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Should Academic Unions Get Involved in Governance?
STANLEY ARONOWITZ Should Academic Unions Get Involved in Governance? THE STEADY CORPORATIZATION of American the signs that some administrators are prepared higher education has threatened to relegate to use political and ideological criteria in tenure faculty governance, never strong, to the his- cases, and the thorny question of who owns torical archive. In the twentieth century, many the intellectual property generated by faculty scholars—notably Thorstein Veblen, Robert S. innovations? In short, how can we defend the FEATURED TOPIC Lynd, C. Wright Mills, and Richard Hofstadter— fragile institutions of academic freedom? The deplored the tendency conventional answer is faculty senates and for boards of trustees councils, of course. Didn’t the Harvard faculty and high-level administrators to concentrate succeed in driving its sitting president from The past quarter power in their own hands and for corporations office? Haven’t faculty assemblies and repre- century has and corporate foundations to play a more sentative bodies voted “no confidence” in errant prominent role in governance of some institu- and arrogant administrators who, when the witnessed a tions of higher learning. Nonetheless, this has pressure has been unbearable, occasionally powerful trend already come to pass. The past quarter century have chosen retirement or resignation rather toward the has witnessed a powerful trend toward the dis- than risking a costly and embarrassing struggle disenfranchisement enfranchisement of faculty. The introduction to keep their jobs? of online degrees in public and private colleges A close examination of these relatively rare of faculty and universities, the reshaping of curricula to instances of the exercise of faculty prerogatives meet particular corporate needs, the systematic through the senates’ collective action would starving of the liberal and fine arts amid the show that most of these occurred in research expansion of technical and business programs, universities and elite private colleges. -
Public Politics/Personal Authenticity
PUBLIC POLITICS/PERSONAL AUTHENTICITY: A TALE OF TWO SIXTIES IN HOLLYWOOD CINEMA, 1986- 1994 Oliver Gruner Thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. University of East Anglia School of Film and Television Studies August, 2010 ©This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that no quotation from the thesis, nor any information derived therefrom, may be published without the author’s prior, written consent. 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 5 Chapter One “The Enemy was in US”: Platoon and Sixties Commemoration 62 Platoon in Production, 1976-1982 65 Public Politics/Personal Authenticity: Platoon from Script to Screen 73 From Vietnam to the Sixties: Promotion and Reception 88 Conclusion 101 Chapter Two “There are a lot of things about me that aren’t what you thought”: Dirty Dancing and Women’s Liberation 103 Dirty Dancing in Production, 1980-1987 106 Public Politics/Personal Authenticity: Dirty Dancing from Script to Screen 114 “Have the Time of Your Life”: Promotion and Reception 131 Conclusion 144 Chapter Three Bad Sixties/ Good Sixties: JFK and the Sixties Generation 146 Lost Innocence/Lost Ignorance: Kennedy Commemoration and the Sixties 149 Innocence Lost: Adaptation and Script Development, 1988-1991 155 In Search of Authenticity: JFK ’s “Good Sixties” 164 Through the Looking Glass: Promotion and Reception 173 Conclusion 185 Chapter Four “Out of the Prison of Your Mind”: Framing Malcolm X 188 A Civil Rights Sixties 191 A Change -
General Works
THE BRITISH LIBRARY THE AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT A GUIDE TO MATERIALS IN THE BRITISH LIBRARY by Jean Kemble THE ECCLES CENTRE FOR AMERICAN STUDIES ISBN: 0-7123-4417-9 CONTENTS Introduction General Works Phases of the Movement Origins School Desegregation Bus Boycotts Sit-ins Freedom Rides Voter Registration and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 Black Power Civil Rights Organisations SNCC SCLC CORE NAACP National Urban League Participants in the Movement Students/Youths Whites in the Movement Women in the Movement Biographies and Autobiographies The Federal Government Executive Legislative Legal/Judicial States Alabama Arkansas Florida Georgia Louisiana Mississippi North Carolina Tennessee Virginia Washington, DC Other States Other Topics Leadership Martin Luther King, Jr. Malcolm X Public Opinion White Reaction Political Consequences Social and Economic Consequences Music of the Movement INTRODUCTION The Eccles Centre for American Studies in the British Library was established in 1991 both to promote the Library’s North American collections through bibliographical guides and exhibitions and to respond to enquiries from students, academics and the general public concerning all aspects of American history, literature and culture. During the last six years the civil rights movement of the 1950-60s has proved to be one of the most popular areas of research, particularly among undergraduates and sixth-form students. The enquiries have covered many different aspects of the movement: school desegregation, bus boycotts, sit-ins, marches, the involvement of white northern college students, the actions of individuals such as Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King, Jr., and the reactions of white southerners and the federal government. This guide will facilitate research on these topics and many others. -
Faculty Guide 2021-2022
Faculty Administration JUDITH KELLEY: Dean, Sanford School of Public Policy; ITT/Terry Sanford Professor of Public Policy; Professor of Political Science, Bass Fellow PhD (Public Policy), Harvard University, 2001 Pronouns: She/her/hers Faculty Guide 2021-2022 Research: International relations and institutions; international law and norms; international election mon- itoring; democracy promotion; human rights; human This academic year, the Sanford School of trafficking; the role of external actors in domestic political reforms Public Policy celebrates 50 years since the CORINNE M. KRUPP: Associate Dean for Academic founding of the public policy program Programs; Professor of the Practice of Public Policy at Duke University in 1971. The Sanford PhD (Economics), University of Pennsylvania, 1990 Pronouns: She/her/hers School faculty have earned national and inter- Research: International trade policy; antidumping law national recognition for excellence in research, and firm behavior; competition policy; European Union policy engagement and teaching. The school has a diverse mix trade and finance issues; economic development of academic scholars and professors of the practice whose prac- PHILIP M. NAPOLI: Senior Associate Dean for tical experience in top leadership roles enhances the classroom Faculty and Research; James R. Shepley Professor of experience. Faculty members collaborate across disciplines to Public Policy; Director, DeWitt Wallace Center for explore questions relating to income inequality, obesity and Media & Democracy PhD (Mass -
Chapter Three Southern Business and Public Accommodations: an Economic-Historical Paradox
Chapter Three Southern Business and Public Accommodations: An Economic-Historical Paradox 2 With the aid of hindsight, the landmark Civil Rights legislation of 1964 and 1965, which shattered the system of racial segregation dating back to the nineteenth century in the southern states, is clearly identifiable as a positive stimulus to regional economic development. Although the South’s convergence toward national per capita income levels began earlier, any number of economic indicators – personal income, business investment, retail sales – show a positive acceleration from the mid 1960s onward, after a hiatus during the previous decade. Surveying the record, journalist Peter Applebome marveled at “the utterly unexpected way the Civil Rights revolution turned out to be the best thing that ever happened to the white South, paving the way for the region’s newfound prosperity.”1 But this observation poses a paradox for business and economic history. Normally we presume that business groups take political positions in order to promote their own economic interests, albeit at times shortsightedly. But here we have a case in which regional businesses and businessmen, with few exceptions, supported segregation and opposed state and national efforts at racial integration, a policy that subsequently emerged as “the best thing that ever happened to the white South.” In effect southern business had to be coerced by the federal government to act in its own economic self interest! Such a paradox in business behavior surely calls for explanation, yet the case has yet to be analyzed explicitly by business and economic historians. This chapter concentrates on public accommodations, a surprisingly neglected topic in Civil Rights history. -
The Great Refusal: Herbert Marcuse and Contemporary Social Movements
Excerpt • Temple University Press 1 Bouazizi’s Refusal and Ours Critical Reflections on the Great Refusal and Contemporary Social Movements Peter N. Funke, Andrew T. Lamas, and Todd Wolfson The Dignity Revolution: A Spark of Refusal n December 17, 2010, in a small rural town in Tunisia, an interaction that happens a thousand times a day in our world—the encounter Obetween repression’s disrespect and humanity’s dignity—became a flashpoint, igniting a global wave of resistance. On this particular day, a police officer confiscated the produce of twenty-six-year-old street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi and allegedly spit in his face and hit him. Humiliated and in search of self-respect, Bouazizi attempted to report the incident to the municipal government; however, he was refused an audience. Soon there- after, Bouazizi doused himself in flammable liquid and set himself on fire. Within hours of his self-immolation, protests started in Bouazizi’s home- town of Sidi Bouzid and then steadily expanded across Tunisia. The protests gave way to labor strikes and, for a few weeks, Tunisians were unified in their demand for significant governmental reforms. During this heightened period of unrest, police and the military responded by violently clamping down on the protests, which led to multiple injuries and deaths. And as is often the case, state violence intensified the situation, resulting in mounting pressure on the government. The protests reached their apex on January 14, 2011, and Tunisian president Ben Ali fled the country, ending his twenty- three years of rule; however, the demonstrations continued until free elec- tions were declared in March 2011. -
Whose Economic Rights?
City University of New York Law Review Volume 16 Issue 2 Summer 2013 Work, Work, and More Work: Whose Economic Rights? Stanley Aronowitz CUNY Graduate Center Shirley Lang CUNY School of Law Ruthann Robson CUNY School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Stanley Aronowitz, Shirley Lang & Ruthann Robson, Work, Work, and More Work: Whose Economic Rights?, 16 CUNY L. Rev. 391 (2013). Available at: 10.31641/clr160206 The CUNY Law Review is published by the Office of Library Services at the City University of New York. For more information please contact [email protected]. WORK, WORK, AND MORE WORK: WHOSE ECONOMIC RIGHTS? A Conversation Between Professors Stanley Aronowitz† & Shirley Lung †† Moderated by Professor Ruthann Robson††† PROFESSOR RUTHANN ROBSON: Today we have a special treat. This talk is the fourth annual conversation that we’ve done in LEDP,1 in which we match one of CUNY’s Distinguished Professors with one of our own distinguished professors to talk interdisciplinarily about things that we thought about in terms of constitutional rights. The first one that we did featured Frances Fox Piven with Stephen Lof- fredo,2 and they talked about class and thinking about poor people and poor people’s rights. The second one that we did was about healthcare and healthcare as a right—and obviously we were doing that one as healthcare reform was happening—and that was be- † Distinguished Professor of Sociology in the Ph.D. Program in Sociology at the CUNY Graduate Center and Director of the Center for the Study of Culture, Technol- ogy, and Work. -
Stadiums of Status: Civic Development, Race, and the Business of Sports in Atlanta, Georgia, 1966-2019
i Stadiums of Status: Civic Development, Race, and the Business of Sports in Atlanta, Georgia, 1966-2019 By Joseph Loughran Senior Honors Thesis History University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill May 1, 2020 Approved: ___________________________________ Dr. Matthew Andrews, Thesis Advisor Dr. William Sturkey, Reader i Acknowledgements I could not have completed this thesis without the overwhelming support from my mother and father. Ever since I broached the idea of writing a thesis in spring 2019, they not only supported me, but guided me through the tough times in order to create this project. From bouncing ideas off you to using your encouragement to keep pushing forward, I cannot thank the both of you enough. I would also like to thank my advisor, Dr. Matthew Andrews, for his constant support, guidance, and advice over the last year. Rather than simply giving feedback or instructions on different parts of my thesis, our meetings would turn into conversations, feeding off a mutual love for learning about how sports impact history. While Dr. Andrews was an advisor for this past year, he will be a friend for life. Thank you to Dr. Michelle King as well, as her guidance throughout the year as the teacher for our thesis class was invaluable. Thank you for putting up with our nonsense and shepherding us throughout this process, Dr. King. This project was supported by the Tom and Elizabeth Long Excellence Fund for Honors administered by Honors Carolina, as well as The Michel L. and Matthew L. Boyatt Award for Research in History administered by the Department of History at UNC-Chapel Hill. -
The Politics of Identity: Class, Culture, Social Movements / Stanley Aronowitz
~ POLITICS OF VH VHVHVH This page intentionally left blank ~ POLITICS OF M(A'1vM M CLASS, CULTURE, SOCIAL MOVEMENTS STANLEY ARONOWITZ ~l Routledge ~ ~ Taylor & Francis Group New York London Published in 1992 by Routledge 711 ThirdAvenue New York, NY 10017 Published in Great Britain by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint ofthe Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © 1992 by Routledge, Chapman and Hall, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging In Publication Data Aronowitz, Stanley. The politics of identity: class, culture, social movements / Stanley Aronowitz. p. em. Includes index. ISBN 0-415-90436-6 (hard).-ISBN 0-415-90437-4 (pbk.) 1. Social classes-United States. 2. Group identity-United States. 3. Middle classes-United States. 4. Working class-United States. I. Title. HN90.S6A76 1991 305.5'0973-dc20 91-40561 CIP British Library Cataloguing In publication data also available Contents Acknowledgments vii Preface ix Introduction 1 1 The Decline and Rise of Working-Class Identity 10 2 Marx, Braverman, and the Logic of Capital 76 3 On Intellectuals 125 4 Theory and Socialist Strategy 175 5 Working-Class Culture in the Electronic Age 193 6 The White Working-Class and the Transformation of American Politics 210 7 Why Work? 225 8 Postmodernism and Politics 253 Index 273 v This page intentionally left blank Acknowledgments Many people have read, edited and otherwise improved these es says. -
Curriculum Vitae
Peter Bratsis 410 West End Avenue, #5D New York, New York 10024 212-799-3623 [email protected] CURRENT POSITION: Assistant Professor of Political Science (2012-present) Department of Social Sciences Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York EDUCATION: Ph.D. City University of New York, Political Science, 2002 Dissertation: Everyday Life and the State: A Materialist Revision of State Theory Committee: Stanley Aronowitz, John Bowman, David Harvey, Irving Leonard Markovitz and Frances Fox Piven B.A. University of Maryland, Political Science and Economics, 1991 PUBLICATIONS: Books 2006 Everyday Life and the State, Paradigm Publishers. Reviewed in: Cultural Sociology; Constellations; Historical Materialism. a. Spanish translation, forthcoming, Prometeo Libros. 2002 Paradigm Lost: State Theory Reconsidered (edited with Stanley Aronowitz), University of Minnesota Press. Reviewed in: Radical Society; Global Social Policy; Canadian Journal of Political Science; Review of Radical Political Economics; TheGlobalSite. a. Chinese translation, 2008, Jilin People’s Press. Refereed Journal Articles forthcoming “Political Corruption in the Age of Transational Capitalism: From the Relative Autonomy of the State to the White Man’s Burden,” Historical Materialism. a. Spanish translation, forthcoming, Revista Herramienta forthcoming, “Post-Political Sovereignty: Between Markets and Animals,” Critical Sociology. 2010 “Legitimation Crisis and the Greek Explosion,” International Journal for Urban and Regional Research, Vol. 34.1, 190-196. 2010 “Manifesto For A Left Turn: An Aristotelian-Marxist Critique,” Situations, Vol. 3 #2, 91-99. 2010 “The Greek Crisis - Politics, Economics, Ethics: A Debate” (with Etienne Balibar, Kevin Featherstone, Stathis Kouvelakis and Costas Lapavitsas), Journal of Modern Greek Studies, Vol. 28.2, 293-310. Peter Bratsis 2005 “Situations Manifesto” (with Stanley Aronowitz), Situations, Vol. -
Racial Conflict Are U.S
Published by CQ Press, an Imprint of SAGE Publications, Inc. www.cqresearcher.com Racial Conflict Are U.S. policies discriminatory? ac e-centered conflicts in several U.S. cities have led to the strongest calls for policy reforms since the turbulent civil rights era of the 1960s. Propelled R largely by videos of violent police confrontations with African-Americans, protesters have taken to the streets in Chicago, New York and other cities demanding changes in police tactics. meanwhile, students — black and white — at several major universities have pressured school presidents to deal aggressively Demonstrators on Christmas Eve protest an alleged with racist incidents on campus. And activists in the emerging cover-up of a video showing a white Chicago police officer shooting 17-year-old African-American Laquan Black Lives matter movement are charging that “institutional racism” McDonald 16 times. The shooting — and others in which white police officers killed black suspects, often unarmed — has added fuel to a persists in public institutions and laws a half century after legally nationwide debate about systemic racism. sanctioned discrimination was banned. Critics of that view argue that moral failings in the black community — and not institutional racism — e xplain why many African-Americans lack parity with whites in such areas as wealth, employment, housing and educa - I tional attainment. B ut those who cite institutional racism say enor - THIS REPORT N THE ISSUES ......................27 mous socioeconomic gaps and entrenched housing and school S BACKGROUND ..................33 segregation patterns stem from societal decisions that far outweigh I CHRONOLOGY ..................35 individuals’ life choices. D CURRENT SITUATION ..........40 E CQ Researcher • Jan. -
SDS's Failure to Realign the Largest Political Coalition in the 20Th Century
NEW DEAL TO NEW MAJORITY: SDS’S FAILURE TO REALIGN THE LARGEST POLITICAL COALITION IN THE 20TH CENTURY Michael T. Hale A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2015 Committee: Clayton Rosati, Advisor Francisco Cabanillas Graduate Faculty Representative Ellen Berry Oliver Boyd-Barret Bill Mullen ii ABSTRACT Clayton Rosati, Advisor Many historical accounts of the failure of the New Left and the ascendency of the New Right blame either the former’s militancy and violence for its lack of success—particularly after 1968—or the latter’s natural majority among essentially conservative American voters. Additionally, most scholarship on the 1960s fails to see the New Right as a social movement. In the struggles over how we understand the 1960s, this narrative, and the memoirs of New Leftists which continue that framework, miss a much more important intellectual and cultural legacy that helps explain the movement’s internal weakness. Rather than blame “evil militants” or a fixed conservative climate that encircled the New Left with both sanctioned and unsanctioned violence and brutality––like the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) counter intelligence program COINTELPRO that provide the conditions for a unstoppable tidal wave “with the election of Richard M. Nixon in 1968 and reached its crescendo in the Moral Majority, the New Right, the Reagan administration, and neo-conservatism” (Breines “Whose New Left” 528)––the key to this legacy and its afterlives, I will argue, is the implicit (and explicit) essentialism bound to narratives of the “unwinnability” of especially the white working class.