The New Left

By STAUGHTON LYND

ABSTRACT: The American New Left is actually part of an international political tendency. Despite differences in form, student movements of the 1960's in the United States, West Europe, and Japan share common concerns: rejection of both capitalism and bureaucraticcommunism, anti-imperialism, and an activist orientation, violent or nonviolent. The main intel- lectual emphases of the AmericanNew Left appear to be anti- scholasticism, utopianism, and activism, as is illustrated in representative works by two authors whose ideas have greatly influenced the New Left: C. Wright Mills and Howard Zinn. The single most characteristic element in the thought-world of the New Left is the existential commitment to action, in the knowledge that the consequence of action can never be fully predicted; this commitment has survived all changes in political fashion. More concretely, the members of the New Left condemn existing American society as "corporate liberal- ism," and seek to replace it with "participatory democracy." American New Left theorists, however, made the implicit assumption that the United States would not turn toward overt authoritarianism, overlooking the possibility that their own success in unmasking"corporate liberalism" would change the character of the situation and force the Establishment to feel a need for more vigorous controls. The New Left's assessment of American reality was, in this sense, not too negative, but too hopeful. The prospect is not bright, but the trend toward repressiondoes not necessarily mean the end of the New Left. Its origins go back to the thought and action of resistance against the fascism of the 1930's and 1940's. Therefore, the spirit of resistance, perhaps even, possibly, of nonviolent resistance, may yet rise to the occasion.-Ed.

Staughton Lynd, Ph.D., Chicago, Illinois, is Visiting Lecturer, Roosevelt University, 1967-1968. From 1964 to 1967, he was Assistant Professor of History, Yale University, and he directed the Freedom Schools of the Mississippi Summer Project in 1964. He is the author of Nonviolence in America (1966), Class Conflict, Slavery, and the United States Constitution (1967), and Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism (1968); coauthor of The Other Side (1966); and a contributor to various scholarly journals. 64 THE NEW LEFT 65

HAT is the New Left? It may New Reasoner, later merged as The W provisionally be defined as that New Left Review. In China, Mao Tse- movement, largely of young people, as- tung "suddenly changed course." Ac- sociated with the Student Nonviolent cording to a possibly apocryphal anec- Co-ordinating Committee (SNCC) and dote now current in Peking, "he made the Students for a Democratic Society his decision after his journey to the (SDS). But even this common-sense USSR where he was appalled by the definition has obvious limitations. It ideological level of foreign Communist ignores the origins of the New Left in leaders, and realized the ravages that the period before the Southern student bureaucratizationhad made in the Com- sit-ins of 1960. It does not deal ade- munist elite of the European socialist quately with the most recent phase of countries."' In the same year, 1956, the black liberation movement, during contrasting New Left charismas were which SNCC has declined. Above all, it launched in the Western Hemisphere. is restricted to the New Left in one Fidel Castro and his handful of follow- country, the United States. ers landed from the Granma to conquer This American New Left is actually their Cuban homeland, and Martin part of an international political ten- Luther King led the successful bus boy- dency. Differences in form notwith- cott in Montgomery, Alabama. standing, the student movements of the The history of this revitalized Left in 1960's in the United States, West Eu- America is, in its general outline, well rope, and Japan share certain common known. Its political philosophy is more concerns: rejection both of capitalism controversial.2 and of the bureaucratic communism ex- emplified by the Soviet Union; anti- 1 K. S. Karol, "Two Years of the Cultural and an orientation to de- Revolution," The Socialist Register, 1968, ed. imperialism; Miliband and Saville York, "direct violent or Ralph John (New centralized action," 1968), p. 60. nonviolent. And, clearly, such move- 2 The older histories of the movement are ments in the so-called free world are generally by sympathetic part-time or former related to the heretical communisms of participants, rather than by full-time activists. Mao and Fidel In this category are Howard Zinn, SNCC: Tito, Tse-tung, Castro, The New Abolitionists Beacon Press, to the libertarian currents in East Eu- (Boston: 1964); Paul Jacobs and Saul Landau, The rope, and to various versions of "Afri- New Radicals: A Report with Documents can socialism." (New York: Randon\ House, New American The year 1956 offers a convenient Library, 1966); Jack Newfield, A Prophetic for of Minority (New York, 1966); and, in a chronological peg comprehension Richard "The Left. That was more analytical genre, Flacks, the international New Liberated Generation: An Exploration of the the year of Khrushchev's condemna- Roots of Social Protest," Journal of Social tion of Stalin at the Twentieth Congress Issues (July 1967), pp. 52-75. More re- of the Soviet Communist party, and the cently, the activists have begun to write of the Soviet invasion of their own history. See, for example, C. Clark year Hungary. with the assistance of Bob Ross, These events an end to the Kissinger, put "Starting in '60 or From Slid to Resistance," hegemony of Soviet communism in the New Left Notes, June 10-July 8, 1968; and world radical movement. Response was Richard Rothstein, "ERAP: Evolution of the immediate. In France, Jean-Paul Sartre Organizers," Radical America (March-April broke with the French Communist 1968), pp. 1-18. An excellent bibliography is available in three articles by James P. O'Brien, party. In England, former Communists ibid. (May-June 1968), pp. 1-25; (September- and other radicals created the journals October 1968), pp. 1-22; (November-Decem- Universities and Left Review and The ber 1968), pp. 28-43. 66 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICANACADEMY

We are surrounded by solemn, pretentious INTELLECTUALEMPHASES: ANTI- argumentabout what Marx or Machiavelli SCHOLASTICISM,UTOPIANISM, or Rousseaureally meant, about who was AND ACTIVISM right and who was wrong-all of which is another the has of saying: "I In the of the Southern sit- way pedant 1960, year am right and you are wrong." Too much to ins, C. Wright Mills wrote a "Letter of what passes for theoreticaldiscussion of the New Left," first published in Eng- public issues is really a personalduel for land in The New Left Review and then honor or privilege-with each discussant reprinted in America by Studies on the like the characterin Catch-22 who saw Left and SDS. In 1967, the year of every event in the worldas eithera feather massive demonstrations against the in his cap or a black eye-and this while him.4 Vietnam war in New York City and men were dying all around and of black "ri- Washington, bloody According to Zinn and Mills, the al- ots" in Newark and Howard Detroit, legedly nonideological enumeration of Zinn on "Marxism and the New spoke unconnected facts (as in "academic Left" in a forum series by the sponsored journals which would be horrified at Boston SDS. Mills was the theorist being called either Left or Right") is who most influenced SDS. Zinn early itself ideological. One can be content was the white to be elected only person with uninterpreted minutiae only if the an adviser the SNCC by early (later fundamental pattern of things-as-they- Zinn wrote a of that history organiza- are is satisfactory. As Mills says: tion, entitled SNCC: The New Aboli- tionists, and also the widely circulated Underneaththis style of observationand Vietnam: The Case for Immediate With- comment there is the assumptionthat in issues or drawal). Together, the two presenta- the West there are no more real even of seriousness. The tions some generalizations about problems great suggest mixed the welfare state plus the characteristic intellectual emphases economyplus is the formula. U.S. capi- New Left.3 prosperity-that of the talism will continue to be workable; the First, then, the New Left opposes welfare state will continuealong the road what Mills terms "a fetishism of em- to ever greaterjustice. In the meantime, piricism." By this, Mills means "the things everywhereare very complex; let disclosure of facts" which "are neither us not be careless;there are great risks.5 connected with one another nor related or "positivism," repre- to any general view." Similarly, Zinn "Empiricism," sents the of intellectuals in condemns intellectual activity which self-image the affluentWest. "The amounts to "the aimless dredging up of end-of-ideology of what is and what rather than a is a slogan complacency, circulating was, the creative recollection of among prematurely middle-aged, experience, in and in the rich at the betterment of human centered the-present, pointed societies. . It is a con- life." Zinn's condemnation of such Western ... sensus of a few about their "scholasticism" continues: provincials own immediate and provincial position." Mills adds that Western per- s All quotationsin this sectionof the essay empiricism are taken from C. Wright Mills, Letter to forms exactly the same function of the New Left (New York: SDS, 1961); and Howard Zinn, "Marxism and the New Left," 4 Zinn, op. cit., p. 361. Here and elsewhere, in Alfred L. Young (ed.), Dissent: Explora- I quote from the manuscript version of Zinn's tions in the History of AmericanRadicalism talk, which differs slightly from the edited (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, published version. 5 1968), pp. 357-371. Mills, op. cit., p. 2. THE NEW LEFT 67 blunting critical discourse about basic broad outlines of Marxist theory: "In- things which dogmatic Marxism ac- stead of discussing the falling rate of complishes in the Soviet Union. profit, or the organic composition of As the New Left views the intellectual capital, I would concentrate on what is situation, Western empiricism and "so- readily observable-that this country cialist realism," liberal academics and has enormous resources which it wastes Old Left theorists, share an exaggerated shamefully and distributes unjustly." interest in methodology at the expense In Zinn's view, the kind of theory of content. In the Soviet Union, essen- which the Left most needs is "a vision tially stylistic matters, such as the cita- of what it is working toward--one based tion of correct authorities, and repeti- on transcendentalhuman needs and not tion of a limited basic vocabulary, com- limited by the reality we are so far plement the fact that "pessimism is stuck with." permitted, but only episodically," that In the same spirit, Mills, too, defends in place of "any systematic or structural being "utopian." To be Right means criticism" there are "criticisms, first of "celebratingsociety as it is," Mills says. this and then of that." In the West, To be Left "means, or ought to mean, "a pretentious methodology used to state just the opposite": structural criticism trivialities about unimportant social of what exists, at some point focusing areas" accompanies"a naive journalistic "politically as demands and programs." empiricism" and "a cultural gossip in Mills insists: which 'answers' to the vital and pivotal What now is meant utopian? issues are assumed." really by merely Complex- And is not our a major source of manner and of substance utopianism ity paucity of our strength? Utopian nowadays, I characterize official thought in both think, refers to any criticism or proposal West and East for the very good reason that transcendsthe up-close milieux of a that, in Mills' words, "the end-of-ideol- scatter of individuals,the milieux which ogy is very largely a mechanical reac- men and women can understanddirectly tion . . . to the ideology of Stalinism. and which they can reasonablyhope di- As such it takes from its opponent some- rectly to change.7 thing of its inner quality." Both Mills and Zinn are content to Empiricism, however, is rejected not define the moral criteria in terms of much in the name of and so theory which change is demanded as "human- in the name of values. analysis, as ist." Mills speaks of "the humanist Thus, Zinn warns: "Because the New and secular ideals of Western civiliza- to the Old Left in Left is a successor tion-above all, the ideals of reason, and because it American history, comes, freedom, and justice." And Zinn refers to a large extent, out of the academic to a "consensus of humanistic values the of world (whether Negro colleges that has developed in the modernworld" of the the South or the Berkeleys which "Marxists and liberals, at their it is North), always being tempted by best (and they have not usually been at irrelevancies." Zinn thinks theoretical their best), share." of Marx's detailed economic that many In summary, New Left intellectuality propositions represent such irrelevan- cies." Zinn would keep in focus the perhaps he fell prey to the kind of tempta- tions that intellectuals often succumb to-his 6 Zinn adds: "The Marxian economic cate- research, his curiosity, his passion for scheme- gories have long provided material for aca- building and for scientific constructions ran demic controversy-and I doubt that Marx away with him."-Zinn, op. cit., p. 368. intended this. But he was only human-and 7 Mills, op. cit., p. 6. 68 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY looks beyond existing empirical reality dialogueis to be useful perhapsit should to what Zinn terms "a vision of the fu- begin with the idea that God is dead and ture." But this orientation still does Marx is dead, but Yossarianlives-which not sufficiently delineate the New Left is only a way of saying: let's not spendour time whether God exists or what mind. A certain kind of liberal, for ex- arguing a Lewis Mumford or an Eric Marxreally meant, because while we argue, ample, the world while we others shares the orientation de- moves, publish, Fromm, just perish,and the best use of our energyis to scribed. What decisively distinguishes resist those who would send us-after so New Left radicalism from all varieties many missions of murder-on still one of liberalism is its insistence on action. more.'o Mills ends A Letter to the New Left with a hymn of praise to young radicals Zinn finds the New Left's concern for the world over who, in the face of the action similar to Marxism in some ways, pessimism of theorists, nevertheless act. different in others. He approvingly quotes Marx's eleventh thesis on Feuer- "But it is just some kind of moral up- bach have in- isn't it?" Correct. But under it: ("The philosophers only surge,- world in various the no Much of it is direct non-vio- terpreted the ways; apathy. is to He lent action, and it seems to be working, point, however, change it.") here and there. Now we must learn from notes the resemblance between the the practice of these young intellectuals Marxist vision of the withering away of and with them work out new forms of the state, and the attempt of the New action. ... Left "to create constellations of power "But it is utopian, after all, isn't it?" outside the state, to pressure it into No, not in the sense you mean. Whatever human actions, to resist its inhumane else it it's not that. Tell it to the may be, actions, and to replace it in the carrying students of Japan. Tell it to the Negro on of activities who Tell it to the CubanRevolution- voluntary by people sit-ins. want to in small both aries. Tell it to the people of the Hungry- maintain, groups, nationbloc.8 individuality and co-operation." At the same time, Zinn criticizes the Zinn develops a rationale for action- Marxist claim that the vision of a soci- oriented radicalism at greater length. ety in which men could be free and un- For instance: alienated "springs not from a wish but an observation-from a scientific The contributionsof the Old Left-and from of an historical curve." Zinn they were considerable-came not out of plotting have such confi- its ideologicalfetishism but out of its ac- observes that "we don't tion. What gave it dynamismwas not the dence in inevitability these days" be- classes on surplusvalue but the organiza- cause "we've had too many surprises in tion of the CIO, not the analysisof Stalin's this century." Because a desirable fu- views on the National and ColonialQues- ture is not inevitable, commitment to ac- tion, but the fight for the Scottsboroboys, tion is all the more important. Zinn not the labored rationale for dictatorship concludes: of the proletariat,but the sacrificesof the AbrahamLincoln Battalion.9 It is very easy to feel helplessin our era. We need, I think,the Existentialistempha- And again: sis on our freedom. . ... To stress our There has been much talk about a freedom . . . is not the result of ignorance Christian-Marxistdialogue, but if such a that we do have a history,and we do have a present environment. . ... Existential- 8 Ibid., p. 10. 9 Zinn, op cit., p. 361. 10 Ibid., pp. 362-363. THE NEW LEFT 69 ism, knowing of these pressures on us, is cretely, the New Left condemns existing also aware that there is a huge element of American society as "corporate liberal- indeterminacy in the combat between us ism" and seeks to replace it with "par- never and the obstacles around us. We ticipatory democracy." know the or the shallowness exactly depth democracy is a of the resistance to our actions. We never Participatory phrase coined Tom in the know what effect our actions will by Hayden drafting exactly an have.:" 1962 Port Huron Statement. It is easy concept for Americans to under- The existential commitment to ac- stand, because the vision of a society tion, in the knowledge that the conse- administered by direct town-meeting- quences of action can never be fully style democracy is widespread on both predicted, is the single most character- Right and Left. (For this very reason, istic element in the thought-world of most New Leftists would now add that the New Left. It has survived all the good society which they have in changes in political fashion. Thus, in mind would be socialist, too). 1968, Daniel Cohn-Bendit defined the Corporate liberalism is a more com- role of a political avant-garde as setting plex idea, which became current among an example, "to light the first fuse and the New Left only when early hopes of make the first breakthrough." 12 And quick advance toward racial equality Huey Newton of the Black Panther and international peace began to fade. party declared: Carl Oglesby explained it in this way to an antiwar demonstration in Washing- are The large majority of black people ton in 1965: either illiterate or semi-literate. They don't read. need to follow. They activity We are here to protest against a growing The same in Cuba . thing happened war. Since it is a very bad war, we acquire . . for twelve men with where it was necessary the habit of that it must be to thinking a leadership of Ch6 and Fidel to take caused bad men. But we ad- by very only the hills and then attack the corrupt conceal I to denounce on could have leaf- reality, think, ministration. .... They such the coalition of in- and could have grounds menacing leted the community they dustrial and or the brutal- but the would not military power, written books, people of the we are had to act and the ity blitzkrieg waging against respond. They people or the ominous around us could see and hear about it and therefore Vietnam, signs that heresy may soon no be per- become educated on how to respond to op- ,longer mitted. We must simply observe, and pression. that this this In this black revolutionaries have quite plainly say, coalition, country and this demand for to set an blitzkrieg, acquiescence example.18 are creatures, all of them, of a government that since 1932 has considered itself to be "PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY" VERSUS fundamentally liberal. [Italics in origi- "CORPORATELIBERALISM " nal.]14

So much for the New Left's general Corporate liberalism, Oglesby went on, intellectual orientation. More con- justified corporate exploitation with lib- eral rhetoric. "It performs for the cor- 11 Ibid., p. 371. state a function like what 12An interview between Jean-Paul Sartre porate quite and Daniel Cohn-Bendit, quoted from Le the Church once performed for the Nouvel Observateur, May 20, 1968, by Lib- eration News Service, May 30, 1968. 14Carl Oglesby, Speech on November 27, 13 An interview with Huey Newton, The 1965, published in Jacobs and Landau (eds.), Movement, August 1968. The New Radicals, p. 258. 70 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

feudal state. It seeks to justify its citizen, paralyzing policy discussion, burdens and protect it from change."15 and consolidating the irresponsible power of military and business in- Other young radicals discerned the terests." 17 same phenomenon in other areas of so- Accordingly, the celebrated New Left cial life, such as education. The Berke- revolt against authority is especially a ley Free Speech Movement (FSM) of revolt against paternalistic, indirect au- 1964-1965 discovered that behind the thority which hides the iron hand of liberal rhetoric of Berkeley president power in the velvet glove of rhetorical Clark Kerr stood the corporate power idealism. A notorious instance is the of Senator William Knowland and the so-called channeling policy of the Se- California Board of Regents. Students lective Service System (SSS). Accord- were free, FSM insisted, only so long ing to an official SSS memorandum, as they did not attack that power. As withdrawnonly after it had been discov- Mario Savio stated in a speech on the ered and publicized by the New Left, a steps of the university administration major purpose of the conscription sys- building during a sit-in there: "Students tem is to guide young men into occupa- are permitted to talk all they want so tions "consideredto be most important" long as their speech has no conse- by using "the club of induction." The quences."16 memorandum itself makes the explicit Corporate liberalism, then, is under- point that "pressurizedguidance" is an stood by the New Left as an ideology alternative means for accomplishing which makes reactionary power appear what outright coercion achieves in other to be liberal. It is an instrument of societies. mystification, which solicits the op- to their will- The psychologyof grantingwide choice pressed accept oppression under to take actionis the Ameri- itself pressure ingly because oppression describes can or indirect of what is This of in way achieving as freedom. aspect power doneby directionin foreigncountries where modern America was partially perceived choice is not permitted. ... Selective by the New Left as early as the Port Serviceprocesses do not compelpeople by Huron Statement of 1962. "The domi- edict as in foreignsystems to enterpursuits nant institutions," SDS then declared, havingto do with essentialityand progress. "are complex enough to blunt the minds They go becausethey know that by going they will be deferred."8 of their potential critics. . ... The American is not the political system The New Left's perception of corpo- democratic model of which its glorifiers rate liberalism as a pattern evident in In it frustrates de- speak. actuality the exercise of authority by universities the individual mocracy by confusing and draft boards has been buttressed by the work of social scientists 15 Ibid., p. 265. sympathetic 16 Ibid., p. 232. Sometimes the demystifiers of an older generation. The historian are themselves bemused. Witness the fact William ApplemanWilliams and his stu- that the Foreword to the only collection of dents, at the University of Wisconsin, New Left writing edited by student radicals document the use of liberal rhetoric to themselves, published in 1966, illustrates the mood of radical youth with a long quotation mask expansionism throughout Ameri- from a commencement address by-President can history. Educators such as Paul Grayson Kirk of Columbia University!- Mitchell Cohen and Dennis Hale (eds.), The 17 Jacobs and Landau (eds.), The New New Student Left: An Anthology (Boston: Radicals, pp. 152, 160. Beacon Press, 1966), pp. viii-ix. 18 "Channeling," Ramparts (December 1967). THE NEW LEFT 71

Goodman, John Holt, and A. S. Neill sugar coating. Parents and teachershave argue that the mistake of "progressive confused true nonauthoritarianeducation education" was to abandon overt coer- with education by means of persuasion and hidden coercion. in cion only to substitute for it, in Holt's [Italics original.]20 words, "the idea of painless, non- The single, most comprehensive, schol- threatening coercion."19 Introducing arly statement supporting the New Neill's Summerhill, Erich Fromm Left analysis of corporate liberalism is stresses the similarity in the exercise of undoubtedly Herbert Marcuse'sOne-Di- authority within the classroom and in mensional Man. Marcuse's pessimistic society at large. thesis in this influential work is that contemporary industrial society "seems The from the overt change authorityof to be capable of containing social the nineteenth to the century anonymous change," indeed, that traditional forms authorityof the twentiethwas determined of are even the needs of our modern protest "perhaps dangerous by organizational because the illusion of industrial society. The concentrationof they preserve capitalled to the formationof giant enter- popular sovereignty."21 prises managedby hierarchicallyorganized The New Left counterposes to the bureaucracies. . . . The individual worker subtle coercion of corporate liberalism becomesmerely a cog in this machine. In a participatory democracy in which in- such a productionorganization, the individ- dividuals "control the decisions that af- ual is managedand manipulated. fect their lives." However, at this And in the sphere of consumption(in writing (August 1968), the sentiment is which the individualallegedly expresses his growing in the movement that participa- free he is likewise and choice) managed tory democracy, like nonviolence, may manipulated. have been of a Our economic must create men the product naive early system of before the of who fit its needs; men who co-operate stage protest, magnitude smoothly;men who want to consumemore the movement's task was fully recog- and more. Our system must create men nized. Nonviolence and participatory whose tastes are standardized,men who democracy will exist in the good society can be easily influenced,men whose needs created after the revolution, it is in- can be anticipated. Our system needs creasingly said. But the work of trans- men who feel free and independentbut formation requires tools suited to this who are neverthelesswilling to do what is age of blood and iron: insurrectionary of them. . . . It is not that au- expected violence and a Marxist-Leninist party. thority has disappeared,nor even that it This new to return to a has lost in but that it has been tendency dog- strength, matic Marxism and to Bolshevik forms transformedfrom the overt authority of of reflects a weakness in force to the anonymousauthority of per- organization suasion and suggestion. . .. Modern man the New Left's central concept of cor- is obligedto nourishthe illusionthat every- porate liberalism. The theorists of cor- thing is done with his consent,even though porate liberalism believed their main such consent be extracted from him by enemy to be, not the reactionary Right, subtle manipulation. His consent is ob- but the liberal Center. Their attitude as it behindhis or be- tained, were, back, 20 Erich Fromm, Introduction to A. S. Neill, hind his consciousness. Summerhill: A Radical Approach to Child- The same artificesare employedin pro- Rearing (2nd ed.; New York: Hart, 1964), gressiveeducation. The child is forced to pp. x-xi. swallow the pill, but the pill is given a 21 Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of AdvancedIndustrial 19 John Holt, How Children Fail (New Society (Boston: Beason Press, 1966), pp. xii, York: Dell, 1964), p. 179. 256. 72 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY may be compared to that of the German nized that repression, far from being Communist party in the early 1930's, alien to the new radicalism, is the me- which directed more hostility toward its dium in which the New Left first Social Democratic competitor than to- emerged. Not only is it the case that ward the Nazis. American New Left the first major action of the white New theory made the implicit assumption Left in America was the May 1960 dem- that capitalism in the United States onstration against the House Un-Ameri- would not turn to overt authoritarian- can Activities Committee, and that in ism. It overlooked the possibility that Europe the New Left began as a re- the very success of the New Left in un- sponse to repression in the Soviet Un- masking corporate liberalism, the very ion, but it is also true that the ori- growth of a serious internal opposition, gins of the New Left go back beyond would change the character of the situ- the mid-1950's to the thought and ac- ation and force upon the governing class tion of the resistance against fascism in a felt need for more rigorous controls. the 1930's and "1940's: to men like The young radicals' assessment of the Sartre, Camus, Silone, Buber, Bonhoef- American reality has been, in this sense, fer, and, in America, A. J. Muste. not too negative but too hopeful. Therefore, the trend toward repression does not necessarily signify the end of FUTURE THE the New Left. The spirit of resistance, The prospect is not bright. But even, possibly, of nonviolent resistance, some hope is justified when it is recog- may yet rise to the occasion.