf of the Confederacy."

^^Parks, Kirby Smith, p. 451.

^Polignac, "Polignac's Mission," Southern Historical Society P a p e rs, XXXII, p . 366. 44 Ibid. : see also L. Q. Washington, "The Lost Chapter," Southern H istorical Society Papers. XXIX (January-Deeember, 1901), pp. 344-345. 45 Polignac, "Polignac's Mission," Southern Historical Society Papers. XXXII, pp. 366-367. 181 opportunity to write a letter to the French Emperor to be delivered by his aide-de-camp, Colonel Ernest Miltenberger. Miltenberger was to be the official spokesman for the group, representing the state of Louisiana, 46 not the Confederacy* Polignac did not know the contents of the letter, but Miltenberger asserted:

He, /Governor Allen/ referred at length in the most pathetic manner to the strong and sacred ties that bound France and Louisiana. He also stated in very positive language, the imminent danger, in case the Confederate States should succumb, to the French occupation of Mexico and warned him that in such a contingency the immense ^ Federal Army would beyond doubt be turned toward Mexico*

After Pollgnac*s departure Kirby Smith wrote John Slidell, Con­ federate Minister in France, that foreign intervention was a necessity:

It cannot be too strongly impressed upon the Emperor of the French that the security of his empire in Mexico and the interest in his own Government all demand immediate inter­ ference to restore peace and establish firmly the nationality of the Confederate States*^®

Kirby Smith, aware of foreign sentiment regarding slavery, declared that ninety-five per cent of the planters in his department would accept any system of gradual emancipation that would Insure Independence and peace 49 for the people* Polignac, many years later, wrote: "Indeed, many

Southern leaders knew too well that the institution of slavery proved 50 the greatest bar to every hope for foreign assistance."

4 6 I b id . , p. 367*

4^Alcee Fortier, A History of Louisiana* IV (New York: Joyant and Co*, 1904), p* 60* 48 0. R*. XLIII, pt. 1, p. 1319. 49 Ibid. * pp. 1319-1320. 50 Polignac, "Polignac*s Mission," Southern Historical Society P ap ers, XXXII, p . 370. 182

On January 10, 1865, Polignac, Miltenberger, and Moncure left

Shreveport for France, traveling across Texas to Mexico by stagecoach*

The Texans, hearing of Polignac's journey, welcomed him at every stage 51 of his trip, receiving him as a guest of the state* The party finally arrived at Matamoras, Mexico, around the first of February, where they were detained for about two weeks before taking a ship to Havana, Cuba*

Upon arrival in Havana they were detained for another two weeks before 52 boarding a Spanish ship sailing for Cadiz, Spain* After a stormy fourteen-day voyage, they arrived at Cadiz on March 21, and took a stage- 53 coach to Madrid and from there traveled to Paris by train*

On the last day of the trip, while reading a newspaper, Polignac learned that the Duke de Morny had died* He realized that with the death of his friend there was little hope of accomplishing his mission*

In fact, he tentatively decided not to seek an audience with the Emperor*

Upon arriving in Paris, however, he was greeted by a friend who was an officer in the French army, a Major de Vatry, who was on the Emperor's military staff. The major arranged an interview without difficulty.

According to Polignac, he was well received by the Emperor*

They talked of the war, but not of political issues* When Polignac told hi™ that the Confederacy would fight to the last for states' rights,

53Tbid., pp* 367-368; Polignac wrote that he thought the party left Louisiana in March, 1865* This however, is incorrect, for he re­ corded in the diary that they left for Texas on January 10, 1865* For the account of the trip given in 1865 see Diary, January 10-March 22, 1865*

5 ^Polignac, '‘Polignac's Mission," Southern H istorical Society Papers. XXXII, p. 368.

53I b id . 183 54 the Emperor did not reply*

Polignac then requested permission to introduce Colonel Milten­ berger, with the letter from the governor of Louisiana* She Emperor hesitated, wanting to know the contents of the correspondence* When

Polignac assured him that he did not know the contents of the letter, the request was granted* She two Confederate officers returned the next day, and the Emperor remained standing as he received them* He did not open the letter but laid it on a table nearby* Shey talked a few minutes, 55 then left. Miltenberger, writing of the interview, said, that he and

Polignac told the Emperor of the purpose of their visit:

She Emperor listened attentively • • • and then in­ formed us that he had at two different times, endeavored to get England to join Prance in taking action in behalf of the Confederate States, but without success, and Prance could not act independently of England* He then kindly said it was too late to take further action, and such was the case, as the disastrous news of Lee's army • • • in- dicated the early and inevitable fall of the Confederacy*

Later in a letter to James E* Harrison, Polignac wrote:

When I left the country on what I expected to be a six month's absence, I was unaware of the hopeless con­ ditions of affairs in the east* I saw the Emperor on my arrival and about that time the news of Lee's surrender reached us, which put an end to all my hopes* I was glad in a manner-to have been spared the sight of the last days of the Confederacy, altho if the disaster could have been foreseen, I should not have left the country on a hope­ less mission*S?

With the fall of the Confederacy, there was no need for Polignac

54Ibid. . pp. 368-369.

5 5Ibid. . p. 369. 56 F o r tie r , L o u isia n a . XV, p* 60. 57 Camille de Polignac to General J. E. Harrison, August 20, 1867, copy in Diary, August 20, 1867. to return to the United States. He had fought for a lost cause, yet he had not swerved from the belief that he was right* He never lost his 58 love for the Confederacy and the principles for which it stood* Many years later, writing to a friend in Texas, he said he had joined the

Confederacy "not as a common adventurer, borne on the fickle wave of chance, but as a thinking man with an upright purpose • • • and I will ever be thankful that I devoted a span of my life to defending the 59 Southern Confederacy.

Polignac maintained a deep interest in the South and was always eager to receive news from his former comrades in arms. He was particu­ larly grieved, early in Reconstruction, because he believed that the

Radical Republicans, in control of the national government had made unbearable demands on the prostrate South. He felt that the Radicals, by their actions, were deepening "the channel between the two sections" which he said "northern egotism has dug and which the late cruel war has filled with Southern blood . " 60

He lamented that the Confederates had done their duty in fight­ ing "for a noble and just cause, hallowed by the most sacred rights • • and yet we have failed." S till, according to Polignac, there was the consoling thought that although "our cause has been allowed by the Ruler of all beings to perish, yet the 'principles' on which it was based are

58 "Major General Prince Camille de Polignac, C*S*A*," United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine. XX (January, 1957), p* 22. 59 Dallas Morning News. January 21, 1963. fiO Camille de Polignac to General J. E. Harrison, August 20, 1867 copy in Diary, August 20, 1867.

6 1 I b ld . imperishable•" He believed that one day the "principles might loom up triumphantly even from the ruins of the South and the wreck of our hopes." He believed that the unhappy South would see a brighter day when the northern people were able to free themselves from "the shackles placed on them by an unprincipled oligarchy whose rank passions are now 62 the sole rule of the land. ..." Optimistically, however, he noted that: "It may be the lot of a future and happier generation to reap a bountiful crop from the field which the Southern chivalry and beauty 63 have nurtured with their blood and with their tears."

He hoped that the present condition of the South would soon change, and reminiscing about the war, stated: "Oh! that I could ride my horse in the Empire State of Texas, among a free and contented people."

In an article published in the Nineteenth Century Review (1893),

Polignac gave his views concerning the South and states' rights. He praised the Southern people for their courage, insisting that they received no help during the war, and that single-handedly they fought the crushing weight of ever increasing hostile ranks swelled by European mere enaries." ® ®

He also insisted that:

The Constitutional right of secession was in reality absolute. But political truths do not rule the political

6 2 I b id .

63 I b id .

6 4 I b id .

Camille de Polignac, "Ulster and the Confederate States," Nineteenth Century Review. XXXIII (June, 1893), p. 929. 186

world as mathematical theorems rule, and in a paramount necessity for national unity, if believed in, great in­ ducements were found for looking on secession as an aca­ demic and absolute principle. Thus two opposite doctrines stood out in bold contrast to each other* The modern notion of national sovereignty pitted against the tradi­ tional notion of state sovereignty. On one side the allegiance to an indissoluble aggregate of states; on the other, allegiance to each state considered as a political unit.® 6

Polignac noted that when '.’viewed academically, both notions are normal, and can furnish the basis of a fundamental compact." But, he continued,

"the doctrine of national unity was more in conformity with modern views.

It inaugurated the policy of the future • • • , while the doctrine of 67 states* rights clung more to the past."

Polignac pointed out that the doctrine of states* rights means decentralization and thus has its origins in the belief in free institu­ tions. The doctrine embodied "the wholesome principle of division of labor in the political sphere," and as such "it forms a barrier against the encroachment of the central power upon the province of private rights and interest." Furthermore, "it helps to keep the exercise of executive authority within proper lim its, and to make the government of a country what it really should be—a logical result, not a domineering cause . " 68

On the other hand:

The opposite doctrine advocates a consolidation of the central power, whether executive or legislative, and an extension of its authority and initiative. It may prove fatal to liberty. It tends to identify the nation with

66 I b id .

67 Ibid. . p. 930.

68 Ibid. , p. 931. the party in office, and leaves minorities unprotected* It promotes official meddling with private matters, rights and contracts* It favors political jobbery, sentimental and emotional platforms, facilitates the contrivance of majorities on bogus issues, induces the thought that legislative as­ semblies have every right because they have every power—a most pernicious doctrine, which in troubled times may leave ( a whole country at the mercy of a few unprincipled leaders* • • •

Polignac refused to believe that the war had been fought, as many insisted, to destroy the institution of slavery* He wrote that before the war the constitutional right to secede was the current political 70 creed and was practically undisputed. But later, after the war broke o u t:

the question of slavery was lugged in, and used by the North as a blind to cover the injustice of their policy of coercion* Their logic was a mere piece of sophistry; for nothing can be more obvious than that the abstract right of a state to secede—whether acknowledged or not— could only be an attribute essentially political, per­ manent if existing, and as such independent from social features and conditions of material life which are of a changing nature, and consequently from the difficult circumstances attending domestic labour under which 'the peculiar institution,' as it has been termed, still lingered in one section of the Union as well as in other foreign states and colonies. Nevertheless, the bold blending of two questions, the one social, the other political, and the consequent warping of the main issue, was a clever trick and answered its purpose well *71

He concluded the article with a note of optimism which con­ spicuously lacked the bitterness often associated with defeat:

a wave of political honesty has lately swept over the land* A tried and high-handed statesman /President Grover Cleveland/ has returned to the helm • • • • All

6 9 I b id .

70 Ibid. , p. 927.

71Ibid. , pp* 927-928. well-wishers to the American republic must rejoice at his success, and hail with unqualified gratification the inaugur­ ation of a policy which, with the potential energy derived from free institutions, w ill bear the nation onward in her peaceful path, and confer lasting prosperity on a generous and united people . 7 2

Polignac wrote one pamphlet in French, L1 union americalne anres la guerre (Paris, 1866), in which he defended and justified the Southern cause.

Renewing his travels, the Prince visited friends and relatives all over Europe. According to his daughter, Agnes, he also made a trip 73 to Central America; however, when, and-for what purpose is not known.

7 2 I b ld . , p . 931.

73The Marquise de Crequl Mont fort de Court!vron, "Camille de Polignac," p. 2, in Polignac Papers. CHAPTER XI

"300,000 men, 10,000 officers, 4 marshals, and 1 emperor"

Polignac did not enjoy many years of relaxation and travel* In

1870 he was vacationing on the Isle of Wight, off the southern coast of

England, and here he learned that France and Prussia had gone to war*

Although he feared that his country was heading for disaster, he returned to Paris and offered his services to the French government*^

On the surface Emperor Napoleon I ll's France, prosperous and united, was still mistress of Europe* But this, as Polignac suspected, was superficial* The court was corrupt and the bureaucracy was dishonest and ineffective. The army, poorly organized, extremely conservative, and "possessed by the blind belief in itself," did not have the ability 2 "to cope with the unexpected*" It was totally unprepared to meet the ch allen g e th e combined German s t a te s would offer*

The officers, selected for their bravery, were drawn from the ranks, while the higher commands were given to court favorites* However,

^Phe Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron, "le General Prince Camille de Polignac," Paris, France, 1962, p* 2, in Polignac Papers* Camille kept a diary, the "Journal M ilitaire," during the Franco-Prusslan War from September 29, 1870 until January 23, 1871^ A microfilm copy of the journal is in the C* A* J* M* de Polignac /Wag/ Papers, in Louisiana State University Library Archives (Baton Rouge, Louisiana). Hereafter all papers in this collection will be cited as Polignac War Papers* For the best contemporary account of the war see The Times (London), July, 1870-March, 1871. 2 Alfred Cobban, From the First Empire to the Second Republic. II of A History of Modern France (New York: George B raziller, Inc*, 1965), p. 204.

3 Ibid. . p. 205. 189 190 none of this mattered because France was being swept by a wave of natlonallsmi and the people wanted to go to war with Prussia*

Rivalry between France and Prussia for European leadership was the basic cause of the Franco-Prussian War. Prussia*s Chancellor, Count

Otto von Bismark, knowing that a powerful France was an obstacle to

German unification) welcomed a war that would humble France and at the same time) unite Gormany.

Napoleon III realized that a united Germany would be a great rival power and that France might lose her favored position of military dominance over Europe* Relations between France and Prussia worsened in the summer of 1870 when the vacant Spanish throne was offered to a German prince of the Hohenzollern family. The French viewed this as an unwel­ comed extension of Prussian influence for it would bring Hohenzollern rule to both their eastern and western borders*

After a French protest the Hohenzollern candidate was withdrawn*

But King Wilhelm of Prussia refused to bow to French demands that he never support a Hohenzollern candidate for the Spanish throne* Bismark published the King's refusal in a form which allegedly contained insults to the French* Then Napoleon, on July 19, prodded by his chauvinistic wife, Eugenie, and some of his ministers, declared war on Prussia*

Although the Emperor was confident of an easy victory, he would soon learn that his regular army, about 250,000 men, would be no match for those of the German states, which had combined by military alliances under the leadership of Prussia. The Prussian General Staff, taking advantage of new technical innovations in the railways and telegraphs, had solved the problems of "mobilizing, supplying, and commanding mass a rm ies."^

Under the guidance of Helmuth von Moltke, Chief of the Prussian

General Staff, the Germans were able to activate, quickly and efficiently, over 500,000 men* Having learned much of his tactics from observing the

American Civil War, von Moltke was soon to prove himself Europe’s most brilliant contemporary tactician.

Meanwhile, upon arriving in Paris, Polignac hurried to the 5 ministry for the latest news. While waiting to see the minister he

talked to an attache? and expressed his fear of an invasion from the 0 eastern frontier. Napoleon III, with armies in central and southern

Prance, had not deployed his forces properly. Should there be an inva- 7 sion from the east, most of these troops would be left out of action.

The overconfident attache? expressed no fear or concern about a

German invasion, insisting that the French would "beat them anyway."

Recalling Napoleon I*s earlier successful invasion of Prussia, he asked g the question: "did we not go to Berlin in 1806?" Polignac answered by

pointing out that in 1806 the French armies were in Germany and had

4 Theodore Ropp, War in the Modern World (New York: Collier Books, 1962), p. 161. 5 Probably Camille went to see the Minister of Foreign Affairs, th e Duke de Gramont, who was h is co u sin .

®Camille de Polignac, "Une Lettre de General Polignac," reprint, n. d., from the Journal du Loiret (October 11, 1888), page numbers not in clu d ed , i n P olignac War P apers.

7 ... Ibid., Courtivron, "Camille de Polignac," p. 2, in Polignac P ap ers. g Ibid.; Polignac, "Gehefcal de Polignac," in Polignac War Papers. already crossed the Rhine River. The current problem, he maintained, and the greatest difficulty, was "to find the best place to cross the

Rhine." Because there were no permanent structures spanning the river, the army would have to make the crossing on pontoon bridges. Polignac knew that the French would be virtually defenseless if the Germans attacked them as they attempted to cross the river. The attache^, how- 9 ever, insisted that the Rhine could be forded anywhere by French troops.

Distressed upon finding this same confidence and enthusiasm for war everywhere in Paris, Polignac hopelessly expressed his apprehensions to all friends and acquaintances. Nevertheless, on the basis of his m ilitary experience and the influence of his cousin and foreign minister, the Duke de Gramont, Polignac was commissioned major on July 27, 1870, in the Gardes Nationale Mobiles of the Department of Haute Loire

Haute Loire, in southern France, was Polignac1s native province.

The Gardes Nationale Mobiles was an auxiliary to the regular army.

It was a kind of reserve or m ilitia force, in which all men at the age of twenty-one, who were not in the regular army, were enrolled for five years. Allowed to remain at home, their only military duty was that they attend fifteen drills each year* However, this obligation was not en­ forced. In time of war they were to aid the regular army in defending the fortresses, coast, and frontiers of France.^

9 I b id . 10Dispatch from the office of the Minister of War to Camille de Polignac, August 1, 1870, in Polignac War Papers. 11 James D. McCabe, J r . , H isto ry o f th e War Between Germany and France (New York: The National Publishing Co., and Jones Brothers and Co., 1871), pp. 119-120. Polignac returned to Haute Loire and was assigned to the area's

Sixty-Seventh Regiment of the Gardes Nationale Mobiles* On September 16 he was promoted to lieutenant colonel and was given command of the regi- 12 ment. While he was in Haute Loire training his troops, the tragedy of the war became apparent*

In late July the Emperor had led his army from Paris east to the

Prussian frontier* Soldiers and civilians alike had been joyously con­ fident of an easy victory* There was almost a holiday atmosphere in

Paris as its citizens turned out to see L'armie terrible off "in all the splendor of its strength*" "Amidst shouts of 'on to Berlin, on to 13 Berlin'" the army marched east* The jubilant spirit, however, was soon to disappear*

The French won a minor victory in the in itial battle at the town of Saarbrttcken, Germany* After the engagement the French Imperial army fell back in good order to Sedan, a small town on the Meuse River near the Belgian frontier, and prepared for what was to be the most important battle of the war* Here at the Battle of Sedan on September 2,

1870, the Emperor and the entire army of 84,000 men, 2,700 officers and 39 generals, surrendered to the Prussians. Sedan was only 130 miles from Paris, and its capitulation left the road open to the French capital*

But before investing Paris, the Prussians moved a portion of their armies northeastward and bottled up the last regular French army at nearby Metz,

12 Dispatch from the Minister of War to Camille de Polignac, October 20, 1870, in Polignac War Papers; Courtivron, "Camille de Polignac," p* 2, in Polignac Papers.

"McCabe, Germany and France, p. 536, 194 the most important city in the province of Alsace*

When news of the disaster at Sedan reached Paris, Napoleon III was swept from power, and the Second Empire was replaced hy a Republic.

The Republicansi long opposed to Napoleon and the monarchy) were at last in power* On September 4 the Chamber of Deputies proclaimed a provisional

Government of National Defense to carry on the war* Napoleon III, mean­ while, along with the bulk of his important army officers corps, spent the remainder of the war as captives*

The new government hastened to prepare Paris for the inevitable siege* Republican Deputies like Lebn Gambetta, Jules Favre, and Jules

Ferry came forward to continue the hopeless struggle*

By September 15 German fo rc e s had surrounded th e French c a p ita l.

Except for Paris, Metz, and other isolated fortresses under siege, the

Germans had successfully occupied a ll of France north and east of 14 Orleans, the major commercial center in central France* By October most of the regular army, including trained officers, were prisoners of war in Germany, leaving France with an enormous leadership gap in the m ilita ry *

Polignac, a uniquely qualified battle veteran with a store of command experience, was one of the few seasoned officers who was not in captivity or beleaguered in one of the fortresses* He was at La Fuy, the 15 capital of Haute Loire, training his regiment. These Gardes Mobiles

14 Cobban, From the First Empire* pp. 200-201. 15 Ulysse Rouchon, *'le general prince C. de Polignac,1* article from unidentified newspaper, n. d., in Polignac War Papers. . 195 were citizen soldiers with no previous m ilitary background, but Polignac, as a veteran of the American Civil War, knew that the troops might, with proper training and inspiration, be made into an effective fighting unit*

Addressing the regiment on October 7, he blamed the Empire for drawing the country into the war, pointing out that the enemy had occupied the capital and had virtually decimated France's professional armies*

The Republic, he said, had received this bloody heritage, but it was their duty to correct the errors of the Empire* With passion Polignac told the men: "the country awaits your efforts and heroic sacrifices," and he concluded with: "citizen soldiers, to you is given the honor of driving back the invaders from without the frontier and to establish in our dear 16 country a solid baBe for peace with liberty*"

Perhaps Polignac could train his men for battle, but there was little that this or any other regiment of the Gardes Mobiles could hope to accomplish without some centralized agency to coordinate the French i military effort*

At first, besieged in Paris, the new government was unable to conduct the war in the provinces* Therefore the youthful, thirty-two year old Gambetta, with the dual role of Minister of War and Interior, was charged w ith th e conduct o f th e e x te r io r war* On O ctober 7 he made a daring escape from Paris by balloon and upon his arrival, two days later, at Tours in central France, he assumed dictatorial powers over the republic's m ilitary forces*

When Gambetta began his work, he had no more than 20,000 to

35,000 regular soldiers who had escaped the Germans* His m ilitary objective

1 6 I b id . 196 was the relief of Paris before provisions ran out. He would have to raise an army whose task would be to fight its way through the 17 besieger's lines around the capital.

Immediately upon arriving at his new headquarters Gambetta 18 telegraphed Polignac at La Puy to come to Tours for a conference. He evidently was aware of Polignac*s past m ilitary service, and considered him to be the only top military mind available for consultation.

This was a unique opportunity; if Polignac impressed Gambetta, he would probably be elevated to a position of authority and play a major role in the war. For the first time he would be able to make important m ilitary decisions on a grand scale, Polignac must have been aware of this possibility, and he was not one to miss an opportunity to advance his career.

At the interview Gambetta asked the Prince for his professional opinion on how an army could be raised quickly, Polignac, drawing from his Civil War experience, suggested that the government should resort 19 to conscription, Polignac also suggested that the best defense would be to cut off the enemy's lines of communication and supply with their base in Germany. This could be done, he thought, without too much difficulty

17 Cobban, From the First Empire, p, 201; William Stearns Davis, A History of France (New York: Houghton M ifflin Co., 1919), p, 507; Emile Bourgeois, History of Modern France. 1815-1910. II (London: Cambridge University Press, 1922), p. 187,

^Polignac, "Journal M illtaire," October 14, 1870, Telegraph from the office of the Minister of War to Camille de Polignac, October 10, 1870, Polignac, "General de Polignac," in Polignac War Papers. 19 Polignac, "General de Polignac," in Polignac War Papers. 197 'because most of the Germans, engaged in siege operations, were

virtually immobile, Polignac was convinced that his tactics, if imple­

mented, would be successful and would give Gambetta enough time to raise

and t r a in h is army*

Polignac*s tactics were m ilitarily sound* The Germans, who

viewed the French troops with contempt, had no fear that the raw levies

could stand up against their armies* But Generals von Moltke and Prince

Frederic Charles, as well as King Wilhelm, expressed the fear that the 21 green troops might cut off their lines of communication. Furthermore, in the draft law of 1873, the French would copy the Prussian system of requiring universal m ilitary service.

According to Polignac, Gambetta showed considerable interest in his proposals. But at a second meeting, after conferring with representa­

tives of the army, Gambetta had changed his mind* Now he insisted that

"it was necessary to guard certain points and to hold certain routes etc. 22 etc**" The representatives of the army considered Polignac's proposals

too rash* It must have seemed rash indeed to these conservative French officials to leave Paris to the mercy of the enemy* And Gambetta, not a military man, failed to be convinced by Polignac*s arguments* He may have even been suspicious of an aristocrat who would consider abandoning the capital to the German invaders*

Nevertheless, Gambetta needed competent officers and offered

20 I b ld . 21 Ibid*: L* P. Brockett, The Year of Battles (New York: J. W; Goodspeed and Co*, 1871), p* 280; F* E* Whit ton, Moltke (London: Cons­ table and Co*, Ltd*, 1921), p. 296; Denys Cochin, "Strategic," The Figaro. March 31, 1920*

22Polignac, "General de Polignac," in Polignac War Papers. Polignac the rank of general and the command of all the Francs-Tireurs of 23 France with a free hand to apply hie ideas in the East*

The Francs-Tireurs were an irregular force of volunteers who engaged primarily in guerrilla tactics* Springing up all over France in late September, utterly without discipline and order, they sometimes formed bands of considerable numbers* Although they occasionally made raids on the German lines, they usually relied on "bushwackingn tactics*

The Germans hated them for their savage methods and rightfully accused 24 them of committing many atrocities* Because King Wilhelm considered the Francs-Tireurs low-class outlaws who were taking advantage of the miseries of the war, he ordered them to be executed whenever caught*

Therefore, "they generally preferred the safer if less honorable plan 25 of plundering their own countrymen," and became "objects of terror to their own people* Wandering independently over the country, they plundered and destroyed the property of the peasants, even committing 26 darker outrages*"

Polignac declined the generalship and the new command because, he said, the organization of the Francs-Tireurs. of an unknown quantity, was too "embryotic" and they could not be used en masse* He told Gam­ betta that he preferred to continue in a modest rank among the effective 27 defenders of the country*

23I b id . 24 Brockett, The Year of B attles* p. 276; McCabe, Germany and F rance, p* 458* 25 Brockett, The Year of Battles* p. 276.

2 6 McCabe, Germany and F rance, p* 458* 27 Polignac, "General de Polignac," in Polignac War Papers* 199

This meeting between the Prince and Qambetta reveals a great deal about Polignac* Here was a man who had always seemed obsessed with the desire for a high command* In the Confederate army he had experienced great frustration at not being given a superior position until near the end of the war* Now, as lieutenant colonel) he refused a generalship with a large command* Perhaps this indicates that even though he desired an increase in rank, it was not only the rank that he wanted; he also wanted to be in a position where he could be effective*

Perhaps one reason he refused to command the Francs-Tireurs was that they were outlaws and he did not want to have his name associated with such an unsavory lot* More importantly) from a m ilitary vieW) the

Francs-Tireurs were totally without training and discipline and could not be organized and united to form an effective fighting force*

Polignac must have been disappointed to be so right tactically and yet not to be given reliable forces to prove his theorems* His suggestions to Gambetta were m ilitarily sound* And, although, he would become a general, he was destined to play a secondary role in the war*

Gambetta would not call on Polignac again to give his m ilitary opinions on tactics* Since there is no evidence that either man harbored ill feelings toward the other, one can only speculate as to the reasons for

Gambetta*s decision* It may have been that Gambetta simply disagreed with Polignac*s opinions and decided not to call on him again—or it may not have been quite that simple*

There may have been a clash of personalities, because both men were haughty and arrogant* If Gambetta had no doubts about Polignac*s republicanism before their meeting, he probably did afterward* Here was an aristocrat, a lieutenant colonel, who not only disagreed with his m ilitary objectives, but who also turned down what the high-handed

Gambetta must have considered an important command.

It is very possible then that the Prince played a secondary role

In the war because he was a member of the Polignac family. This factor should not be underrated; many aristocrats were opposed to the war, and many looked for the day when the monarchy would be reestablished. The

Polignac*s were always closely associated with the monarchy and the

Royalist cause, something the Republicans detested. Moreover, Polignac was a cousin of Napoleon Ill's foreign minister, the Duke de Gramont; and the Republicans placed a good deal of the blame for the war on the

Duke's incompetent handling of foreign affairs. At any rate, after the meeting, Polignac returned to La Puy to rejoin his regiment. And Gam­ betta, Ignoring the Prince's suggestions, set about to raise an army.

Gambetta was "above all things, a popular orator . . . and it would be impossible to find one more electrical or more vibratory in the 28 shock and tremor of his words." With a fervent appeal to patriotism, recalling past glories, he summoned all able-bodied Frenchmen to rally 29 around the colors. His appeals were not in vain; in less than four months he was able to raise 600,000 men—armies more than twice as large 30 as the French forces at the beginning of the war.

Gambetta could raise large armies, but these undisciplined, ill- equipped, and sometimes shoeless and coatless citizen soldiers "without competent officers, embodied in the haste of panic, . . . had nothing

OQ McCabe, Germany and France, p. 810. 29 Bourgeois, Modern France, p. 189; Whitton, Moltke. p. 284; Davis, History of France, p. 507. 30 Davis, History of France« p* 507# 2 0 1 31 "but fervid patriotism to pit against Von Moltke*s veterans," The French

officers were only "brave amateurs who had to learn the grim art of war by leading their fellow citizens against the most scientifically prepared 32 army in the world," These citizen soldiers knew little about weapons, since Napoleon III had prohibited their use to all except the regular 33 army. They needed time to be trained before they could face hardened and experienced Prussian soldiers. To make matters worse, General von

Moltke "had one guiding rule—to deny the raw levies the time to grow 34 into seasoned soldiers," His policy was so successful that by the end of October, 1870, he could sarcastically report the French losses as 35 "300,000 men, 10,000 officers, 4 marshals, and 1 emperor,"

With the surrender of Metz on October 27, 1870, an additional

200,000 Prussians were free to operate against the new French armies,

6 ambetta*s only hope to relieve Paris rested on an army hastily put to­

gether on the Loire River in central France, By the end of November this

force, the Army of the Loire, based at Orleans, sixty miles south of

Paris, had increased to 180,000 men. On October 20 Polignac had been

promoted to brigadier general, and on November 24 his rank was raised

to major general. He was also given command of the First Brigade, First 36 Division of Infantry, Twentieth Army Corps, of the new army,

3 1 Ibid., p. 506.

3 2I b id . . p . 508. 33 Brockett, The Year of Battles, p. 280.

3 4 Whitton, Moltke. p. 295.

Ibid.. p. 287. 36 Dispatches from the office of the Minister of War to Camille de Polignac, October 20 and November 24, 1870, in Polignac War Papers. 2 0 2

Gambetta planned to force his way into Paris before the Prussian reinforcements from Metz could arrive* But the commander of his army, a

Bonapartist general, D'AUrelle de Paladine, reputed to be ruthless, was hesitant. He insisted that his troops were unfit for such an enterprise.

Instead of moving against Paris he took up a position north of Orleans where he waited for reinforcements and prepared to meet the attack of one 37 of Prussia's ablest generals, Prince Frederic Charles.

From November 28 through December 4 th e French and P ru ssia n armies fought a series of battles in front of Orleans. The only important

engagement that Polignac's brigade took part in was on November 28 at the

town of Beaune la Rolande. In a six-hour battle the French were unable

to take the town occupied by the enemy. The sources do not indicate the movements of either Polignac or his brigade during the battle. The 38 records point out only that the Prince “gained great distinction, 11 and that by his "courageous conduct, . . . his composure and decisive 39 spirit he attracted attention to himself." As aommander of a brigade,

Polignac's role was not important enough to be mentioned by the

chroniclers of the battles. At any rate, after six days of heavy but

sporadic fighting, the Germans cut the French army in two and forced it

to fall back to the Loire. The Germans immediately occupied Orleans and 40 prepared to drive against the divided army.

37 McCabe, Germany and France, p. 465; Brockett, The Year of Battles, pp. 303-304. 38 Courtivron, "Camille de Polignac," p. 2, in Polignac Papers. 39 Rouchon, "prince de Polignac," in Polignac War Papers. 40 B ro ck ett, The Year o f B a ttle s , pp. 308, 311, 327; McCabe, Germany and France, pp. 490, 492; Melville D. Landon, The Franco-Prussian War in a Nutshell (New York: G. W. Carleton and Co., 1962), p. 429. 203

Gambetta had wasted his half-prepared army in the fruitless attempt to advance on Paris* After reorganizing his forces, carving two armies out of the Army of the Loire, he dispersed his troops as widely 41 as possible in order to prevent them from being captured by the Germans*

General Charles Bourbaki, an old professional soldier with the re­ putation of being a fighter, was given command of the First Army of the

Loire. Polignac now commanding the First Division, Twentieth Army Corps, 42 was assigned to Bourbaki1s army*

In late December, Bourbaki, at Bourges, a town fifty miles south of Orleans, was ordered to move his army by railroad almost 200 miles to the east* His mission was to attack the Germans besieging Belfort, the only remaining fortress city held by the French* Belfort was located in the Alsace and Lorraine region near the Switzerland frontier* A second objective was to cut off German lines of communication in that 43 sector*

Earlier the Germans had agreed to an armistice only if the rich provinces along her western border, Alsace and Lorraine, were given up by the French* The Government of National Defense had refused to give up these provinces* Thus Gambetta knew that the loss of Belfort would mean the loss of Alsace and Lorraine, and this would be a blow to French 44 p restig e *

He believed that his army would have little difficulty in breaking

^ B r o c k e tt, The Year o f B a ttle s * p* 327*

^^olignac, "Journal M ilitaire," December 11, 1870, in Polignac War Papers*

^^Brockett, The Year of B attles, pp* 327, 346; McCabe, Germany and F rance, p* 521* . ^ B r o c k e tt, The Year o f B a ttle s * p* 346* the siege at Belfort because there were only 60,000 German troops in the 45 area* Bourbaki had at least 100,000 men in his army*

Bourbaki, however, was not as aggressive as Gambetta thought,

and upon arriving in the theater of operations he became hesitant.

Fearing that numbers would count for little against veterans, he spent 46 more time maneuvering than fighting. Polignac believed that the Stench

with superior numbers, should attack before the enemy could bring up 47 reinforcements* He was not, however, in a position to influence

command decisions*

Nevertheless, in mid-January General Bourbaki^ troops engaged

the Prussians in a number of battles near Belfort. Polignac*s division

took part in several of these fights, the most notable being the Battle

of Villersexel on January 9, for which he received the Cross of the 48 Legion of Honor for gallantry* Here again the records do not indicate

his movements during the battle*

At any rate, the German veterans proved to be too much for the

poorly equipped raw French levies. On January 18 Bourbaki had had enough

45 Polignac, "Journal M ilitaire," December 31, 1870, in Polignac War P ap ers; McCabe, Germany and France, p . 522*

^6 Polignac, "Journal M ilitaire," January 12, 1871, in Polignac War Papers; McCabe, Germany and France* p* 522; Field Marshal Count Hel­ mut h Karl Bernhard Gray von Moltke, The Franco-German War of 1870-71* Trans* Clara Bell and Henry W. Fisher, II (New York: Harper and Brothers 1892), p. 337. ^Polignac, "Journal M ilitaire," January 12, 1871, in Polignac War P ap ers.

^8Ibid*, January 9, 1871; Courtivron, "Camille de Polignac," p* 3 in Polignac Papers; see also article about Polignac*s military service in the Franco-Prussian War, from an unidentified newspaper, n* d., in Polignac War Papers* Hereafter cited as Pollgnac's m ilitary service, in Polignac War Papers. 205 his troops were “greatly demoralized, and scarcely capable of making an 49 effective resistance*" He began retreating immediately toward Dole, a town about fifty miles southwest of Belfort* On January 24, after learning that another German army had moved up to Dole and was blocking his line of retreat, Bourbaki, in despair, made an unsuccessful attempt to take 50 his own life*

He was replaced by General Clinchamp, who immediately turned the army in a southeasterly direction toward the Jura Mountains* His des­ tination was Pontarlier, a town across the mountains near the Swiss border* The French soldiers, harried all the way by the Prussians, floundered knee-deep in the snow as they crossed the mountains* But they did not move fast enough to prevent the Germans from cutting them 51 off from Pontarlier* Once again the escape route was blocked*

Clinchamp now had two choices; he could either surrender or he could lead his army, about 85,000, into internment in neutral Switzerland*

The Swiss Federal government agreed to give refuge to the French if they laid down their guns and surrendered after crossing the frontier* Clin­ champ agreed, and on February 1, his half-starved troops began crossing the border at the village of Travers; by the third the whole army was in 52 Switzerland* One witness gave the following description of the defeated army as it crossed the frontier:

/The soldiers/ with uniforms worn and torn • • • dragged themselves along, rather than marched* • • • The sight of

49 McCabe* Germany and F ran ce* p* 524* 50 Ibid. * pp. 523-524.

51Ib ld .

5 2Ibld. * p. 525. 206

the miseries of this army made lookers-on shutter* Sick by thousands; the dying breathing their death-rattle amid the snows; some having lost their toes by frost; others falling victim to the typhus or other maladies; everywhere a racking cough; dead horses encumbering the road—such were the sights and sounds encountered every moment . 5 3

One soldier's response to an officer who had given him an order 54 was: "Since we have passed the frontier we are no longer in the service*"

The war was now over* Earlier, on January 28, Paris, facing starvation and riots, surrendered after four months of siege*

The capital held out until the daily bread ration had been reduced to 300 grammes, • • • Horse meat was selling at 12 francs ($2*40) per pound (500 grammes), but a person was allowed to buy only 30 grammes per day* Bats were w orth 2 francs apiece* The lions, elephants, and giraffes in the menagerie had long since been served up in exclusive restaurants* Firewood and coal had become exhausted in a winter so severe that wine froze in the vats* 7oung children were dying by hundreds for lack of milk, and of course th e m o rta lity among th e in v a lid s and th e o ld was f r i g h tf u l . 55

The preliminary treaty was signed on February 26, 1871* France lost Alsace and Lorraine and was forced to pay a huge indemnity of five

billion francs in gold (one billion dollars).

The available records indicate that Polignac was sincerely in­

terested in the welfare of his troops* During the campaign they had

suffered greatly from the march in the snow and ice and from sleeping

on the frozen ground* Polignac had raised their spirits with noble

53Ibid., pp. 525-526*

5 4Ibid., p. 528. 55 Davis, History of France* p, 510*

^6 Polignac, "Journal M ilitaire," December 31, 1870, January 4, 14, 1871; Eouchon, "prince de Polignac,'• "Polignac*s m ilitary service," in Polignac War Papers. . . and patriotic language, urging them on and praising them for their 57 ability to endure such hardships*

He had done all that he could to keep his men prepared for battle*

He had "had new m ilitary equipment distributed" and according to one of his officers, a Major Roche des Breux: "thanks to him/the Prince/ the

Mobiles de la Haute Loire were the only Mobiles to wear red uniform 58 trousers and carry the *Chassepot guns*1"

The troops had probably performed well in combat* In an article from an unidentified newspaper, the author, referring to the Sixty-

Seventh Regiment, which was part of Polignac*s division, wrote that the 59 unit "remained at heart throughout the campaign a model regiment*"

One of Polignac*s officers wrote: "the officers and men of his division have been able to appreciate his splendid calmness during action, and GO his determination when in command."

Polignac seems to have been satisfied with his men's performance*

On January 25 he commended them fo r t h e i r conduct in th e rec en t engage-

f i * i ments* Later, after the war was lost, he told them that they had done

57 Rouchon, "prince de Polignac," in Polignac War Papers. 58 Hedwige de Polignac, Les Polignac. p. 250; Polignac, "Journal M ilitaire," January 4, 1871, Dispatch from the office of the Minister of War to Camille de Polignac, October 13, 1870, in Polignac War Papers. 59 "Polignac*s m ilitary service , 11 in Polignac War Papers# 60 Hedwige de Polignac, Les Polignac. p. 250; Rouchon, "prince de Polignac," in Polignac War Papers* The war papers also contain a number of letters written by Polignac*s officers praising him as a commander* fiT "Polignac*s m ilitary service," in Polignac's War Papers. 208 their best| but he insisted that there would always remain "the consola­ tion of bringing back our flag unconquered, soiled only by the dust of the battlefield , " 62

With the conclusion of peace, Polignac resigned his commission.

On March 25, 1871, at Saint Claude, a town on the French frontier near 03 Lake Geneva, Switzerland, he assembled the troops to bid them farewell.

In a stirring speech he praised the soldiers for their efforts and tried to ease the pains of defeat:

During the long and hard campaign, undertaken for the most saintly of causes, the defense of our country, I have been witness to your perserverance, to your unwillingness to give up, to your hardships, to your struggles and to your sufferings. During the long and painful march in snow and ice, and the tumult of battle in the face of murderous cannon, to the lonely front line, near the pale fires of the camp, X have seen you at my side *6

"The days we have passed together," he declared, "will always be for me occasions of the most precious memories and most sincere pride."

He pointed out that although the hazards of war had not given them any­ thing for their efforts, they should bow to the designs of Providence.

They should return to their homes and put to use what they had learned from this page in their history. They should reflect on the lessons of the war and, he said: "after having done your duty to your country as 65 brave soldiers, you must as wise citizens rebuild your society."

Polignac*s m ilitary career, which had taken him around the

6 2 I b id .

63 I b id .

6 4 I b id .

6 5 lb id . world as a participant in three wars, had come to an end* There would be other wars in other places, but they would not attract his Interest*

Although he was only thirty-nine years old, Camille de Polignac would not take up arms again to fight—he had seen his last battlefield as a soldier CHAPTER XII

"Their voices are hushed, hut their memory shall live"

Polignac had inherited a great deal of money from his parents and was able to spend the remainder of his life in the pursuit of leisure.

Thus he returned to his first love, mathematics, attending mathematical congresses where he was treated as an 'equal by the world's leading mathematicians.

Furthermore, the end of his military career did not terminate his friendship with his comrades at arms, particularly those friends he had made during the American Civil War. He continued to correspond with some to the very end of his life in 1913; and he personally contacted many of the Confederates who had, after the fall of the Confederacy, fled to France or England.

The John Slidells were among his Parisian friends. Slidell's oldest daughter, Mathilde, married the Baron Emile Erlanger of Paris.

During his numerous visits to the Erlangers, Polignac met and fell in love with one of their relatives, Marie Langenberger. She, like Camille, had a great love and appreciation for music. 1

Camille and Marie were married on November 4, 1874, at Ingelheim, the estate of Baron Wilhelm Erlanger near Frankfort, Germany. The

Folignacs were happily married for fourteen months; a ll seemed well, and

^The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron, "Notes on Prince Camille de Polignac," Paris, Ftance, 1966, p. 1, in Polignac Papers.

210 211 they were eagerly expecting their first child. But tragedy struck when

Marie died after giving birth to a daughter} Armande. Marie was twenty-

four years old . 2

The tragedy was such a shock that Polignac does not seem to ever have quite gotten over it. For the remainder of his life he showed great concern for the health of his family as well as his own. He never com­ plained about his illness and did not permit his family to inquire about it, even though they knew that he often did not feel well. They knew

from reading his diary, that he had had severe headaches during the Civil

War and that these headaches continued. But they did not dare to question him about his health. For reasons of health, he would not eat butter or 3 drink milk, but he never explained the reason for his abstinence.

After Marie*s death Polignac took the pen and "put some of his love and sorrow in a poem" dedicated to his daughter, Armande.

To My Daughter Age Two

You who in your sky have a past without regrets, A present without fear, Who have at your table no empty seats, No lights turned out. Rejoice in the Lord!*

Camille had two remaining brothers, Ludovic and Edmond. Alphonse, the oldest, had died in 1863 at the young age of thirty-seven. Since

Ludovic remained in Africa most of the time, Edmond became a great com­ forter and companion to Camille in the years following his wife*s untimely

^ Ib id .

^The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton, February 16, 1965, in Polignac Papers. 4 Courtivron, "Notes on Camille de Polignac," p. 2, in Polignac P a p e rs. 212 d e a th ,8

Edmond) the musician and composer) had much the same Interests as Camille, Armande grew up with her father and uncle "in an atmosphere o£ tenderness and music, . • ," In the family tradition) she learned to speak French, English, and German. Armande was an "exceptional, high- strung child," who like many of her ancestors had a natural talant for 0 music. At the age of four she was able to compose themes on the piano.

Raising a motherless child was a difficult task, and in 1883, seven years after Marie*s death, Camille married an English girl,

Margaret Elizabeth Knight, who was a close friend of the Pollgnac family.

Margaret's mother, Jessie Anne Ramsey, had married Camille's cousin,

Count Alexandre de Polignac, who died of diptheria shortly after their marriage leaving his wife childless. Jessie later married Charles

Allanson Knight. They had two children, Charles Morley, and Margaret, 7 Camille's second wife.

Margaret was only eighteen, while her husband, Camille, was fifty-one. They were married on May 5, 1883, in St. George Church, 8 Hanover Square, London, near the home of Margaret's mother.

At the time Camille lived in Paris, but he "had no country seat."

After the birth of their first child, a daughter, Constance Mabel, in

1885, Polignac decided that the time had come to find a permanent home g in the country where the family might enjoy riding, driving, and shooting.

5I b id .

6Ibid., pp. 2-3. 7 Ib ld «f p* 3«

8I b id . g I b id . , JP

The family traveled extensively trying to find an estate that would be appropriate and appealing* They found nothing In southern France or northern Italy. Finally in Austria they discovered, "in the province of Carniola, the beautiful scenery and enjoyable summer mountain climate of the valley of the river Sava. ..." The valley lay between the Julian and Carinthian Alps. Completely satisfied, they decided that this would be their permanent home. Polignac purchased a country estate, where he

"felt he could give his family the same sort of happy life he and his brothers and sister had enjoyed in Bavaria during his father's exile from France. " 1 3

The name of the estate was "Podvin" or literally translated,

"under the vine" (Pol Vinum). The property may have belonged to the

Prince Bishops of Austria, for in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Bishops held ecclesiastic territory in parts of Carniola. The enormous country house had spacious rooms, and each was filled with large oil paintings. 1 1

Hanging in the drawing room was a huge painting of Pharoah's daughter and her maidens finding Hoses in the bullrushes. In the dining room hung a beautiful painting of a stag hunt. Every room in the house 12 was filled with paintings depicting either Biblical or,.hunting scenes.

The furniture, selected by Polignac, came from the Louis XV period and 13 had to be transported from France*

1 QIb id .

n i b l d .

1 2 Ibid., p. 5.

1 3 I b id . The family spent many happy hours in the drawing room which con­

tained four huge gilt armchairs of red silk, placed near a piano with

Polignac's violin lying on it. When the Prince played his violin, Mar- 14 garet always accompanied him on the piano. As a family man Polignac:

. . . was a tender and loving husband and father. He taught his children to value the same high principles and ideals for which he fought and in which he sincerely be­ lieved. He instilled in them a love of the Confederacy^ and from him they learned of Southern hospitality, /and/ Southern loyalty. 1 5

The library, which they called the "green room," was adjacent to

th e drawing room. Polignac sp en t many th o u g h tfu l hours h ere among h is

books, working mathematical problems, and keeping up his correspondence.

There was also a large glass case in the library containing the sword

given to him by Governor Allen of Louisiana as well as the relics he had

collected from the Civil War and the Pranco-Prussian Weir.

According to Polignac's daughter, Agnes, (Marquise de Crequi

Montfort de Courtlvron, 1887- ), her father never slept longer them

four hours at a time. He always worked very late at night on his mathe­ matical problems and would get up early in the morning, make his own

coffee, and get back to work. Agnes says as a small child she would

14 I b id . . p . 6 . In August, 1914, at the outbreak of World War I, the Polignac family was forced to flee from Austria to Iteily. After the war they returned only to lose the estate as a result of World War II. The Marquise writes: "the furniture, pictures, linen, books, etc . . . which were not stolen during the German occupation of the country in 1940, were confiscated by the Communist government of Tito in 1944." 15 "Major General Prince Camille de Polignac," C. S. A.," United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine. XX, p. 22. X6 Courtivron, "Notes on Camille de Polignac," p. 5, in Polignac P ap ers. 215 "creep out of bed early and go to keep him company." Sometimes the maid would prepare toast, and Camille and his daughter would have toast and olivet cheese together. On the other hand, Margaret clung to many of the

English customs, one of which was to rise later in the day than her husband. This, however, did not bother Camille for he liked to spend time 17 alone contemplating a mathematical problem.

The people of Carniola were Slovenes and spoke a dialect related to Russian. Polignac quickly learned the language and endeared himself to the natives. This was important, for during the latter part of the nineteenth century the Slav countries, under Austrian rule, w'efe fighting for recognition of their native tongue in the universities to supplement the official German language. Agnes points out that many country people said: "If the Prince de Polignac speaks to us in our own language, why 18 do the Austrian officials disdain to do so?"

One of the family*s favorite pastimes was traveling, and in 1887, a few months after the birth of Agnes, Polignac decided to take his family to Constantinople where he had spent some time during the Crimean

War. Carefully choosing the most scenic route, they journeyed leisurely 19 down the Danube River by way of Budapest to Constantinople.

Polignac often traveled to the various Austrian provinces seeking riding and driving horses for his stable. One of his great pleasures was his daily ride, a habit that continued until he was very old. His wife Margaret preferred to drive about in her open Victorian-style

17 The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton, February 16, 1965, in Polignac Papers. 18 Courtivron, "Notes on Camille de Polignac," pp. 5-6, in Polignac Papers. 19 I b id . . p. 6 . 216 20 carriage. The children also had their own ponies. The Carniola winters were very severe and the Polignacs usually left their estate sometime in

October to spend the winter with their grandmother at hor Chateau de la

Source-du-Loiret in France} near Orleans. The children enjoyed the winter with their grandmother, and Camille and Margaret enjoyed the Chateau 21 because Orleans was near Paris.

In 1899 the Polignac*s had a son, Victor Mansfield, named after the Civil War battle at Mansfield, Louisiana. After Victor*s birth the

Polignacs spent their winters at their grandmother's home on the Riviera, 22 Cannes, France, which was called the "Villa Jessie."

♦ ...... Frequently Camille traveled alone. He often went to Germany to visit his scholarly friends and in April, 1908, he went to Rome to assist at a mathematical congress. Throughout his life he "was devoted to mathematics and the problems he studied wore his greatest interest. • 23 • ." He was a member o f th e Sotaietet Mathamatifeque de France and th e 24 Soteiete? Philomatihue de Paris.

Polignac "had to the extreme the sense and love of justice."

During the Dreyfus affair in 1894, when France was divided over the question of whether or not this Jewish officer was guilty of treason, 2 Polignac defended Dreyfus and fought for his acquittal and rehabilitation.

20 Ibid., p. 7.

2 1 Ib id .

2 2I b id .

2 3 I b i d ., p . 8 . 24 Translation of "Le Prince Camille de Polignac," The Fiagro. November 19, 1913, in Marcus J. Wright Papers. 25 Courtivron, "Notes on Camille de Polignac," p.8 , in Polignac P ap ers. Again, during the Boer War in 1900, Polignac opposed the English and Scottish members of the family and took his stand with the Boers*

Said an observer: "had he been younger, / he_/ would have gone to aid them in their struggle against, what he considered, British aggression."

Polignac never knew the agonies often associated with old age*

He remained mentally alert and physically active to the very end of his life* He also kept up his correspondence with those comrades who were still living* On October 6 , 1913, shortly before his death, he wrote his friend General Marcus J. Wright and expressed continuing love for the South and the war he had participated in many years earlier* He w rote:

And now a last Farewell to the companions of the Southern cause* Their voices are hushed, but their memory shall live in the Southern land and incite her sons to the exercise of civic virtues, and even when the echo of the peans sung in their very names and deeds shall have paled under the thick veil of oblivion which the ruthless hand of Time spreads over the world, yet in all countries and at all times, many independent Thinkers, m oralists, phi­ losophers, economists, conscientious searchers in the annals of history after the moving springs of men*s aims and actions, will in their weighty meditations be moved to a sympathetic recognition of the abstractedly imperish­ able principles upon which the Southern cause was estab­ lished, and thus implicitly render to its long departed Defenders the silent Homage Of Thoughts u n s p o k e n .™

A few weeks latex} on November 15, 1913, Polignac died suddenly of cerebral edema. He and his entire family were at the house of his 28 daughter Mabel, the Comtesse Michel de Pierredon in Paris*

The funeral mass "was attended by servants as well as men of

26 Ibid. * p. 9. 27 Camille de Polignac to General Marcus J. Wright, October 6 , 1913, in Marcus J. Wright Papers. 28 Courtivron, "Notes on Camille de Polignac," p. 10, in Polignac every intellectual, military and aristocratic milieus*1' Polignac*s body was taken to Frankfort, Germany, where he was buried in the family vault 29 of his first wife*

On November 19, 1913, the obituary in the Paris newspaper, The

Figaro, gave the following description of Camille de Polignac:

He had the highest sense possible of justice and honour* Everyone loved to consult this real great gentleman (in the fullest sense of the word) who was a friend on whose delicacy and sure judgement one could always rely* He was a brilliant talker and no one could tell a story better than he did* All those who approached him were under the spell of his wonderful personality and none who met him ever forgot the blue eyes in which kindness and intelligence equally shone* Love of work was to him a religion, a religion of which he ever was the most faithful and firm disciple*30

Camille de Polignac had lived a full and eventful life and he died satis­ fied that he had always fought on the side of truth and justice*

Shortly before his death the Prince requested that the sword of honor given to him by Governor Allen be donated to the Confederate

Museum in Richmond, Virginia* Accordingly, on January 14, 1918, the 31 sword was p resen ted to the museum by h is d aughter, Agnes*

Polignac's service to the Confederacy was not forgotten by the descendants o f h is former comrades i n arms* Today th e re i s a monument a t the Mansfield Park, Mansfield, Louisiana, dedicated to the "Lafayette of the South," with the inscription: "Here General Mouton fell. Here Prince

Camille de Polignac sprang to the head of the troops to take the fallen leader's place and bear them to victory*"

29 I b id *

30 Translation of "Le Prince Camille de Polignac," The Figaro. November 19, 1913, in Marcus J* Wright Papers*

The Princess de Polignac to General Marcus J* Wright, December 16, 1913, in Marcus J* Wright Papers* CHAPTER XIII

Conclusion

Camille de Polignac was a romantic figure from a romantic age—-the nineteenth century* He was versatile and talented and received recognition as a scholar, engineer, soldier, mathematician, and musician*

He was of noble birth, descended from a family of rebels with a history of involvement in political affairs in France. He was born into an environment in which he was taught that a man should have a purpose in life and that he should stand on his principles regardless of the outcome*

The French nobility was essentially military in its outlook, and its young men traditionally risked their lives on the battlefield to win distinction and glory. It was only normal that Camille, a member of this aristocracy, would follow that tradition. A true believer in

’•F ate , 11 he assumed that it was his destiny to be a great battle captain and did everything possible to help his "Fate 11 along*

Unlike his two brothers, Camille did not have the benefit of a m ilitary education* Forced to join the French army as a common soldier, he soon won distinction in the trenches of Sevastopol during the Crimean War* In combat he was brave to the point of being reckless and seemed to care little for his own life* This display of courage on the battlefield was repeated in both the American Civil War

219 220 and the Franco-Prussian War.

Although the prospect of a distinguished m ilitary career was certainly a factor that induced Polignac to join the Confederacy, it was not his only motive. He believed in the cause for which he was fighting. "We live and die," he once wrote, "in the spirit of what we believe to be the truth and for which we are prepared to sacrifice e v ery th in g . " 1

Polignac was a man who believed in the principle of states' rights. But obviously, the triumph or failure of states' rights in

America could not have affected his life m aterially. Therefore he must have been motivated by principle, as well as by the compelling desire for distinction, in travelling to a strange land to fight, and to die if need be, for the Southern cause. This distinguishing characteristic was displayed in all aspects of his life. He assumed responsibility as he saw it, while maintaining a family tradition. At the same time, there were, of course, many subtle and complex forces that shaped the life and thought of a man such as Polignac, and which were as powerful as they were perhaps unconscious.

Among the thousands of foreigners who fought in the American

Civil War, Camille de Polignac, with the distinguished title of prince, was one of the few aliens who rose high enough in rank to effect sig­ nificantly the outcome of battles and campaigns. Furthermore, at the age of thirty-two, he was one of the youngest generals in the war; and he was the only person owing allegiance to a foreign country who attained the rank of major general in either the Confederate or Union army.

telephone interview with Victor Mansfield de Polignac, April 16, 1964. 221

Certainly Polignac's title opened many doors that might other­

wise have been closed. He did not hesitate to use his social position

for personal advantage; and he promoted his interest whenever possible,

in the field as well as in the Confederate capital at the "court" of

President Davis.

Polignac was shrewd and calculating, and depending upon the

situation, he could either be aristocratic, arrogant, or aggressive, or

he could be democratic, humble, and reserved. His method of securing

favors, however, was typical of the TVench nobility; it was the

accepted way to obtain promotions in the French army. In resorting to

such practices, the Prince was only following a tradition of his class.

It would be erroneous, however, to assume that Polignac was

given his rank because of his title and social position alone. It is

true that his first appointment of lieutenant colonel in 1861 was a courtesy commission, out of deference to his title. The other promotions in rank, however, were based primarily on merit.

He had the basic personal qualities required to be a good com­ mander--knowledge, intelligence, and courage. But he had a problem of adjustment—learning how to deal with citizen soldiers and getting the opportunity to demonstrate his military ability. He worked hard to prove that he was deserving of high rank.

It is remarkable that this polished Frenchman was able to come to the Confederacy and become a high ranking general. To do this he had to overcome a language problem and win the confidence and respect of southern farm boys who were naturally prejudiced and suspicious of foreigners. It was not an easy task, but by 1864 he had overcome all obstacles and had become a good commander. More than that, and most 222

remarkable, he was able to give patriotic speeches that inspired his

men to fight for their country.

During th e war Polignac never commanded more th an 2,000 men in

battle. Therefore, it is impossible to say what he might have done

with a larger force. He did, however, become a good commander at the

division level. He had performed well; in every engagement in which he

was either a participant or in command, he displayed such qualities

of leadership, courage, and gallantry, that he was praised by his

superior officers.

Polignac's contribution to the Confederate cause was limited

primarily to the Trans-Mississippi Department, and in particular to

the battles at Mansfield and Pleasant Hill, Louisiana. In these battles

he played an important role in repulsing the Federals, and thus helped

save northwestern Louisiana and east Texas from occupation. But it is also significant that in Polignac*s military career and in his attitudes one sees how foreign participants in general responded to a conflict that was basically America's civil war.

In the Franco-Prussian War Polignac hoped to apply the knowledge he had learned during the Civil War; but his opinions, altnough m ilitarily sound, were too radical for the conservative French. France would not have won the war, but it is not unreasonable to speculate that if flambetta would have taken Polignac's advice, perhaps they could have gotten a better peace treaty. Nevertheless, Polignac served his country to the best of his ability. He distinguished himself in battle and became a major general.

At the end of the Franco-Prussian War Polignac closed a m ilitary 223 career that had taken him around the world. He was only thirty-nine years old, young enough to fight in other wars. But now there were no causes for which he was willing to give his life to defend. France was not involved in a major war until 1914, the year after he died.

Camille de Polignac never reached his goals; his achievements, although impressive, were never what he thought they should have been.

But there is no evidence of frustration in the years after he ceased being a soldier. He accepted defeat without resentment and bitterness.

Having failed to achieve his "destiny," but satisfied that he had done his best, he bowed before his "Fate." BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. Primary Sources:

A. Manuscripts in .possession of the author:

Courtivron, The Marquise de Crequi Montfort de. '’Biographical notes of Prince de Polignac,” Paris, Prance, 1962. 3 pp.

. "Biographical sketch of Prince de Polignac.” Paris, IVance., 1962. 10 pp.

. "Notes on Prince Camille de Polignac to his brother Alphonse." Paris, Prance., n, d., 2 pp.

. "Notes on Prince Camille de Polignac," Paris, France., 1966., 10 pp.

"Les lettres de la princesse de Polignac, 1844-1862." There are approximately 200 letters in this collection. Originals in the possession of Comtesse Jeanne d'Oilliamson, Paris, France.

Letters of the Marquise de Crequi Montfort de Courtivron to Roy Hatton, 1962-1969. There are eighteen letters in this collection.

B. Manuscripts in Univft-rqjty and other libraries:

Camille de Polignac*s Diary of the War between the States. Micro­ film copy in Russell Library, Northwestern State College, Natchitoches, Louisiana.

Camillus J. Polignac PLle. War Department Collection of Confederate Records, National Archives, Washington, D. C.

C. A. J. M. Polignac Letters, 1844-1867. Microfilm copy in Louisiana State University Library, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

C. A. J. M. Polignac /War/ Papers. Microfilm copy in Louisiana State University Library, Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

C. E. Cloutier Manuscript Collection. Russell Library, Northwestern State College, Natchitoches, Louisiana.

Felix Pierre Pochtf Diary, M-1925. Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel H ill, North Carolina. 224 General and Staff Officers File, Confederate States of America, War Department Collection of Confederate Records, National Archives, Washington, D, C,

George W, Guess Letters, 1861-1865, Louisiana Verticals File, Louisiana Room, Louisiana State University Library, Baton Rouge, L o u isian a.

Letter from Prince Camille de Polignac to P, G, T, Beauregard, March 22, 1861, M ansfield Museum, M ansfield, L o u isian a,

Letters Received by the Confederate Adjutant and Inspector General, January-April, 1862 and October-December, 1863, National Archives W ashington, D, C,

Marcus J, Wright Papers ;£L044, Southern Historical Collection, Uni­ versity of North Carolina Library, Chapel H ill, North Carolina,

Register of Appointments, Confederate States Army, Confederate Archives, National Archives, Washington, D, C,

"Reply of Maj, Gen, Polignac." Louisiana Historical Collection, Manuscripts Section, Tulane University Library, New Orleans, L o u isian a,

C. Government P u b lic a tio n s:

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Davis, J. B. "The Life of Richard Taylor,’1 Louisiana Historical Quarterly, XXIV (January, 1941), pp. 40-126.

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. "Camille de Polignac: A Prince among the Confederates," The Kentucky Register. LXVI (January, 1968), pp. 65-74.

Lemay, Judge Harry J. "General de Polignac," United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine. XXXIV (January, 1963), p. 12.

"Major General Prince Camille de Polignac, C. S. A." United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine. XX (January, 1957), pp. 14-15, 19, 22 . Pierredon, Count Michel de. "Major General C. J. Polignac, C. S. A.," Confederate Veteran. XXII (September, 1914), p. 389.

C. Newspapers:

Dallas Morning News. January 21, 1963.

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Washington Post. March 14, 19, 1901.

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D. O ther so u rces:

Telephone interview with Victor Mansfield de Polignac, New Orleans, Louisiana, April 16, 1964. VITA

The author was horn In Steele, Missouri, December 29, 1936*

He received his primary and secondary education in the public school at Newellton, Louisiana. He received the Bachelor of Arts degree in

1960 and the Master of Arts degree in 1963 from Northwestern State

College of Louisiana. He attended graduate school at Louisiana State

University from 1963 to 1965. He is presently employed as an assistant professor of history at Murray State University, Murray, Kentucky. EXAMINATION AND THESIS REPORT

Candidate: Roy Odell Hatton

Major Field: History

Title of Thesis: Prince Camille De Polignac: The Life of a Soldier

Approved:

I ' i„ / Major Professor and Chairman

- r ■ - & - & Dean of the Graduate School

EXAMINING COMMITTEE:

Date of Examination:

June 19, 1970