DISSERTATIONES PSYCHOLOGICAE UNIVERSITATIS TARTUENSIS 2

TRANSFORMATION IN ESTONIA AS REFLECTED IN FAMILIES: INSIGHT INTO SOCIAL STRESS AND POVERTY

DAGMAR KUTSAR

TARTU 1995 DISSERTATIONES PSYCHOLOGICAE UNIVERSITATIS TARTUENSIS DISSERTATIONES PSYCHOLOGICAE UNIVERSITATIS TARTUENSIS 2

TRANSFORMATION IN ESTONIA AS REFLECTED IN FAMILIES: INSIGHT INTO SOCIAL STRESS AND POVERTY

DAGMAR KUTSAR

ТЛКППЖПГШПТ PRESS Department of Psychology, University of Tartu, Tartu, Estonia

Dissertation is accepted for the commencement of the degree of Doctor of Phi­ losophy (in Psychology) on December 15, 1994 by the Doctoral Committee of the Department of Psychology, University of Tartu

Opponents: Professor Mati Heidmets, Tallinn Professor Jüri Allik, Tartu

Commencement: February , 1995

Publication of this dissertation is granted by the Estonian Science Foundation

© Dagmar Kutsar, 1995 Tartu Ülikooli Kirjastuse trükikoda Tiigi 78, EE2400 Tartu Tellimus nr. 25 CONTENTS

LIST OF ORIGINAL PUBLICATIONS...... - ...... 6

INTRODUCTION...... 7

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY...... 9

MATERIAL AND METHOD...... 20

RESULTS...... 23

DISCUSSION...... 32

CONCLUSION...... 42

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... 44

REFERENCES...... 45

SUMMARY (IN ESTONIAN)...... 53

PUBLICATIONS...... 57

CURRICULUM VITAE...... 171

DISSERTATIONES PSYCHOLOGICAE UNIVERSITATIS TARTUENSIS... 173

2 LIST OF ORIGINAL PUBLICATIONS

This thesis is based on the following publications which will be referred to in the text by their respective Roman numerals.

STUDY I: MARRIAGE AND FAMILIES IN ESTONIA

I. Kutsar D. (1991) Marriage breakdown in Estonia. Population Research in FinlandXXIX. Helsinki: Väestöliitto, 1991: 73-82.

II. Kutsar D. (1990) Family development and divorce in Estonia: empirical research. Family Situation and Policy. Family Problems, VIII: 8-14. Tartu: Tartu University Press.

III. Kutsar D. (1990) Couples in an urbanized setting: expectations and reality. Estonian Population and the Family. Family Problems, X: 60-81. Tartu: Tartu University Press.

STUDY II: PSYCHOLOGICAL COPING AND ADAPTATION WITH TRANSFORMATION

IV. Kutsar D. (1994,) Social change and stress in Estonia. Submitted for pub­ lication in the Scandinavian Journal o f Social Welfare.

V. Kutsar D. (1994) Sotsiaalsest stressist ja psühholoogilisest toimetulekust Eestis [On social stress and psychological coping in Estonia]. Submitted for publication in "Akadeemia" (in Estonian).

STUDY III: SOCIETAL CHANGE AND ECONOMIC SURVIVAL

VI. Kutsar D., Trumm A. (1993) Poverty among households in Estonia. Scan­ dinavian Journal o f Social Welfare 1993, Vol.2, No.3: 128-141.

VII. Trumm A., Kutsar D., Oja U. (1993) Transformation process in Estonia: A Challenge for social policy. Yearbook o f Population Research in Fin­ land. XXXI. Helsinki: Väestöliitto, 1993: 104-110.

6 INTRODUCTION

The collapse of the Soviet order brought to an end not only a particular type of political and economic system, but a particular type of welfare state as well. New officially recognized phenomena such as unemployment, inequality, and poverty have found fertile soil in the former Soviet republics and in the other socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The transformation and its consequences in Central and Eastern Europe have great importance for those involved as well as for the developed western coun­ tries. The different aspects of reformation are discussed on numerous political meetings and presented at scientific conferences. Several books and articles are published on this issue by eastern and western scholars (Atkinson & Mickle- wright 1992; Benson & Clay 1992; Deacon 1992; Deacon & Szalai 1990; Ferge & Kolberg 1992; Kultygin 1993; Marody 1992; Marklund 1993; Warzywoda- Kruszynska & Grotowska-Leder 1993). The barriers to transformation have been the focus and some of the scenarios outlined have been negative in tone (Dellenbrant 1993). Estonia restored her independence in 1991 after fifty years of Soviet occupa­ tion. Families in Estonia are exposed to dual transformation processes in the so­ ciety: transition from a totalitarian to a democratic society and from a planned economy system to a market economy. The multiple impact of this process of transformation is made manifest in the pressures on the people to engage in po­ litical, social, economic and psychological re-construction. Coping with multiple social changes and economic survival are essential tasks for individuals, fam i­ lies and the whole country.

General aim of the study At times of rapid tranformations, the interrelatedness of family and society be­ comes especially evident and observable. The general aim of the study is to in­ vestigate transformation as reflected in families, i.e., family-in-a society' under the conditions o f rapid societal change in Estonia in 1988-1994.

The special aims o f the study are : 1. to analyse families and adult family members as reflectors o f the societal change; 2. to describe new family developments, social stress and poverty as family related social indicators of transformation process in Estonia; 3. to discuss the dual transformation process in Estonia, focusing on its inner weaknesses and resources for the families.

7 The analysis will give insights into: 1. new social, political and economic background of family functioning at the period of multiple societal change in Estonia; 2. dynamics of objective welfare of the households and psychological phe­ nomena accompanying economic survival at the period of transformation; 3. psychological coping with the societal change and subjective well-being as an adaptational outcome; 4. family development, new challenge and perspectives.

Framew orks for view ing families and societal trans­ formation The study proceeds from the general standpoints of Thomas and Wilcox (1987) and Morgan (1985) and looks at the family as a mediator between the individual and society where the society is reflected. The 'mediator' indicates at the active place in this location influencing societal processes as well. Family development, poverty and social stress on their part have roots in the history of the country and present societal processes as well as in the individual life of the family. Whereas the study deals with macroprocesses influencing the families, as well as the eco­ nomic and psychological state of the families, each investigation proceeds from its own particular methodology and conceptual framework. Study I proceeds from the sociological understanding of families in which 'the family' is understood as a social institution; a couple is the unit of analysis. Ref­ erences to the author's related studies about interpersonal perception and informal stability are within a social psychological conceptual framework. 'The family' is understood as a small group of interacting persons and a couple is the unit of analysis. Study 11 uses a social psychological conceptual framework and applies it to stress and coping by Lazarus and Folkman (1984). A single adult member of a household is the unit of analysis. Study III proceeds from the economic framework for viewing families. 'The household' is understood as a group of economically inter-dependent persons, which carries its personal standards of living and economic status. The household is the unit of analysis.

8 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

W hat is fam ily? People seldom experience confusion when using the term 'family', and most feel they have a clear idea of what the word means. However, changing structures and functions of the family make it difficult to determine for social scientists. The conceptualization of family has become of interest during the last years (Amkil 1994; Clulow 1993; Levin & Trost 1992; Trost 1990a; Trost 1990b; Trost 1988; Trost 1993). Definitions are important to different people for differ­ ent purposes. Families can be examined from the perspectives of scholars or re­ searchers, policy or law makers, family therapists, or as a family member, etc. While census reports recognize any unit formed through marriage, birth or adop­ tion, or focus on households (identified by the group of people who eat from the same 'fridge', as this criterion has been put colloquially), individuals have their own mental maps of families which can differ between members of the same family group (Clulow 1993).

1. Family as a legal bond. The most simple way to define a family' is to pro­ ceed from the legal bond of marriage (i.e., 'nuclear family' where the couple is in a registered marriage and has children of their own). However, more often peo­ ple find unregistered cohabitation to be the most suitable terminal or permanent form of family. There is no difference between this and the nuclear family of le­ gally confirmed marital partners other than the legal bond. Cohabitation in Esto­ nia has spread as a preparation period for marriage for the younger generation, less as a consciously chosen alternative to marriage. In older generation, after divorce or after the death of one's spouse, people choose cohabitation as an alter­ native for marriage more often. There is a large number of childless couples cohabiting without a registered marriage. Thus, the legal contract between the partners justifies them to be a family. Today many children live in single-parent households or with a step­ parent. The proportion of people involved in 'non-traditional family forms' has increased dramatically, so that these days the traditional nuclear family pattern can hardly be said to represent the majority of families (Frude 1991). Cohabiting partners of the same sex are rarely regarded as a family; however, the presence of a child may increase its acceptance (Kutsar, Tiit & Pall 1994b). Bohannan (1970) has pointed out six different processes that happen during the divorce. He means emotional, legal, economic, со-parental, community and psychic divorce or separation. The psychic divorce means the separation of self from the personality and influence of the ex-spouse. It can take considerable time to exclude the ex-partner from one's family. Even years after the legal event of divorce ex-partners may still regard their former spouse as a family member. A

3 9 re-married man may consider his current wife and his child from his previous marriage as 'his family' but the four of them would not be regarded as a family unit from the outside. From an outsider's point of view, divorced family mem­ bers rarely are accepted as a family (Kutsar, Tiit & Pall 1994).

2. Family as a group of interacting persons. Families also can be defined as 'person supporting networks' (Dumon 1993). A family unit is an interacting and interdependent group or organization in which each member has a special rela­ tionship to the individual but not necessarily with each other. An individual may simultaneously be in two or more families and this may include some people who never interact together (Frude 1991). The identity of the individual is strongly connected to the self-perception of family membership. Individuals can conceptualize families in their own way, thus from outside one cannot decide what is family for a certain person. For example, for a child of divorce and remarriage the two-core family, with two mothers and two fathers and many siblings, may make sense, or the principle "new-comers stay outsiders" can dominate. Individuals could have a variety of conceptualiza­ tions of family: for example one for their family of today, one for their family in the past or future. One can also have different perspectives of family generally and of one's own family (Kutsar, Tiit & Pall 1994). For the purposes of psychological analyses there is a need to establish criteria for family membership that reflect how the individual regards certain other peo­ ple and relates to them emotionally. Such criteria will allow specific people to be identified as members of the individual's family, whether or not there is a legal tie or common household (Frude 1991). For example, how should we decide whether an adopted child has become a family member? Or one's retired father who needs everyday care or another, who takes care of a young grandchild? Using the legal criterion the child becomes the family member as soon as the relevant papers are signed but the grandfather is a member of the other core family although he spends most of his time taking care of his grandchildren. Some children include pets in their family. They can be key-members of the family (Kutsar, Tiit & Pall 1994; Ziehl 1994). Using legal and biological criteria to identify who is and who is not a member of an individual's family would lead us to include some people who play little or no part in the individual's social life (e.g. neglected or unknown children, former spouse), and to exclude some who play the most critical role (e.g. cohabiting partners, caring grandparents). The concept of 'the family', due to its complex and controversial context, is proposed to be replaced with the term 'families' indicating multifunctionality, variety of behaviours, boundaries and types (Ziehl 1994; Nave-Herz 1994). Pro­ ceeding from the perspectives of a study, 'family' as a unit of analysis is some­ times replaced with 'household' which can be more concretely identified.

10 The field of family studies The question of whether scientific study of the family can be accepted as a separate field of knowledge or could be included in any of a number of different disciplines (e.g., psychology, sociology, education, law, medicine, etc.) has been dealt with by several social scientists (Burr & Leigh 1983; Brown & Kidwell 1982). The main hardships in a decision are connected with the interdisciplinarity of the subject. Burr and Leigh (1983) are of the opinion that family studies form a separate field o f social science but at the same time the family remains the in­ terdisciplinary field o f scientific interest. Miller, Rollins and Thomas (1982: 851-852) propose that marriage and fam­ ily phenomena are especially elusive and multifaceted. Research in these areas is sometimes resisted, because the topics are personal, private, or considered to be sacred. It is a sensitive value-laden subject for a researcher. Family issues are familiar and "answers" seem apparent or intuitive. In spite of these obstacles, the discovery and advancement of empirically grounded knowledge about marriages and families is important for its own sake and for its practical benefits to society. While acquiring knowledge is a worthwhile end in itself, it also provides founda­ tions for empirically informed preventive, therapeutic and policy approaches.

The methodology of family studies The methodology of family studies has been a longlasting topic for scientific dis­ cussions (Brown & Kidwell 1982; Larzelere & Klem 1987; Rodman 1980; Schumm 1982). The methodology of family studies has generally been borrowed from the major social science disciplines. There is no single best methodology because of the interdisciplinarity of the subject. Referring to Larzelere and Klein (1987: 125), the family is more micro than other sociological topics and more macro than most other psychological topics. Family itself is conceptualized as a small group, or as a social institution. In the first case, microscopical study using either a social psychological or micro- sociological perspective will give an insight into the processes and pecularities inside the family group. For second, the macrosociological perspective will set the family in the field of societal impact. The interrelatedness of family and so­ ciety leaves micro- and macroscopical approaches confronting each other, but yet complementary and convergent to some extent. The study of families has often been accused of being one-sided in that it ne­ glects the domestic life cycle (Ziehl 1994). It may tell us little of the process of family formation and the social context within which bom children are raised and the group of individuals is living. Ziehl (1994) stresses that sometimes not family but household can be the starting point of a study. Therefore, the meth­

11 odology, as a rule, can be framed depending on the particular research situation while studying 'families'.

D evelopm ent of theoretical thought in family studies Since the 1950s, several synopses of the creation of family theory have been published proceeding from the sociological understanding o f the family (Aldous 1970; Berardo 1980; Burr 1973; Burr, Hill, Nye & Reiss 1979a; Christensen 1964; Goode 1959; Hill 1966; Hill & Hansen 1960; Nye 1988; Nye & Berardo 1966; Boss, Dohorty, La Rossa, Schumm & Steinmetz 1993; Thomas & Wilcox 1987). In addition to these, there have now been reviews published in the Journal o f Marriage and the Family (Adams 1988; Broderick 1971; Holman & Burr 1980; Sprey 1988).

Three distinct periods in the development of theoretical thought in the family field, are overviewed by Tiit & Kutsar (1984): /. The development of theoretical thought up to 1950. Systematic family research began at the close of the 19th century and at that time was strongly in­ fluenced by Darwin's theory of evolution. The turn of the century saw the spread of social darwinism which maintained that all social phenomena, including a family, undergo an evolution analogous to the evolution taking place in nature. The first systematic studies of the family were conducted by family sociolo­ gists at the turn of the century in an effort to document and change the prevailing economic and social conditions. The family was viewed as a social institution and the interface between the family and the problems of society were taken under discussion. Elements of this perspective are still evident in contemporary family sociology. Burgess (1926), with his paper "The family as a unity of interacting person­ alities", brought about a conceptual shift in family studies. His article contained several ideas of symbolic interactionism to the study of the family. Burgess sug­ gested that the family be studied as a 'unity o f interacting personalities' (p. 5). Consideration of the family as a context for interaction dominated research in family sociology for several decades, and symbolic interactionism continues as a visible theoretical perspective in family sociology (Holman & Burr 1980). A considerable part in the conceptual shift was probably played by the rise of social psychology which brought in its wake the social-psychological approach to the problems of the family. Since the family studies took more microscopic focus. From that period, several essential topics from the theoretical point of view can be pointed out: formation of family (Strauss 1947), compatibility of spouses (Kelly 1941), happiness of marriage (Locke 1947), and others.

12 2. The period of 'systematic creation of the theory 1950-1969. In this period the creation of a family theory became an objective in itself. The first substantial questionnaires were introduced and the information obtained from these was closely studied. A large quantity of empirical material was accumulated, both to describe family at the different stages of its development and to test the hypothe­ ses that had emerged. In connection with the growing destabilization of the family, happiness of a marriage became especially topical. The studies of divorce and recurrent mar­ riages became widespread. Winch (1958) elaborated a theory of mate selection proceeding from the complementarity of needs. The most important theoretical work of the period was a survey of the basic theoretical approaches of the fifties and sixties written by Hill and Hansen (1960). Among sociological approaches they emphasized conceptions like 'insti­ tutional approach', 'structural-junctional approach' and 'family development theory', the most suitable for interpreting family. An event of great importance was the publication of "Handbook of Marriage and the Family", edited by Christensen (1964). Besides other topics, this book also deals with the basic theoretical approaches to family in the period. The period between 1950 and 1960 may be considered the time of creating 'small' theories, but according to the opinion of Klein (1968) and his followers, there was a split between the voluminous empirical material and the level of theo­ retical explanation which still exists and even deepens. 3. Family theory from the 1970s. Holman and Burr (1980) brought forth three main trends of thought that have most influenced the theoretical interpreta­ tion of the family in the 1970s. They are the following: interactionism (representated mainly by Turner and Shosid 1976), the trend based on social exchange theory (e.g., Spanier & Lewis 1980) and the trend based on systems'* theory (Kantor & Lehr 1975). The 1970s saw the elaboration of a number of new approaches, e.g. ecologi­ cal approach (Andrews, Buboltz & Paolucci 1975), purposeful systems (Ackoff & Emery 1972) and synergetics (Haken 1978). But still all these trends remain on the level, being the kind of theories that are "... unpretentious in quality and the level of generalization, close to initial data, easy to test and adjust", as al­ ready Merton (1945: 470) stated. The most notable accomplishment is the two-volume Contemporary Theories About the Family (1979a,b), edited by Burr, Hill, Nye & Reiss. The first volume represents 22 substantive areas of family research, 19 contain detailed interre­ lated sets of propositions generally induced from research findings. In the second volume a group of authors have made an attempt to integrate the represented 22 areas of family research into particular theoretical orientations such as social exchange theory, symbolic interaction, systems theory, conflict theory, and phe­ nomenological theory. Corresponding to critical estimation of Thomas and Wil-

4 13 сох (1987), the result remains on the level of conceptual frameworks or, syn­ onymously, on the level of theoretical perspectives. The 1980s and early 1990s, traditional positivistic thinking was opposed to the softness of many variables (f.e. 'attitude', 'behaviour', 'expectation', etc); the absolute verification was opposed to self-report measures, the positivist or ob- jectivist method to subjectivist or antipositivist method. The main question has been set by Grotevant and Carlson (1989: 6): "What we know about families is largely determined by how we know what we know". Explanation is almost always on a proximate level, Sprey (1988: 879) con­ cludes. This is not only a methodological question, it touches all theoretical re­ thinking of family research. In the past decade, the study of the family has be­ come an even more interdisciplinary enterprise than earlier. Theoretical perspec­ tives on the family are diverse, with no theoretical consensus in the field. The basic thesis of Thomas and Wilcox (1987), the supporters of the radical and critical approaches in social science, is, that in form and content, family the­ ory is an instance of mainstream sociological theory, which is in large measure shaped by the positivist heritage in Western thought. What has not been done is to assess theory in the family^field as it relates to the social sciences in general. They suggest to draw attention at hermeneutics which comes to family research through critical theory perspective from the social sciences. "Hermeneutics in social sciences — the term is used to identify this central concern about in­ terpretation of meaning. In the social world, meaning is understood or appre­ hended from the social context before individual bits of behavior are defined or understood", Thomas and Wilcox (1987: 81) declare. The intention, then, is to identify and describe trends, make sense of the past on the basis of what we know about the present and, if reasonable, project them into the future (Cherlin 1981). Referring to Habermas (1971: 311-317), the critique of positivism from the critical theory perspective insists on a knowledge duality by arguing that, unlike in the physical sciences, understanding, not only causal explanation, is the goal of the human sciences. Only by focusing on the knower can one begin to under­ stand intentional behaviour and human choice, which are fundamental to an un­ derstanding of the human conditions. Theory and practice are not separate, but inseparably joined. Adams (1988: 14-15) in his review article sets further goals of "crossing boundaries" in family studies. The first boundary to cross which has had the greatest progress, is the historical understanding of the family, the other cross­ ings that seem appropriate are theoretical, cross-disciplinary, cross-institutional, and cross-cultural. More work on the relations between the family and other insti­ tutions would help to elucidate family-in-society. "In 50 years of research we have only began the task of understanding family life", he concludes.

14 Family studies in Estonia Families in Estonia besides their traditional functions of reproduction, socializa­ tion, recreation and economic management have been a significant agent of carry­ ing people's social memory and preservation of ethnic identity in occupied Es­ tonia. In the situation of social transformation, families take an active part in supporting their members as they cope economically as well as psychologically with multiple societal change. Families have been the interdisciplinary field of scientific interest for sociolo­ gists, social psychologists, educational scientists, psychiatrists, and other special­ ists. Concrete investigations focusing on different aspects of family life, have been carried out under the roof of sociology, at the same time integrating knowl­ edge from psychology, economics, law, educational science and other disci­ plines. Developing relatively independently from the rising field of sociology and because of the specificity of the subject, family studies have been subjected to less ideological oppression in comparison to the other social sciences in Estonia. However, the field of family studies has been disproportionally covered with separate studies. For example, the topics concerning premarital sexual behaviour and other sexual matters, relationships between different nationalities and the problems of nationally mixed families, estimations about economic wealth and personal politics were preferably not investigated, and not taken under scientific discussions. Family studies in Estonia, mainly within the sociological orientation, followed the methodology elaborated by the outstanding family sociologists in the former Soviet Union. The state of being oriented in the western theoretical frameworks of the researchers was dependent on the availability of respective literature, therefore, rather limited. Today, growing from the empirical analysis of the inner peculiarities of fam­ ily functioning, family studies have received much attention from social politi­ cians and become the topic for political discussions.

The Unit o f Family Studies at University o f Tartu was founded in the autumn of 1968. At present the unit belongs to the Department of Sociology. The Unit of Family Studies of University of Tartu is known by its longitu­ dinal and comparative studies. Already in 1970, the scientific tutor of the group, Ene-Margit Tiit, professor of mathematical statistics, built up contact with Fin­ nish family sociologists and their outstanding representative, Elina Haavio- Mannila, a professor of sociology in Helsinki University. Very soon the first comparative study on students' expectations about the ideal spouse and marriage was carried out in Estonia and Finland and repeated in 1989 (Tiit 1990c; Haavio-Mannila, Lammi & Tiit 1990).

15 At present the researchers of the group have scientific cooperation with several centres of family and welfare studies in Finland, Sweden and Norway. The unit received positive international evaluation by Swedish colleagues in 1992.

The major projects of the unit are as following: 1. The project "Family". The aim of the project was to ascertain the reasons for the low quality and instability of marriages in the former Estonian SSR. It covered people who planned to marry (1150 respondents), people undergoing divorce (950 respondents), and people who had been married for five years (540 respondents). The respective publications deal with formation of families in Estonia and risk factors of stability (Kutsar & Tiit 1980; Kutsar & Tiit 1982; Tiit, Tavit, Kutsar & Keerberg 1982). 2. The creation of a model of family development and breaking up. The spe­ cial interest of the author of the current study has been turned to creation of the model of informal stability of conjugal relationships. The author has fo­ cused on the social-psychological processes of the family functioning: inter­ personal perception of character features proceeding from the mutual and self-estimations of future spouses, young couples and people undergoing di­ vorce (Kutsar 1991a,b; 1990d; 1987; 1982; 1980). Variables indicating quality and informal stability (inner prosperity) of marriage relationships are presented in the publications (Kutsar 1990b,с,d; 1988b; 1987; 1984; Kutsar & Tiit 1982; 1980). The impact of societal macroprocesses influencing inner prosperity of marriage relationships are taken under discussion in the publica­ tions (Kutsar 1991c; 1990a; 1988a). The family political issues are discussed in (Tiit & Kutsar 1990a,b). 3. Households in the period of transformation. The umbrella project of the unit contains investigations about economic and psychological coping with multiple societal change (Kutsar 1994; Kutsar & Trumm 1994a,b; Kutsar & Trumm 1993; Trumm, Kutsar & Oja 1993).

Fam ilies and societal change Family, either in a traditional meaning as a social institution or as a small group of interacting persons, is one of the most complex social phenomena. It is af­ fected by psychological dynamics, biological processes, socio-political decisions of the government, economic conditions, ecological problems, demographic and long-term historical change. Family is not static and homogeneous, it joins together different generations, ages, genders and functions. It has its own history and traditions, and it is highly regulated by norms. "The family is a process, involving varying relationships and configurations of family members that change over the life course", Hareven (1987: 37) states. 16 Families are intimately embedded in a larger societal context; they serve as me­ diator between individuals and the social forces on one hand, and institutions af­ fecting them on another. Family has both facilitated the adaptation of individuals to social change and initiated change itself (Cox 1994; Hareven 1987; Larzelere & Klein 1987). At all levels of society change generates uncertainty. Continuity and stability in family relations are likely to be helpful in managing change at all levels of life. To cite Clulow (1993: 272-273), "in post-welfare societies the family unit is likely to become increasingly important as a social resource, a fact that is unlikely to sit easily with the values o f individualism which currently shape per­ sonal aspirations and economic thinking". And Marsan (1994: 4) continues: "... more than any other system the family does legitimately and inevitably re­ flect and perhaps even anticipate the changes which are on the way".

Societal change in Estonia During the Soviet occupation of 1940-1991, Moscow controlled more than 90% of Estonian industry. In the late 1980s, the national economy reached a crisis. The demand for goods and services outstripped the supply, average prices went up and the purchasing power of the rouble decreased enormously. In the early 1990s, fear of the forthcoming monetary reform and accelerating inflation caused panic, and people began to withdraw money from their bank accounts and hoard everyday consumer goods. The rouble suffered from the growing inflation, the standard of living fell and the cost of living increased. During the period of transition from a Soviet republic into an independent country (1990-1992) Estonia remained in the sphere of influence of the rouble and the Soviet economy until the monetary reform in June 1992 took place. Cur­ rent re-construction of the economy still has not reached the normal level and structure of production. Low wages, unemployment, and lack of social guaran­ tees have caused 'poverty' and 'economic survival' to be the central themes for many individuals and households. From 1989 until the monetary reform in 1992 the total inflation rate consti­ tuted 4000%. The introduction of the national currency ’kroon' stopped the rapid growth of inflation. Today the inflation constitutes around 4-5% per month (Figure 1). The monetary reform provided more financial security for the Esto­ nian people and enabled them to become independent from the Soviet economy. Since 1989, industrial production in Estonia has been reduced by almost 67%. Gross domestic product (GDP) during the same period has decreased by 40% (Noorkõiv & Annus 1994: 13). Regression in production has caused changes in the employment rates. Employment rate in 1989 was 51.8% , among the popula­ tion, in January 1994 it was 43.4% (Noorkõiv & Annus 1994: 11-12). Now the unemployment rate constitutes 1.9% from the total population of working age. 5 17 However, by the estimations of the experts, the actual unemployment rate is higher due to the hidden (unregistered) unemployment. According to the most pessimistic estimations the unemployment rate possibly reaches 7-8%. Unem­ ployment in Estonia has a structural and regional character, being the highest among less educated people of pre-retirement age and in the Eastern and Southern rural areas.

Monthly inflation rate {%)

Figure 1. Dynamics of the consumer price index in Estonia in the period from June 1990 to January 1994.

A failure of the social security system has complicated coping with everyday life of people living on welfare (the retired, disabled, single mothers, young families with little children, students etc.), reduction of social benefits and services is related to the lack of funding to keep benefit levels adjusted to the rate of inflation and, in some cases, to the restrictions in the social welfare sys­ tem. Before the reconstruction started, housing expenditure had been relatively low because housing costs had been largely financed by government subsidies. Low- cost, low-quality housing dominated the picture. Food prices were kept low with the help of state donation. Prices of consumer goods had been considerably higher because of a high sales tax. The characteristic feature of the reconstruc­ tion of the national economy is the liberal price reform which is aimed at equalizing the level of prices to the world level. All the state subsidies for food, housing and other everyday goods have been eliminated. As a result, the existing price structure is totally transformed.

18 Rapid decrease in production, inflation, and unemployment, all processes charac­ teristic of the first stage of the societal transiton, have cut down material re­ sources of the people. In the period 1991-1993 the purchasing power was re­ duced by 32.5%, on the average. Decrease of the living standard and price re­ form has influenced the consumer behaviour of households (Figure 2).

food —- 32 30 28 29 36 39 46 housing + 3 3 2 2 10 15 16 other 65 67 70 69 54 46 38

Figure 2. The consumption structure of households in the period from 1980 to 1994.

The multiple impact of this process of transformation is made manifest in the pressures on the people to engage in political, social and economic restructuring, pressures which demand the ability to adapt to change and to re-construct per­ sonal identity. Changes on the societal level lead to the development of new pat­ terns of interpersonal relationships: competition for the inadequate supply of jobs, the increasing role of monetary relations among people, an increasing need to be able to fight for one's way of life. New situations create new demands for everybody which require a readiness to further one's knowledge and skills; every­ one is expected to have an enterprising spirit in a big way scale. Competing explanations of events in the mass media make the future less clear-cut and this, in turn, increases tensions among people. Unrealistic social expectations create social myths, feelings of personal failure, distrust of the in­ tentions and decisions of the authorities. When the myths break down, the result is a loss of faith in the possibility of further national developments.

19 MATERIAL AND METHOD

Study I: Marriage and families in Estonia The first investigation [paper I] analyses the instability of marriages in Estonia using data about divorce rate from 1988. The year 1988 is significant for Esto­ nian society as the first year of the national re-awakening. Therefore, the study serves as baseline for the further investigations about the transformation reflected in the families. The statistical data about divorces come from the Estonian Republican Regis­ trar's Department, from Civil Censuses and from various collections of statistical data. Divorce is defined as the dissolving of a socially and legally recognized ar­ rangement. The number of divorces is the number of divorces registered at the Registrar's Offices. If a couple has no children or no arguments, they get di­ vorced there and their divorce is registered automatically. If a couple does have children and/or disagreements, they have to go through a judicial process. Only after the registration of the divorce in the Registrar's Office is one's marriage le­ gally dissolved. The divorce is included in the divorce statistics of the year when it has been registered. Thus, the divorce rate of the certain year is an approximate indicator of mar­ riage breakdown. This number does not include all the people who get divorced in the courts; it does not include the persons who have separated and those whose marriage has actually ended. The divorce rate is counted per 100 marriages concluded in the same year and by 1.000 inhabitants. The divorce rate that is counted per 100 marriages has been valid since the number of new marriages has been on a level of about 12 thousand per year. At present, the number of marriage contracts has suffi­ ciently dropped. To uncover the process of marriage breakdown in Estonia the following studies are included: * an overview about the studies of family formation, development and informal stability of conjugal relationships (the samples of 1150 future spouses (1972); 540 married couples (1978); 950 divorcees (1975) and 470 married couples (1978)) [paper II]. References to the related studies about social psychologi­ cal regularities of interpersonal perception of spouses and factors determining informal stability of marriages give a dynamic overview about the families as agents in a transforming society. * analysis of conjugal relationships and how they are influenced by urbaniza­ tion, women's work participation and unbalanced family functions (the sample of 540 married couples, 1978) [paper III].

20 Study П: Social change and stress Social stress is created by the rapid social, political, and economic changes when the people's ability to cope with the new situations are put to the test. The phe­ nomenon of social stress becomes subjectively observable when a person feels his/her life to be influenced by the events on a societal level, when endangers the perceived control over his/her own life situations. The papers [IV, V] aim at investigation of reflection of multiple social change on the people's cognitive and affective state. The special aim is to find the factors determining well-being of an individual. 'Well-being' is understood as the perceived opportunities for needs satisfaction of an individual. A questionnaire to investigate social stress was created also applying some statements from the interview project "Self-concept over the life-span", devel­ oped by the researchers from the Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan in 1991. The questionnaire consists of two parts and the items are measured on a Lik- ert type scale. The first part is formed from 15 statements which people some­ times make about themselves. The respondents were asked to tell how much they agreed or disagreed with each statement ("strongly agree", "somewhat agree", somewhat disagree" and "strongly disagree"). The second part is formed from eleven statements describing how people sometimes feel. The respondents were asked to tell how often they had felt that way during the last two weeks ("most of the time", "some of the time", "hardly ever", "never"). The current investigation has been included into the umbrella project of the state statistics "Estonian Household Budget Survey". The household monitoring, which is carried out every month by Estonian Market and Opinion Research (EMOR Ltd.) involved 809 adult household members (349 men and 460 women) in the survey in March/April 1993. A hypothesized model of social stress based on the stress and coping model of Lazarus and Folkman (1984) and Borden (1991) is applied as a frame of ref­ erence for the investigation. The antecedent variables are multiple social change, gender, age and nationality. The mediating processes are appraisal and coping. The adaptational outcome is psychological well-being. Special attention is paid to the group of people with higher levels of social distress.

Study Ш: Poverty among households In 1991 the method of household budgets was developed by the Unit of Family Studies at Tartu University on a contract basis with Estonian Market and Opin­ ion Research (EMOR Ltd.). The data are collected by EMOR Ltd. and turned over to the Estonian Statistics Authority. The sample is corrected every quarter and renewed every year. An adult member of the household as a contact person

б 21 in the survey writes down all the income and expenditure in the household for each day during one month. The household is defined as a group of people living together ('sharing common shelter') and having a joint budget ('using common fridge’). The investigation [paper VI] focuses on the data about the household group surveyed in May and August 1992; altogether questioned twice were 239 house­ holds. The indication of poverty is concluded by comparison of different poverty lines which are known by home economics and social policy literature as well as used in Estonia at different times. The study points out the problems of social exclusion and deprivation among responding households, societal as well as sub­ jective hardships complicating the economic survival of the households. The data about 419 households monitored in January 1993 [paper VII] is in­ cluded for the perspective of socio-political discussions. The study focuses on the new tasks and responsibilities of social policy in a situation of deep economic depression. Poverty lines are calculated based on income using the following formula (Uusitalo 1992: 20): Factor income + Public sector transfer payments

= Gross income - Income taxes

= Disposable income

Economic welfare is dependent on the size and structure of the household. For elimination of this impact the method of consumption units is needed. A con­ sumption unit is determined using the OECD (Organization of Economic and Co-operation Development) scale. OECD concept of consumption unit (equivalence scale) proceeds from the fact of cohabitation (household). The first adult has the value 1.0, each other adult, 0.7, and children, 0.5 (Uusitalo 1992: 17). Disposable income calculated on the basis of OECD equivalence scale forms household disposable equivalent income.

The poverty lines are calculated: 1 by the line differentiating families for sociopolitical and administrative decisions; 2. at 50% of the median disposable income (Uusitalo 1989); 3. at 50% of the median consumption (Eurostat 1990); 4 through expenditure on food (Zimmerman & Chilman 1988).

The poverty lines calculated per household member and per OECD consumption unit are compared.

2 2 RESULTS

Study I: M arriage and families in Estonia The situation of families in Estonia can be characterized by only one fact: the divorce rate, beginning its rise from the late 1960s, has been 45-48% from the number of marriage contracts per year during last ten years up to the revised year 1988. That means, about 60-65% of marriages which are legally concluded, end in divorce. The high divorce rate is not a problem in itself but it is a problem in the sense of indication of the dvsfunctioning of the marriage and the factors de­ termining it. The investigation [paper I] reveals the first four years of marriage to be the most dangerous for the stability of marriage. According to the data for 1988, 32% of marriages ending in divorce in cities and 30% in the country last about four years. The tenth anniversary is not reached by 59% of marriages in cities, 55% in the countryside. The average length of marriage in towns is 6.6 years and in the rural areas, 7.5 years. First marriage and remarriage do not differ notably in stability; re­ marriages break up with the same probability as first marriages. For second marriages, the first two years of marriage are the most dangerous; compared to about 15% of first marriages, nearly one-third of the remarrieds separate. Ac­ cording to the data from 1988, about 40% of the divorced have no dependent children. More than 75% of applications for divorce are handled by wives, nearly three fourths of whom are under 40 years of age, and of a fertile age with every possibility to contract a remarriage. The increase in the number of remarriages has been higher than the rise in the di vorce rate while remarriages still stay a typical urban phenomenon. The divorce rate is higher in the urban areas and lower in the rural areas; it is higher in the regions with high immigration rates and the lowest in the Estonian islands and other ancient Estonian areas with a low immigration and industrialization level. Cohabitation is gaining popularity, the number of first marriages is decreasing, i.e. behind the apparent stabilization of the divorce rate, an increasing variability of family formation is taking place. The high frequency of divorce has created a liberal attitude towards the divorced which encourages them to remarry.

The investigation [paper II] overviewing formation, development and breakdown of conjugal relationships, has revealed some regularities determining instability of marriages in Estonia. 1. Quality of spouses' relationships and informal stability of marriage [paper II; Kutsar 1990b,с,d; 1988b]. The study is based on the survey of 540 married couples in Estonia (1978) and proceeds from Lewis and Spanier's

23 (1979) theoretical framework of quality and stability of marital relationships. Index of Quality of Spouses' Relationships is formed from the estimates of mu­ tual closeness. Some other indexes of the pair on the ground of more influential upon the spouses' interrelationships parametres are formed that gather into the determinants of the quality of conjugal relations and the informal stability of the marital bond. The Regression Analysis is processed (Figure 3).

Figure 3. The empirical model of informal stability of marriage in Estonia (Regression analysis)

24 The informal stability of one's marriage is determined by the perceived quality of spouses' relationships, the subjective evaluation of the probability of marriage breaking up, and perceived alternatives to marriage (Lewis & Spanier 1979; Figure 3). The subjective evaluation of the informal prosperity of one's marriage in a great deal determines one's behaviour pattern in a conflict situation (Figure 4; Kutsar 1991b).

CONFLICT PROCESS Attitude of a Attitude of a person "A" person "B” AFFECTIVE ВЙШИИ COGNITIVE • 1 CONATIVE

Barriers of breaking up CONJUGAL Alternatives to marriage SITUATION Value of the marriage

PROBLEM Seriousness of the situation SITUATION Strength of the partner Value of the relationship OF THE COUPLE

Figure 4. A Conflict process changing social attitude of a couple (Kutsar 1991b).

The main social reasons for the high divorce rate have been rapid urbanization and industrialization, high women's employment rate, and an imbalance in fam­ ily functions due to low economic level of society [paper III]. * Industrialization and urbanization. Estonia is characterized by an increas­ ingly high level of urbanization. In 1960 the urban population of the republic made up 57% of the whole population, and in 1970, 65%, and in 1989, 72%. The centres of collective and state farms had obtained quite an urban look with some features characterizing the urban way of life as a result of official population and economy policy. * Work participation o f mothers. The high level of women's participation in the labor force was forced by the Soviet system where both genders had to par­ ticipate in society equally. As a result, Soviet women achieved much eco­ nomical and psychological independence as well as self-awareness for resolv-

7 25 ing family crisis situations. Already by the 1979 census, 96% of women ca­ pable of work were engaged outside home. Such a high women's employment rate has not been the result of free choice: it has been a result of general pol­ icy that all who were able to had to be engaged in work; staying at home was condemned morally in the former Soviet society. This caused children at an early age to attend preschool institutions. Emancipation and individualization of a!! the family members, as well as the problem of keeping psychological closeness am ong the family members alive, increases the risk of marriage breakdown.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CRISIS

Figure 5. "Over-emancipation” of Estonian women: the Soviet case of equality

26 Contrary to the official attitude towards out-of-home employment, Estonian women did not agree with such emancipation. Since the beginning of the 1970s, when a questionnaire about students' ideal marriage and a spouse was carried out among the students of Tartu and Helsinki University, 90% of the Estonian female respondents in Tartu, preferred to have an opportunity for part-time work, yet only 20% did so in Helsinki (Tiit & Haavio-Mannila 1981; Pleer, Tammjärv & Tammjärv 1990). Women's 'forced emancipation' in the former Soviet society has caused disorder in the hierarchy of roles of a woman (Figure 5; Kutsar 1991c ). * Unbalance o f family functions. One of the reasons for low stability of mar­ riages in Estonia is connected with the unbalance of family functioning (Tiit & Kutsar 1990a,b). Due to the low economic level of the society, the eco­ nomic function of the family is needing a lot of time and resources from the family. Empirical data from the survey involving 1200 families with children carried out by the Unit of Family Studies of University of Tartu in 1987, demonstrates that during free days and vacations, spouses deal with different houseworks: they repair flats, cars, sew, do other service works for the fam­ ily. They have little time for rest. Many families have not enough time or en­ ergy to develop their children or to spend time together (Tiit 1990b). On this basis the process of alienation between the family members and danger of marriage breakdown comes evident.

2. Changing social attitudes and interaction patterns of spouses [paper II]. The project is aimed at revealing social psychological processes influencing stability of marriage. The investigation involves 1150 future spouses, 540 mar­ ried couples after their five years of marriage (repeated questioning) and 950 di­ vorcing persons. Thirty two bipolar self- and mutual character estimations of people to marry, conjugal and divorcing spouses are measured and analyzed in comparison. (Kutsar 1991b). The analysis reveals seven bipolar personality features (honest- dishonest; tactful-tactless; affectionate-heartless; conscientious-unconscientious; trustful- distrustful; friendly-unfriendly; orderly-disorderly) that are good indicators of the conjugal atmosphere. The Index o f Marital Success is formed to differentiate the conjugal atmosphere as ’successful' or 'unsuccessful'. People intending to marry are mutually benevolent and ready for interaction. They are emotionally close to each other and mutually tolerant. As a rule, the estimation of the future spouse is highly positive and it exceeds the self­ estimation of the respondent (Figure 6). Divorcees make up an opposite group. In the marriages on the verge of break up most often the nucleus of marriage - be­ nevolent relations between spouses — is destroyed. Then both spouses express mutual distrust. The tolerance at the beginning of one's marriage is replaced with the intolerance towards the spouse. The spouse is estimated far more negatively

27 than the respondent about himself/herself does. The young couples are divided into two groups in accordance to the Index of Marital Success. Spouses of 'suc­ cessful' marriages maintain positive attitude towards their partners, 'unsuccessful' ones start to approach the divorcing couples in their estimations and mutual un­ derstanding (Kutsar 1991b). It is concluded that the perceptive image of the spouse is formed by the value estimations of the person which is made by the other spouse. The value estimations, taken together, express a social attitude towards the spouse which regulates the interaction with him/her. The perceptive image changes together with the changing pattern of interaction (Kutsar 1991b; Figure 6).

Figure 6. Partner’s estimation and self-estimation of ‘future spouses’, ‘successful’ and ‘unsuccessful’ couples and ‘divorcees’ (an abstraction).

In summary, the couples' personal characteristics, interpersonal perception proc­ esses, personal values and attitudes play an important role in changing conjugal relationships and stability of marriages in Estonia. Industrialization, urbaniza­ tion, women's labour force participation and unbalanced family functions create a fertile soil for alienation processes between the family members. Every factor mentioned above continues to influence the stability of conjugal relationships at the time of transformation in Estonia. In the situation of increased outer stresses the existence of a supportive family network promotes adaptation to negative life events (loss of a job, loss of a permanent income, etc). The inner weaknesses of the marital bond become more evident and the danger of marriage breakdown increases.

28 Study II: Social stress in Estonia A change in any society includes processes of innovation, adoption and resis­ tance. When the transitions are rapid, these processes overlap, and predicting the future is especially difficult (Settles 1987). Recent five years have been an ex­ traordinary time of transformations for people in Estonia. Changing political, economic, as well as social system produces insecurity and incertainty feelings of people and sets forward coping as the central point determining subjective well­ being. New demands, new relationships between people, arising new social problems, formation of a new life philosophy remind us of Toffier's "future shock" (Toffler 1970). Multiple social change tests a person's abilities to re­ construct the situation, one's self-identification and coping skills. Officially rec­ ognized social problems, such as unemployment, inequality, poverty, etc., reveal inner weaknesses of people to meet new challenges, to disclose the legacy of so­ cialism and the totalitarian system. The present study [papers IV and V] seeks to address issues such as how people in Estonia are reacting to this massive change and what they feel while coping with the new life situations. Who is at greatest risk of psychological sur­ vival, who can welcome the social changes as attractive challenge? The implicit assumption, consistent with biological stress models, is that the respondent's stress follows from external demands. The gender, age and na­ tionality of a respondent serve as differentiating variables of cognitive appraisal and the ability to cope with social stress [paper IV: Figure 1] Social changes are understood as stressors that are appraised as more or less challenging. Differences in appraisal of change lead to varying degrees of stress. In accordance with the hypothesized model, appraisal and coping with the social change result in the perception of the situation as threatening or stimu­ lating for the actor's adaptational outcome. Coping strategies have been conceptualized as problem-focused when the goal is to change stressor conditions and emotion- focused when the goal is to relieve the emotional impact of stress (Borden 1991; Lazarus & Folkman 1984; Monat & Lazarus 1985). The concept of psychological well-being is seen as an indicator o f adapta­ tional outcome (Larson 1978). The levels of psychological well-being are de­ termined in varying degrees by the perception and construction of multiple social change as challenging and by a future orientation. Reliance on emotion-focused and problem-focused strategies differentiates the respondents by the levels of psychological well-being, on the assumption that well-being acknowledges the possibilities as well as limitations for action in the context of social change. This study verified that respondents reporting higher levels of distress more frequently exibit coping strategies characterized by a negative focus and by wishful thinking. The failure to respond to the demands of new social situations reflect negatively on the person's psychological well-being. The respondents re­ 8 29 porting lower levels of distress rely more frequently on coping strategies charac­ terized by a positive focus and by problem solving. Stressful events are seen as offering new perspectives and exciting challenges for their lives. This, in turn, leads to higher levels of psychological well-being. The cluster analysis reveals an at-risk group of people with higher levels of distress. They constitute 41% of the male and 30% of the female samples. They tend more often to be the respondents from the older age groups and of non- Estonian origin. The less distressed group constitutes 59% of the male sample and 30% of the female sample. More often, they are the respondents from the younger age groups and those of Estonian nationality.

The results of the study have been interpreted as following: 1. The higher level o f distress o f the older respondents is connected with their slowing socialization process, hardships in changing their habitual way of life, re-orienting to a new job, meeting new demands in the situation where de­ velopment of Estonia favours young people. Social myths of people of older age are positive in their context and more concrete because of proceeding from their own experience in the past; on the other hand, breaking of a social myth is more painful for an older person because there is not so much time left for waiting for the improvement of the situation. 2. The higher levels o f distress o f the respondents o f non-Estonian origin is connected with the specificity of the transformation process in Estonia. It is the time of re-construction of the national state of Estonians which can easily create extra burden of tensions to the non-Estonian population leaving them in the positions of outsiders. Due to the lack of authentic information (many of them cannot speak and understand the Estonian language), the social ex­ pectations while turning into social myths have negative context and support the role of an outsider enabling alienation processes from the society. Social myths of many non-Estonians decrease cognitive control over the new life situations and increase the levels of social distress.

Study III: Poverty among households The meaning as well as the measures of 'poverty' are by no means universally accepted by different researchers. One can argue that the most vital and argued concepts of poverty in the European academic discussion are those of subsistence (poverty) and relative deprivation. The essential differences between these con­ cepts are most explicit in their consequences for social policy. Subsistence pov­ erty tends to refer to the societal goal to ensure resources for the level of con­ sumption which enables citizens to avoid exclusion from the society. The relative deprivation approach leads to policy that guarantees the level of income which enables full participation in the average life styles and customs of the society.

30 The strategy aimed at avoidance of relative deprivation stresses the output factor of need-satisfaction fulfilment when the competing concept underlines the mini­ mum consumption side (Heikkilä 1990: 36). The study [paper VI] examines living standards and poverty in Estonia from the 1920's and focuses on 1992. The year 1992 is the first year of independence after the Soviet occupation. The study asks a question, where the poverty line can be set and how many households are below the poverty level. Various defini­ tions of poverty level are discussed. The conclusion is that to set the poverty line at 50% median income or 50% median expenditure is not principally differ­ ent from the statement that everybody can spend what he has. Since wages are low, the relative poverty line is also low. In the case of Estonia, the structure of total expenditures and the expenditure on food would be better starting points of international comparisons and more reasonable indicators of relative poverty [p. 141]. Empirical evidence is given that single-earner household and households with three or more children face the danger of falling into deep poverty The pov­ erty among Estonian households reveals a skewed expenditure structure that in­ dicates exclusion from a consumption-centered way of life. The study [paper VII] monitors the economic situation of households in 1993 and concentrates on a discussion about new challenge in social policy. The study discusses the socio-political dilemma, how to meet the interests of the helpless without making any damage to the enterprising spirit of the economically suc­ cessful people and economic progress in general.

In conclusion, the transformation process in Estonian society uncovers new problems for individuals and households, new tasks, responsibilities and per­ spectives for social policy in the elaboration of social guarantees. At the period of rapid changes the interrelatedness of the individual and society and the media­ tor role of the family and household between the two, become extremely evident. Not only the individual but the whole household has to cope with the loss of a family member's job; the whole household must relate to the conditions of de­ creasing incomes, and the overall decrease of subjective and objective welfare The study verifies that changing the entire political, economic and social system in a society is difficult. And if the changes are to be brought about simultane­ ously, the situation becomes nearly insoluble, as Dellenbrant (1993) in his article about transformation in East and Central Europe concludes.

31 DISCUSSION

Catherine Lalumiere, the previous prime secretary of the European Council has said: "We stand at a crossroads between the conception of the family which pre­ vailed in the past and that of the future. We must take account of the past, we must work in the present, and we must look towards the future" ("Family Mat­ ters", Occasional Papers Series, 1, 1992: 5). The reflection of societal change in the families has been in some cases adap­ tive, in others, destructive, threatening the survival of the family. As with rapid external change, changes internal to the family bring both opportunities and problems, benefits and costs, and certainties and risks. Families act not merely as recipients of change: they also serve as its agents.

Thesis 1: Transformation has decreased the levels of people’s subjective well-being. 1. The speed o f social change alone is a conspicuous factor o f stress in fami­ lies. Individuals often are not able to adapt as rapidly as changes occur. For that reason, rapid change, even positive in essence, brings emotional tensions and fear of loss of cognitive control over the situation, which results in feel­ ings of powerlessness and dissatisfaction with decrease in levels of subjective well-being. 2. People who are overwhelmed and distressed by multiple social change find themselves rejected and excluded from the society and its development. Loss of social participation favours loss of personal identity and development of alienation (Schacht 1994). Alienation is a problem of over-choice rather than under-choice. An individual has to make a choice between different social groups, parties, even nationalities and countries, to create a new personal identity in a new social, economic and political situation. At the time of social transformation, the meaning of old social participation will be replaced with new one. 3. The legacy o f the fifty years o f socialism and the totalitarian system is the additional factor that endangers the levels of subjective well-being. The so­ cialist state took responsibility for giving work, free education, medical serv­ ice, and low price public transport. Family policy was oriented towards the working woman and, therefore, the state provided a well-organized set of pre­ school institutions for children. Housing costs were partly paid by the state and expenditure on rent was low in the family-budget. The state, through work agencies, or trade unions, took care of the people who had good work records and established opportunities for staying in holiday homes, sanato- rias. The state dealt with the deficiency in consumer goods by providing these

32 through the workplace. Deacon (1992) called this type of social security system 'party-state/workplace paternalism': allocation according to work rec­ ord rather than necessity led to unmet needs of those falling outside the in­ sured categories of risk. Deacon (1992: 7) concludes. "Welfare recipients were objects of provision and never active subjects in defining needs and running services that met needs". A shortage of labor under the Soviet system made people unconcerned about the quality of work, since they never feared losing their job. Currently increasing unemployment has been a real shock for those experiencing it. The life philosophy of planned economy and paternalis­ tic care of the state has produced 'learned helplessness' and lack of 'self-help mentality'. There are people who, after loss of job or permanent income, un­ expectedly find themselves among the group which, at least temporarily, needs social welfare services. 4. People coming from the totalitarian system have started to reform their life philosophy. At first, the opposition of concepts which were characteristic of the old system and new ones which are typical of the expected society can be noticed. The confrontation of the old and the new terms contain denial of the old and attribution of highly positive meaning to the new terms, until personal encounters: unemployment is a 'good term' because it creates competition and forces higher work standards, until the person himself loses a job; the market economy as a concept is positive because it uncovers numerous pos­ sibilities for better life, until one faces problems and unsuccessful attempts to find own place in the labour market.

Thesis 2: Transformation has led to decrease of people's objective welfare. An analysis of the structure of the expenditures of respondent households in August, 1992 [paper VI] and in January, 1994 (Figure 7), reveal a deformed structure of consumption. Almost all the households (the upper tenth decile is excluded) have a rather similar consumption structure: about half or more on food, 15-20% on housing, about five percent on clothes, shoes, etc. The possibilities to meet other needs such as the purchase of durable goods, paying transport costs, education, lei­ sure, health, and travelling are very limited. Whereas the share spent on food is smaller compared with August, 1992 when it formed up to 3/4 from the house­ hold disposable income [VI: 140], the household budget is even tighter now due to the increased housing costs. Many households cannot pay for housing or pay only a part of it. The absolute expenditures (in kroons) of the households reveal different standards of living. The households with a lower standard of living and low resources have to accommodate their way of life to their small financial re­ sources. The households with higher living standards aspire to develop a way of life that needs more money to conform with their financial as well as social position.

9 33 per cent 80

60

40

20

— \J > =± i II III IV V VI VII VII IX X food o : 58 52 51 48 46 44 46 43 41 26

Я5- hoibiiig 16 to to 18 20 23 19 15 15 13 9 w ardrobe i 2 4 4 3 4 5 6 7 9 o ther A 25 24 28 28 28 33 34 35 40 56

’■■iUiscnold dccilcs (calculated on the basis of household consumption per OECD)

Figure 7. The structure of expenditures in household expenditure deciles in January 1994

As an average, almost one tenth of observed households have an income not en­ suring satisfaction of minimum physiological needs. Households with children are at higher risk for physiological survival. Households with three and more children are m the worst situation; their lack of economic resources is the most acute In general a single-parent household has less resources in comparison with a two-parent household. Whether a parent is engaged in the labour market, i .e.. has stable income or not, determines the income level of the household to a greater degree than only the presence of one or both parents. The higher number of dependants and the lower number of breadwinners in one's household multi­ plies the risk of fall mg under the physiological poverty line. Townsend in the foreword to his famous book "Poverty in the United King­ dom" has written: ’"Their ... (-the people in poverty-) ... resources are so seri­ ously below those commanded by the average individual or family that they are, in effect excluded from ordinary living patterns, customs and activities" (Townsend 1979: 31)

Thesis 3: Transformation creates contradictions between objective welfare and subjective well-being among families. Four positions of objective welfare and subjective well-being (subjectively perceived quality o f life) among families have been presented by Zapf (1984). 34 The dynamic interrelatedness of the objective welfare and subjective well-being of a family can give some insights in the processes that families experience at this time of transformation (Figure 8).

SUBJECTIVELY PERCEIVED OBJECTIVE QUALITY OF LIFE (WELL-BEING) WELFARE POSITIVE NEGATIVE (a) (b) POSITIVE Positive concordance Dissonance (well-being) (dissatisfaction- dilemma) (d) (c) NEGATIVE Adaptation Negative concordance (satisfaction-paradox) (deprivation)

Figure 8. Adapted from: Zapf W. (1984).The four well-being positions. In: Glatzer and Zapf: Lebensqualität in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1984: 5.

1. Positive objective welfare level corresponds to positively perceived quality o f life (Figure 8 (a)). People and families who have been able to answer the challenge given by the transformation have successfully applied their poten­ tial in production of resources for their own life. As a rule, the decrease m their welfare has been of short duration. The objective welfare and subjec­ tively perceived quality of life may be contradicting each other only in the way of both experiencing 'Western consumerism'' abroad and limited oppor­ tunities to develop the same in one's personal life. Having positive attitudes towards the development and further perspectives of the state, they are am­ bitious to reach the normal society and to put 'Western consumerism ’ work by the quickest possible way. 2. Positive objective welfare accompanies with subjectively perceived low quality o f life in some families due to the fact that accumulation o f welfare resources has noticeably decreased (Figure 8 (b)). Being subjectively unsat­ isfied with objectively satisfactory living conditions, represents, according to Zapf (1984: 24-25) 'dissatisfaction dilemma' . Dissatisfaction dilemma takes large scale among families at the time of transformation due to the problems of economic and psychological coping with societal change. The forces that complicate the situation, are the previous life philosophy of planned economy and paternalistic care of the state, and the lack of both en­ trepreneurship and the experience of competition. 2.1 The state oj dissonance between positive objective welfare and subjectively perceived low quality o f life (Figure 8 (b)) awakens a desire to restore the former customary way o f life and develops a feeling o f being excluded from

35 habits, traditions, i.e. from the former life-style. Ringen (1987: 134) states: "Poverty in terms of how people live is not the same as poverty of low re­ sources". If a person who has a colour TV-set, a car, or a decent apartment, now spends more than half of all the expenditures on food, can no longer use a car because of the expensive petrol, cannot habitually go to the cafe, cannot buy any desired new book, or cannot replace an old refrigerator with a new one, then what is he and what is his household like in the situation he happens to live in? What is the effect on this person's or family's lifestyle? He/she/the whole family has to give up the customary way of life because of changes in society and the new financial situation. This is poverty in a large scale (Ringen 1987). The following case (Case 1) characterizes the strive to restore the former life style of a person whose accumulation of welfare resources has noticeably decreased during the transformation. Being dissatisfied with the new economic situation she is inventive in finding opportunities to experience her old life style even if for a while.

Case 1 (a life situation. observed by the author). An old lady, over 70 years old, entered a cafe and asked the waitress to give her a cup o f tea on credit because she had no money to buy it. Next week she came, paid her debt and asked for a cup o f coffee with cream and some cakes — that day was her pension day.

Bjom Hvinden (1994: 2) refers at Georg Simmel's essay written at the be­ ginning of the century, where he states that poverty may be interpreted as a social relationship, and not only as a lack or deficiency o f means. 2.2. Decrease in accumulation o f people's welfare has caused a situation that excludes the normal development and growth o f the household. This situa­ tion is especially threatening for young families. The persons who already have furnished their homes and have brought up their children are not in real need of obtaining new durable goods as much as the young families are (Case 2).

Case 2 A mother wrote to a local daily newspaper that she had three children aged nine, seven and one, each one o f them received an allowance o f EEK 60 monthly. She was on maternity leave and received EEK 90 monthly. Her husband's disposable income was 1.5 minimum wage. Her concern was that she was not able to buy food with the required nutritional value for her children. This is not starvation: the woman cannot guarantee the emotional and mental welfare o f her children, she cannot pay for their hobbies, she has no money for a movie, theatre or books. Such a situation makes her

36 distressed and for that reason she is not able to have a normal emotional atmosphere at home.

It is as if an imaginary starting line for people in Estonia where the house­ holds occupy their places for further life, only those who have settled down and have their own homes earlier have more favourable starting position — even if they are not able to develop their households resources because of the high prices and low income level today. 3. Due to the fact that the accumulation o f objective welfare has decreased or stopped for some households, they are losing their present objective welfare resources (e.g., sell a car, exchange their flat for smaller one, personal things are unable to replace worn-out, etc.). Facing serious problems o f economic survival, they are socially deprived (Figure 8 (c)). First, these are households of people in retirement age, mothers taking maternity leave, the handicapped, etc. They form a traditional group of people who in every way are dependent on the welfare system. The breakdown of the previous welfare system has produced a remarkable decrease in their resources and many people have fallen into deep poverty. Second, there are people who, after losing a job or permanent income unexpectedly find themselves among the group which at least, temporarily, needs social welfare services. They feel powerless to improve the situation and confused by the idea what will hap­ pen to them in the near future (Case 3).

Case 3 (from a reader's letter to a local newspaper). "Today, the average daily income o f the unemployed is a little more than three kroons. At the same time the settled daily minimum food expenses for a prisoner is EEK 10. There are few possibilities to find a job. Employers require good skills, knowledge o f foreign languages, good appearance, possession o f a phone and a car, etc. How can an unemployed person have a good appearance with her repaired shoes, without make-up, with no appro­ priate hairstyle? How to smile while feeling the depression and concern about tomorrow? How to break out from this circle?"

4. Low level o f objective welfare coincides with estimation o f quality o f life as positive (Figure 8 (d)). Dissatisfaction is a psychological state that cannot be endured by an individual in the long run because of the associated cognitive tensions (Festinger 1957; Olson & Schober 1993). The individual has two choices to reduce this tension: either to change the situation or to adapt his/her own personal standards to the undesirable situation. The latter phenomenon is called 'resigned adaptation' by Ipsen (1987), Berger-Schmitt (1987) and Latten (1989).

10 37 The people who adapt their personal standards to the undesired situation, cope with the situation and a state of mental satisfaction is produced. The adaptation or resignation of people to their poverty situation is determined 'satisfaction paradox' by Zapf (1987). Being satisfied or resigned with the state of poor living leaves them incentive to take action. They feel, they have 'missed the boat', they are not able to protect their personal interests and cannot change the situation in which they are involved in [papers IV and VJ.

Instead o f Case 4: The author o f current thesis was involved in the Pilot Study o f "Living conditions in Estonia" organized by FAFO International (Norway) in coop­ eration with the Unit o f Family Studies o f Tartu University in September- October 1993 and in cooperation with Estonian Republician Statistics Authority and Ministry of Social Affairs in 1994. Both studies were carried out using direct interviews. The interviews revealed a phenomenon o f ac­ commodation o f personal needs and standards to the lowered resources. The respondents could hardly remember anything they could not purchase during the previous week because o f lack o f money. The majority o f the 'satisfiedpoor' respondents estimated their life situation as 'good'.

The people who are resigned from the former life style, even do not feel real need to restore it. They state that if nothing unexpected happens, they can cope with the situation else they will experience severe troubles and tensions again.

Thesis 4: The forces of societal change have brought changes in families themselves. 1. The changing socio-political and economic system in Estonia has caused postponement o f family formation. The number of marriage contracts in 1993 is 61% from that in 1989 (Figure 9). At the same time, the number of di­ vorces has decreased, as well. The divorce rate has decreased from 3.8 per 1000 inhabitants in 1988 to 3.6 in 1991. Only in 1992, is there a noticeable increase in divorce. This was the year when the Estonian passport was intro­ duced and every divorced person who had not registered his/her divorce in the local Registrar's Department did this before a new passport was issued. Un­ fortunately, nothing can be said about the changes in the prosperity of mar­ riages due to the nationality of the spouses. From the year 1992, the national­ ity of a person is not registered in the Registrar's Department.

38 Thousands

Figure 9. Number of marriages and divorces in Estonia 1989-1993.

2. The transformation has caused changes in the fertility patterns. Proceeding from the fact that the number of marriage contracts has decreased during the years of transformation, the total number of births in 1993 forms 62% from that in 1989 (Figure 10). The decrease in birth rate is noticeable among le­ gitimate births. At the same time, the number of the illegitimate births has not considerably changed but its share in the total number of births has signifi­ cantly increased. In 1993 it constitutes 38% from the total number of births (in 1989 it was 25%). The transformation in Estonia has created many new possibilities for young people to study, complete one's education abroad, or prepare oneself economically for one's family life. For that reason, young people postpone the registration of a marriage and replace it with cohabitation more often. The availability of contraceptive methods has made family planning more effec­ tive. Another factor, that may decrease birth rate and support postponement of a marriage contract comes from facing economic and psychological stresses at the time of transformation. People of fertile age ask questions such as whether it is reasonable to bring children to such a world, or what re­ sources are available for bringing up the children.

39 N (Thousands)

1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 Total births 24.292 22.308 19.32 18.006 15.17 Legitimate Щ 18.169 16.264 13.302 11.891 9.368 Illegitimate jj 6.123 6.044 6.018 6.115 5.802

Figure 10. Dynamics of births in Estonia in 1989-1993.

Thesis 5: Transformation has brought new resources negative as well as positive for the families. Contemporary families in Estonia are besieged with internal as well as exter­ nal stresses, as evidenced by high divorce rate, decreasing number of marriage contracts and legal births, poverty and social stress . On the other hand, only now some special challenge for the families can be revealed. 1. Family as a social institution keeps the role o f a carrier o f ethnic identity Individual families who are on the front edge of social change are often adapt­ able and flexible. In contrast to this fexibility, the family as part of philosophy is usually seen as conservative and traditional (Elshtain 1982). For years, the Estonian family has been the carrier of a social memory and ethnic identity Some psychological preconditions for that purpose have been the patience and assiduousness of the Estonian character, appraisal of individual work and comparatively high educational level of the population. At present, being free from the 'double lives' (i.e., unspoken ideas and feelings that come from social memory confronting ideologically expected behaviour at the time of occupation), the family has taken an active role in restoring the ethnic traditions. Furthermore, the family has a special place in preserving ethnic identity of its members in the current situation where Esto­ nia has opened to other countries and to their multiple impacts. A Protestant way of life instead of the empty code of ethics and forced atheistic way of life makes changes in value orientations possible

40 2. Family takes an active role in directing the redefinition o f life philosophy and the reconstruction o f learned helplessness o f its members. Individual families must adapt to the changing society. Low economic resources of a family push family members to search for new solutions for gainful employ­ ment. On the other hand, high entrepreneurship results in high work load and increased individuation processes. The term 'individuation' means the differ­ entiation of the individual from the family, his or her participation in activities outside the family not as a family member or as a representative of a certain family but as an individual (Haavio-Mannila & Strandell 1990). High indi­ viduation promotes alienation processes between the family members and the problems of preservation of psychological closeness in the conjugal relations will possibly get more acute. High divorce rate of registered marriages be­ sides the spreading alternatives to traditional family forms will keep its level on account of high vulnerability of conjugal relations and the external de- structional forces. 3. The family restores its instrumental roles in a society. The whole Estonian society is on the way to a market economy that will be mainly based on pri­ vate property. Private property that is owned not only by separate individuals but by the whole family moves the family towards its ancient roles of sup­ porting and caring. The family unit is likely to become increasingly important as a social resource: the replacement of stateism with familism in family pol­ icy presumes families to remain the most obvious source of care and support for their members. Clulow (1994: 5) concludes: "...the individual values of the market place, because they leave people to their own devices, can be expected to strengthen family bonds because there are no other support systems avail­ able". 4. The transformation has brought changes in the internal roles o f a family. A short research project aimed at the analysis of marital expectations among candidates of students to Tartu University was carried out by the researchers of the Unit of Family Studies in 1991. The study revealed that 12.8% of the male respondents of Estonian origin had an opinion that the reasonable num­ ber of children in a family could be zero. In comparison with the other studies concerning the preferred number of children in a family (Haavio-Mannila, Lammi & Tiit 1990; Kutsar & Tiit 1982; Pleer, Tammjärv & Tammjärv 1990), the attitudes towards the number of children in a marriage had not changed among the female respondents. In essence, the study revealed a situation where men had got ready to restore their traditional roles in the family of representing one's family unit in a society (instrumental role by Par­ sons) and taking responsibility over the well-being of the family members. 5. Spreading individualistic orientation, equality o f sexes and Western consum­ erism as an ideal will stay a considerable regulator o f birth rate in a family. To Clulow (1993: 272), the families as producers are reforming into families

11 41 as consumers. Individual values gain importance over the collective ones. Conflict of values associated with the preferred number of children versus reality that dictates economic dependence is evident. Women continually enter the paid workforce, while many men and young people face uncertain em­ ployment prospects. For the over-employed the demands of paid work can compete with those of family life, especially when the child-rearing years co­ incide with the peak performing years of paid employment (Clulow 1993: 269). Family planning possibly imposes a fee to individuation and the ideal of Western consumerism.

CONCLUSION

The family system, besides being of interest in its own right and something that may help us understand individual psychologies, is something through which the wider social processes can be explained. Referring to Morgan (1985: 283), the family has the two-edged character of launching and receiving impacts between the individual and society. The current study has documented how families re­ flect the transformation process in Estonia in 1988-1994. The focus has been put on the psychological and economic coping and adaptation processes.

The study can be concluded as following: 1. Transformation has decreased the levels o f people's subjective well-being. The rapidly changing society has put to test the abilities of coping and adap­ tation with the societal change of the individuals and the whole families. The process uncovers new tensions, dislocation of the locus of control, the prob­ lems of reconstruction of the new life situations and self-reidentification. As a result, the individuals with the lower levels of adaptation experience non­ participation and the state of being alienated from the society and its devel­ opment. 2. Transformation has led to decrease o f people's objective welfare. In the course of the societal transformation, the families experience changes in their welfare resources. The transformation leads to polarization of the whole population proceeding from the success of an individual economic activity and entrepreneurship As a result, the traditional groups of people and families supported by the welfare services have been supplemented by the groups of people and families who have suddenly lost their welfare resources in the course of societal change. 3. Transformation creates contradictions between objective welfare and sub­ jective well-being among families. The overall decrease in people's welfare and well-being that accompanies transformation, puts their previous welfare resources and subjectively perceived quality of life in contradiction. People 42 overwhelmed with economic problems and being distressed by multiple social change find themselves rejected and excluded from the possibilities offered by the society. Loss of old welfare resources and incapacity of production new ones leads to resignment and adaptation of personal living standards to the lowered resources. Only the further documentation of the situation and analy­ sis of the marginalization process can give an answer, who from those of losing their welfare resources can regain one's previous position in the society or even cross it and who will become the producer of the groups of under­ class. 4. The forces o f societal change have brought changes in families themselves. The number of marriage contracts as well as the number of legal births has noticeably decreased during the last six monitored years. The families face new positive and negative resources for their development. The dilemma between the family 's role of a carer and the ideal of Western consumerism be­ comes the most apparent.

43 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It gives me a great pleasure to take this opportunity of expressing my sincere thanks to all these who contributed in any way to this work.

In particular, I am indebted to: Professor Ene-Margit Tiit, my scientific tutor, for her large knowledge, her generous personal support and many stimulating discussions filled with enthusi­ asm and inspiration. Aita Tavit, former Head of the Unit of Family Studies, for her interest and encouragement. Avo Trumm and Urmas Oja, my co-authors and good colleagues, for their stimulating discussions and neverfailing support. Björn von Sydow, President of the Swedish National Foundation of Social Work and Ann Boklund, Research Secretary of the Swedish Association for So­ cial Work, for their cooperation and support. Professor Elina Haavio-Mannila from Helsinki University, for her helpful advice. Associate Professor Marion Cohn from Ohio Dominican College, for her constructive remarks about my work. Professor Jüri Allik, for his constructive criticism and encouragement. Professor Maiju Lauristin and Professor Peeter Vihalemm, for their great in­ terest and support. Vambola Leping, for his invaluable help with the computer work over the years. Alan Sanders from Sheffield Hallam University, for his skilful revision of the English text. Estonian Market and Opinion Research Centre (EMOR Ltd.) for cooperation. And last, but not least, my husband and daughters, for their patience, never- ending support and encouragement.

The studies summarized in this thesis, were supported by the Estonian Founda­ tion of Science, the Foundation of Social Science Research, the Swedish Na­ tional Foundation of Social Work and the Round Table of the President's Chan­ cellery.

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50 Schacht, R. (1994) The future of alienation. Sociological Abstracts, suppl. 173: 279. Schumm W. R. (1982) Evolution of marital and family interaction. Handbook of family measurement techniques. /J. Touliatos, B. F. Perlmutter, M A. Straus. California: Sage Publications. Self-concept over the life span. Pretest 1. (1991). The University of Michigan, Survey Research Center, Institute for Social research. Settles В. H. (1987). A Perspective on tomorrow's families. Handbook of mar­ riage and the family /М. B. Sussmann, S. K. Steinmetz. New York: Plenum Press. Social policy in the New Eastern Europe (1990) /В. Deacon, J. Szalai. Aldershot: Gower. Spanier G. B., Lewis R. A. (1980). Marital quality: A Review of the seventies. Journal o f Marriage and the Family, 4: 825-940. Sprey J. (1988). Current theorizing on the family: An Appraisal. Journal o f Marriage and the Family, 4: 875-890. Strauss A. (1947). Personality needs and marital choice. Social Forces. 2: 332-335. Thomas D. L., Wilcox J. E. (1987) The Rise of family theory. A Historical and critical analysis. Handbook o f marriage and the family /М. B. Sussmann, S. K. Steinmetz. New York: Plenum Press. Tiit E.-M. (1990a) The Estonian population yesterday, today, and tomorrow. Estonian population and the family. Family Problems X: 4-42, Tartu: Tartu University Press. Tiit E.-M. (1990b) The expectations of Estonian Population towards the Family Policy in October 1988. Family situation and policy. Family Problems VIII: 28-29, Tartu: Tartu University Press. Tiit E.-M. (1990c) The students' expectations about family, marriage and part­ ner. Differences in time and space. Estonian family and marriage ideal Fam­ ily Problems IX: 61-63. Tartu: University Press. Tiit E.-M., Haavio-Mannila E. (1981) Opiskelijoiden avioliittoihanteista Tar- tossaja Helsinkissa. Sosiologia, 3: 185-193 (in Finnish). Tiit E.-M., Kutsar D. (1990) The Economic situation and time-budget of families with children in Estonia and the problems of family politics. Sociological Ab­ stracts, suppl. 160: 228. Tiit E.-M., Kutsar D. (1990) Fundamentals of nowadays Estonian Family Pol­ icy. Family situation and policy. Family Problems VIII: 41-52. Tartu: Tartu University Press. Tiit E.-M., Kutsar D. (1984). A Survey of the development of family theory’ abroad. On personalities o f the spouses and quality o f conjugal relationships. Family Problems, VI: 5-25, Tartu: Tartu University Press (in Russian).

51 Tiit E., Kutsar D., Pall K. (1994) On the concept of family in Estonia: an em­ pirical research. Sociological Abstracts, suppi. 173: 304. Tiit E.-M., Tavit A., Kutsar D., Keerberg A. (1982) Factors affecting marital contentment and stability. Sociological research in the Baltic Socialist Re­ publics /М. Titma, P. Kenkmann, A. Matulionis, M. Taljunaite. Vilnius: Insti­ tute of Philosophy, Sociology and Law, 194-221. Toffler A. (1970). Future shock. New York: Bantam. Townsend, P. (1979) Poverty in the United Kingdom. A Survey of household resources and standards of living. Penguin Books Ltd. Trost J. (1988) Conceptualising the family. International Sociology, 3: 301— 308. Trost J. (1990a) Do we mean the same by the concept of family? Communica­ tion Research, 4: 431-443. Trost J. (1993) Family from a dyadic perspective. Journal o f Family Issues, 1:92-104. Trost J. (1990b) On becoming a family. Family Reports 18. Uppsala University. Trumm A., Kutsar D., Oja U. (1993) Transformation process in Estonia: A Challenge for social policy. Yearbook o f Population Research in Finland. XXXI. Helsinki: Väestöliitto, 1993: 104-110. Turner R. H., Shosid N. (1976) Ambiguity and interchangeability in role attribu­ tion: The effects of alter's response. American Sociological Review, 4: 993-1006. Uusitalo H. (1989). Income distribution in Finland. The effects of the welfare state and the structural changes in society on income distribution in Finland in 1966-1985. Central Statistical Office of Finland. Studies No. 148. Uusitalo H. (1992). The Scandinavian welfare state and poverty. Themes 4. Helsinki: National Agency for Welfare and Health. Warzywoda-Kruszynska W., Grotowska-Leder J. (1993) Poverty and social conditions in Poland during the transformation to a market economy. Scandi­ navian Journal o f Social Welfare, 3: 115-127. Winch B. F. (1958). Mate selection. New York. Zapf W. (1984). Individuelle Wohlfahrt: Lebensbedingungen und wahrgenom- mene Lebensqualität [Individual well-being: Living conditions and perceived quality of life]. Lebensqualität in der Bundesrepublik. AV. Glazer and W. Zapf. Miinchen: Campus, 1-26. Ziehl S.C. (1994) The family as institution with reference to South Africa. Pa­ per given at the XIII World Congress o f Sociology, 18-23 July 1994, Biele­ feld Zimmerman S. L , Chilman C. S. (1988). Poverty and families. Employment and economic problems /Chilman C. S. et al. London, Sage Publications: 107— 123 (Families in Trouble Series, Vol 1).

52 EESTI ÜHISKONNA TRANSFORMATSIOONI VÄLJENDUSTEST PEREKONNAS: SOTSIAALNE STRESS JA VAESUS

KOKKUVÕTE JA JÄRELDUSED

Käesoleva uurimuse eesmärgiks on analüüsida Eesti ühiskonnas toimuva trans­ formatsiooni väljendusi perekonnas, keskendudes perede majanduslikule ja psüh­ holoogilisele toimetulekule kiirete sotsiaalsete muutuste aastatel 1988-1994. Töö lähtub põhieeldusest, et perekond on vahendaja rollis üksikisiku ja ühiskonna va­ hel, peegeldades ühiskonnas toimuvaid protsesse ning neid ise aktiivselt mõjuta­ des. Uurimuse tausta kiijeldamisel arutletakse selle üle, kuidas määratleda pere­ konda kui uurimisobjekti, esitatakse lühiülevaade pereuuringutest kui eraldiasu­ vast sotsiaalteaduslikust valdkonnast, pereteooriate arengust ning pereuuringutest Tartu Ülikoolis. Käsitletakse ka uurimusega otseselt seotud sotsiaalseid muutusi Eestis.

Töö koosneb kolmest alauurimusest: Uurimus I annab ülevaate perekonnast Eestis, selle formeerumisest, arengust ja purunemisest. Autor esitab andmeid TÜ perekonnauurimisrühma poolt läbi­ viidud uurimustest (Artiklid I—III). Uurimus 2 analüüsib Eestis elavate inimeste reaktsioone ja tundeid sotsiaalse transformatsiooni ajal, määratleb need faktorid, mis determineerivad psüh­ holoogilist toimetulekut sotsiaalse stressiga, eristab psühholoogilise heaolu ta­ semed sotsiaalse stressi suuruse järgi ja uurib suuremas sotsiaalses distressis olevat gruppi (Artiklid IV-V). Uurimus 3 käsitleb perede objektiivset heaolu ja selle muutumist sotsiaalse transformatsiooni käigus pere-eelarvete uuringu alusel. Analüüsitakse perede sis­ setulekuid ja tarbimise struktuuri, diskuteeritakse erinevate vaesuspiiride ja mõnede sotsiaalpoliitiliste printsiipide ümber. Vaadeldakse ka perede majandus­ likku toimetulekut raskendavaid asjaolusid (Artiklid VI-VII).

Uurimuse kokkuvõttes on esitatud järgmised teesid: Tees 1: Transformatsioon on endaga kaasa toonud inimeste subjektiivse heaolu languse. Kiired muutused maa poliitilises, majanduslikus ja sotsiaalses elus nõuavad igalt üksikisikult uute olukordade selget mõistmist, muutustega toimetulekut ning enese re-identifikatsiooni muutunud situatsioonis. Suurenevad

74 53 inimestele esitatavad nõudmised, muutuvad sotsiaalsed suhted ja ühiskonnas levivad mitmesugused irratsionaalsed ootused. Tees 1.1: Kiired sotsiaalsed muutused ühiskonnas tekitab lisapinget, mis paneb inimeste toimetulekuressursid proovile ohustades nende subjektiivset heaolu. Transformatsiooni ajal on muutused sageli kiiremad kui inimesed nendega kohaneda suudavad. Selle tagajärjeks on tajutud kontrollikeskme liiku­ mine isiku seest välja, passiivsus, frustreeritus ja rahulolematus. Tees 1.2: Olulise faktorina on subjektiivset heaolu ohustamas sotsial­ istlikust mõtteviisist ja totalitaarriigis elamisest tingitud iseärasused inmeste eluorientatsioonides. Sotsialistlikust plaanimajandusest ja riigi patemalistlikust sotsiaalpoliitikast tulenenud inimeste õpitud abitus ja eneseabimentaliteedi puudumine saavad olulisteks kohanemist takistavateks asjaoludeks üleminekul plaanimajanduselt turumajandusele. Tees 1.3: Inimesed, kes on sotsiaalsete muutuste tõttu distressi sattunud\ tunnevad ennast ühiskonnast ja selle arengust välja tõrjututena. Madala sub­ jektiivse heaoluga inimesed kogevad tõsiseid raskusi uute olukordade mõistmises, muutustega toimetulekus ja enese koha leidmisel uutes tingimustes, mille tõttu nad tunnetavad ka vähest isiklikku osalust eesti ühiskonna arengus. Tees 1.4: Totalitaarriigist pärit inimesed on asunud oma eluorientatsioone uutele tingimustele vastavaiks kohandama. Täheldatav on üsna kiire vanade mõistete (plaanimajandus, tööjõupuudus jne.) asendamine uutega (turumajandus, tööpuudus, konkurents jne.). Aktiivselt eitades vanu mõisteid ja andes uutele mõistetele vaid positiivset sisu, muutub see isikliku kokkupuute korral konk­ reetse nähtusega oluliseks stressi suurendavaks asjaoluks.

Tees 2: Transformatsioon on endaga kaasa toonud inimeste objektiivse heaolu languse. Ühiskonna majanduslik ümberstruktureerumine peegeldub vastuolus madalate palkade ja tarbija jaoks kõrgete hindade vahel, mis on tingi­ nud perede tasakaalustamata tarbimisstruktuuri. Ühiskonna üldise majandusliku polarisatsiooni taustal on traditsioonilistele sotsiaalabi klientidele lisandunud inimesed, kes transformatsiooni käigus on kaotanud oma objektiivse heaolu res­ sursside akumulatsiooni võimalused, samas ära kulutamas ka olemasolevaid res­ sursse. Heaoluressursside akumulatsiooni aeglustumine või seiskumine paneb ohtu perede arengu, seda eriti noorte perede puhul, kelle vajadused tarbimise osas on mitmekesisemad, suuremad ja muutuvamad.

Tees 3: Transformatsioon loob vastuolu subjektiivse ja objektiivse heaolu va- hei Suhetades objektiivselt mõõdetavat ja subjektiivselt tajutud elukvaliteeti, on võimalik välja tuua neli erinevat positsiooni. Tees 3.1: Inimesed, kes on suutnud toimuvate muutustega kaasas käia ja transformatsiooni poolt pakutavaid uusi võimalusi edukalt ära kasutada, on säilitanud oma objektiivse heaolu ressursid ja kõrge subjektiivse heaolu ta-

54 seme. Objektiivse heaolu langus ressursside akumulatsiooni mõttes on nende puhul olnud ehk lühiajaline. Psühholoogiliselt tunnevad nad ühiskonna arengu suhtes suurt osalust. Tees 3.2: Rahuldav objektiivse heaolu tase on vastuolus madala subjekti­ ivselt tajutud elukvaliteediga, mis on tingitud heaoluressursside akumulatsiooni aeglustumisest transformatsiooni ajal. Olukord, kus inimesed ei ole võimelised kasutama oma olemasolevaid heaoluressursse ja tunnevad ennast ilmajäetutena hajumuspärasest elustiilist, omandab transformatsiooni ajal laia ulatuse. Rahul­ olematuse dilemma väljendub perede majanduslikus käitumises iga uue mate­ riaalse ressursi rakendamise püüdena harjumuspärase elustiili taastamise hu­ vides. Tees 3.3: Seoses objektiivse heaolu ressursside akumulatsiooni aeglustu­ misega hakkavad pered ära kulutama ka oma seni säilunud ressursse, muu­ tudes sotsiaalselt deprimeerituteks. Esiteks on need isikud ja pered, kes tradit­ siooniliselt on olnud sotsiaalabi kliendid, kuid seoses sotsiaalabi süsteemi üm­ berkujundamisega on langenud vaesusse. Teiseks on need isikud ja pered, kes lühemat või pikemat aega vajavad sotsiaalabi toetust seoses sissetuleku kao­ tamisega või kelle sissetulek ei võimalda pere jaoks vajalikke ühiskonnas paku­ tavaid võimalusi ära kasutada Tees 3.4: Madal objektiivse heaolu tase langeb kokku positiivse subjektiivse heaolu hinnanguga. Rahulolematus on psüühiline seisund, mis ei saa olemasole­ vate kognitiivsete pingete tõttu kaua kesta. Indiviidil on valida kahe võimaluse vahel: kas muuta kujunenud situatsiooni oma elustandarditele vastavaks või muuta oma elustandardeid mittesoovitud olukorrale vastavaks, e alistuvalt ko­ haneda. Rahulolu paradoks on kirjeldatav üksikisikute ja perede puhul, kelle käsutuses on reaalselt vähe heaoluressursse, kuid kes ometi hindavad oma olu­ korda suhteliselt heaks. Nad on passiivsed midagi ette võtma, kuna ei näe reaal­ seid võimalusi oma praegust elustiili parandada või varasemat taastada. Sot­ siaalpoliitika seisukohalt on nad ühiskonna arengu suhtes kõige suurem riski­ grupp.

Tees 4: Sotsiaalsed muutused on toonud kaasa muutusi perekonna­ institutsioonis. Tees 4.1: Muutustega Eesti sotsiaalpoliitilises ja sotsiaalmajanduslikus elus on kaasnenud abielude registreerimise arvu oluline langus, samal ajal kui registreeritud lahutuste arv on jäänud enamvähem samaks. Sõlmitud abi­ elude arvu vähenemist saab seostada mitmete faktoritega, sealhulgas abielu al­ ternatiivide levikuga ja abiellumisaja edasilükkamisega, seoses sotsiaalse ja majandusliku küpsuse tähtsustumisega enne pere loomist. Tees 4.2: Transformatsiooniga on kaasnenud muutused sündimuses. Sündide arvu üldises vähenemises peegelduvad inimeste psühholoogilise ja ma­ jandusliku toimetuleku raskused. Sündimuse langus on täheldatav just regist­

55 reeritud abieludest sündinud laste osas, kuna ka sõlmitud abielude arv on oluliselt kahanenud. Samal ajal abieluvälised sünnid on jäänud enamvähem samale tase­ mele. Transformatsiooni ajal on oluliselt paranenud viljastuse kontrolli vahendite kättesaadavus ja teadmised nende kasutamise kohta, mis on teinud võimalikuks teadlikuma pereplaneerimise. Väljaspool abielu sündinud laste suhteliselt stabi­ ilne arv viimastel aastatel annab kindlat tunnistust registreerimata kooselude ja teiste abielualternatiivide leviku kohta ühiskonnas.

Tees 5: Transformatsioon on loonud uusi positiivseid ja negatiivseid ressurs­ se perede jaoks. Tees 5.1: Perekond kui sotsiaalne institutsioon on jätkuvalt tähtis rahvusliku identiteedi edasikandja eesti ühiskonnas. Aastaid on perekond olnud eestlaste sotsiaalse mälu ja rahvusliku enesemääratluse hoidja, kaitsmaks seda totalitaar­ riigis lahustumise eest. Käesoleval ajal, kui Eesti on avanenud välismaailmale, on perekonnal tähtis roll täita eesti rahvusliku identiteedi edasisel püsimajäämisel.

56 PUBLICATIONS STUDY I: MARRIAGE AND FAMILIES IN ESTONIA

Papers:

I. Kutsar D. (1991) Marriage breakdown in Estonia. Population Research in FinlandXXIX. Helsinki: Väestöliitto, 1991: 73-82.

II. Kutsar D. (1990) Family development and divorce in Estonia: empirical research. Family Situation and Policy. Family Problems, VIII: 8-14. Tartu: Tartu University Press.

III. Kutsar D. (1990) Couples in an urbanized setting: expectations and reality Estonian Population and the Family. Family Problems, X: 60-81. Tartu: Tartu University Press. Marriage Breakdown in Estonia

DAGMAR KUTSAR Research-Psychologist Tartu University

The divorce rate is a statistical estimation of marriage breakdown in society. In Estonia, as a rule, it has been calculated from the number of marriages contracted the same year. More rarely a calculation concerning the entire population is used. The number of divorces is the number of divorces registered at the Registrar’s Offices. If a couple has no children or no disagreements to resolve, they are divorced there and their divorce is registered automatically. If a couple does have children and/or mutual disagreements, they have to go through a court process. Only after the registration of the divorce in the Registrar’s Office is a marriage legally dissolved and both ex-spouses have the right to remarry. Many spouses who have gone through the divorce process in a court and resolved their disagreement do not register their divorce immediately. In these cases their divorce will be included in the divorce statis­ tics of the year it is registered. Some people, who have no intentions or plans for remarrying, never register their divorce. In a situation like this, the divorce never reaches the divorce statistics. Thus, the divorce rate of a certain year is an approximate indicator of marriage breakdown. This number does not include all the people who were divorced in the courts; it does not include persons who have separated and whose marriage has actu­ ally ended. The aim of this article is to present divorce data for Estonia and to analyze the social processes and factors influencing marriage breakdown. This article mainly con­ centrates on the year 1988, when 5,924 divorces were registered in the municipal Regis­ trar’s Offices of Estonia. The statistical data used comes from the Estonian Republican Registrar’s Depart­ ment, from Civil Censuses and from various collections of statistical data. Unfor­ tunately our state statistics has been quite superficial. Without more detailed investi­ gations we cannot draw deep conclusions about people who are getting divorced.

Marriages, divorces and remarriages

Divorce as a social problem in Estonian society gained in importance starting in the sixties, when a rapid increase in the divorce rate was noted. From the sixties the number of divorces formed about one third of all marriages contracted the same year. The rapid increase in the divorce rate reached its peak in 1984, when the fiumber of divorces formed already about one-half of the number of marriages contracted this year. During the last three years the divorce rate has stabilized at quite a high level, or at 45—47% (Table 1). The increase in the number of remarriages has been higher than the rise in the divorce rate. Remarriages are a typical urban phenomenon. For example, in Tallinn, the capital of the Estonian Republic, 58.5% of all marriages in 1988 were first mar-

16 T able 1. Marriages, divorces and remarriages in Estonia.

Year Marriages Divorces Divorces Remarriage per 100 per 1 000 rate marriages inhabitants 1940 10,182 11.6 1950 10,456 16.4 9.5 1960 12,146 20.9 13.5 1970 12,373 35.4 3.2 16.5 1975 12,443 38.9 20.0 1980 12,964 47.3 4.1 21.3 1984 12,530 49.4 1985 12,861 47.1 3.9 25.7 1988 12,973 45.7 3.8 28.9

T able 2. Births in Estonia.

Year Number of births % of illegitimate births All Urban Rural All Urban Rural areas areas areas areas 1980 4,057 2,156 1,901 18.3 13.9 28.5 1985 4,897 2,808 2,091 20.7 16.8 30.0 1986 5,293 3,003 2,290 22.0 17.7 32.1 1988 5,788 3,342 2,446 23.1 19.2 32.1 1989 6,123 3,479 2,644 25.2 21.1 34.0

riages, but in a rural area, for example in the Võru district, this percentage was 75.2, on the island Hiiumaa even 79.1 °7o. The remarriage rate is high in regions where the divorce rate is high. It is a reflec­ tion of the more liberal social attitude toward the remarriage of the divorced and widowed. When taking into account the fact that the number of first marriages is decreas­ ing (Vikat 1989), one can conclude that divorce as a means of legal regulation of one’s marital status does not mean the breakdown of marriage as a social institution but that the choice of spouse has failed. The declining number of first marriages refers to the increase in the frequency of cohabitation. Cohabitation as an alternative to marriage or as a preparation peri­ od for one’s marriage (trial marriage) has not been investigated in Estonia. The only approximate way to estimate the gaining importance of cohabitation in Estonian so­ ciety is making an assessment with the help of data about births (Table 2). Table 2 shows that for the last ten years the rate of illegitimate births has been comparatively high in Estonia, and it has increased about 5% during this period. The illegitimate birth rate in the countryside is notably higher than in the cities. This big difference is due to more widespread cohabitation and to the higher number of single people in the countryside because of an unfavorable demographic situation. Cohabitation is more widespread among Estonians than or her nationalities in Estonia. 36% of first children of Estonians were illegitimate in 1987; 38% had their first child during the first 7 months of marriage. Hence, 74% of first children were conceived out of wedlock (Katus 1990). The conclusion can be drawn here that behind the apparent stabilization of the divorce rate, an increasing variability in family formation is taking place. Variations in the divorce rate

The divorce rate varies a great deal within Estonia. As a rule, it is higher in urban areas and lower in rural areas; it is higher in regions with high immigration rates (especially in the northeastern industrial region) and the lowest in the Estonian is­ lands and other old Estonian areas with a low immigration and industrialization lev­ el (Figure 1). The highly industrialized areas are the result of the all-union ideology of binding all the Soviet republics together economically. For this aim large enterprises have been established in Estonia needing much labor force — for building them and work­ ing there afterwards. Thus these enterprises have been great instigators of migration for Estonia. As a result, the share of non-Estonians increased from 25.4% in 1959 to 48.5 in 1989 (Katus 1990).

Length of marriages

The formal length of marriage is the time between two registrations: of marriage and divorce in the Registrar’s Office. In spite of quite approximate data about the breakdown of marriages, we can estimate their duration. Table 3 ja Figure 2 demonstrate that the first four years of marriage are the most dangerous for the stability of the marriage. According to the data for 1988, 32.4% of marriages ending in divorce in cities and 29.6% in the countryside lasted about four years. About one fourth of the marriages ending in divorce had lasted 5—9 years. 59.2% of the divorced in the cities and 55.4% of those in the countryside were not able to celebrate the tenth anniversary of their marriage. The high percentage of the divorced whose marriage lasted about 4 years points to weaknesses in our society; it hints of insufficient family education and family coun­ seling, but it also reflects the economical difficulties that the young couple has to meet. Family education has been provided only during the last ten years to the pupils in the last two grades of secondary school, and not in all schools. The problem is

Figure 1. The variations in divorce rate in Estonia in 1988. T able 3. Length of marriages ending in divorce in 1988.

Years Urban areas Rural areas Number % Cumulative % Number % Cumulative % <1 172 3.1 3.1 11 2.8 2.8 1 358 6.5 9.6 17 4.3 7.1 2 433 7.8 17.4 38 9.5 16.6 3 431 7.8 25.2 28 7.0 23.6 4 398 7.2 32.4 24 6.0 29.6 5 - 9 1,483 26.8 59.2 103 25.8 55.4 10— 14 916 16.6 75.8 80 20.1 75.5 15-1 9 600 10.9 86.7 48 12.0 87.5 20 < 734 13.3 100.0 50 12.5 100.0 All 5,525 399

F ig u re 2. Length of marriages divorced in 1988.

Percent

Length of marriage

the lack of special teachers. Some family counseling has been available during the same period, but we lack a family counseling and psychological service system covering all of Estonia. In Estonia families with small children and with many children live in quite bad economical conditions. According to data from a study made by the Family Labora­ tory of Tartu University, only 14% of the people included in the study have an aver­ age income per family member greater than 125 roubles, which is supposed to be the official standard of living, 15% of families live on an income under the poverty level, i.e. 50 roubles per family member (Trumm 1990). We have no fresh data about the changed economical situation of families after the price increase, regulation of salaries and the new subsidy system inaugurated in October—November 1990. Before 1989 maternity leave lasted only 1.5 years and after that a mother had to go back to work and most children attended preschool childcare institutions. The frequent illnesses of children depressed the whole family atmosphere. Starting in 1989 maternity leave was lengthened to three years and from the autumn of 1990 the mother has been entitled to an allowance during the entire leave, although unfortunately a very low one (see also Tiit 1990a). The average length of marriage in towns was 6.6 years and in rural areas 7.5 years in 1988. In the country divorces occur less rapidly than in towns. Compared to urban areas Estonian rural areas have preserved more social con­ trol over the people and neighborhood relations, which supports family stability. In rural areas, people more often have their own households, domestic animals and al­ lotment gardens, all of which create common tasks and responsibilities and do not allow the couple to alienate themselves psychologically from one another. The rural way of life creates more barriers to the breaking up of marriage. Unfortunately, nowadays Estonia is a highly urbanized country. In 1989 the ur­ ban population made up 71.6% of the whole population (Figure 3). A remarkable increase in the density of the population (Table 4) influences the relationships between people.

Figure 3. Urbanization in Estonia (Data of censuses).

Percent

* Estimate

17 T able 4. Urbanization in Estonia (data census).

Year Whole population Percentage of population Density in thousands Urban areas Rural areas per square km 1897 975 16.1 83.9 21.6 1922 1,044.1 28.5 71.5 23.1 1934 1,061.3 32.3 67.7 23.5 1959 1,196.8 56.4 43.6 26.5 1970 1,356.1 65.0 35.0 30.0 1979 1,465.8 69.7 30.3 32.5 1989 1,572.9 71.6 28.4 34.9 1990* 1,582.8 71.6 28.4 35.1

* — estimate

In accordance with Soviet ideology, the aim was to eliminate differences between urban and rural areas. For this reason many small villages lost their inhabitants or only elderly people stayed there; the population moved to towns, town-like boroughs and the centers of collective and state farms. A town-like lifestyle in the centers of the collective and state farms has led to some undesirable features of urbanized soci­ ety. Here these features became damaging: the possibility to hurt another person is much higher in a rural area because people know each other and their problems too well. Life in towns and cities creates personalities without roots. About one fifth of the Estonian people live in their own houses, the most common dwelling is a flat rented from the state or an organization. A flat is not regarded as a home, but only as a place to live in. Life flows with hopes of moving into a more spacious flat. There­ fore, families in towns in their rented flats have little to do with each other. Here lies hidden a lack in creating mutual responsibility and common tasks. In towns people have many social contacts: many acquaintances but few friends. Individualization and alienation processes invade the marriage relationships more easily here because all family members have little time to be together. They even have different areas of interaction with their friends and acquaintances. The ground for psychological withdrawal of the spouses is evident.

The marriage order of divorced

Among all people who were married in 1988, 28.7% of the men and 28.5% of the women were remarrying. The same year 27.6% of the men and 30.2% of the women among all the divorced had been remarried. We may conclude that first mar­ riages and remarriages do not differ notably in stability: remarriages break up with the same probability as the first marriages. The duration of remarriages which have been dissolved differs significally from that of first marriages ending in divorce (Table 5). For remarriages the first two years of marriage are the most dangerous. During the first two years about 15%» of first marriages are dissolved, but nearly one-third of the remarried were not able to cele­ brate their third anniversary. Almost three-fourths of all those who remarried in 1988 had been divorced during their first four years of life together. The average length of the first marriages dissolved in 1988 was 7.6 years for men ja 7.0 years for women; the average length of remarriages was 5 years for both sexes. In comparison with the data for 1975, the length of marriages that ended in divorce had decreased about 1.5 years. The fact that dissolved remarriages are shorter results from the special features of remarriages. People who remarry have problems different from those of their first marriage: there are problems connected with the previous marriage, ex-spouse, chil­ dren, etc. Remarrying people are, as a rule, older than people who marry for the first time. They have their own previous experiences of being married that influence the remarital relationship. Some previously divorced people have personality features not suitable for marital life. And finally, previously divorced people have experienced the break up of their marriage which decreases their subjective barrier toward divorce.

The national homogeneity of the divorced

In Estonia the two major national groups are Estonians and Russians, with Esto­ nians forming the original nation. In the course of increase in national heterogenei­ ty, nationally heterogeneous marriages have become more frequent. However, it is worth mentioning that national homogeneity has remained at quite a high level. In 1988 76.7% of all marriages concluded were nationally homogeneous (Table 6). The national homogeneity of Estonians was 84%, of Russians 57%. Russians form mixed marriages with Estonians more often than Estonians with Russians. The next preferred nationality for Estonians was the Finns. In 1988 171 marri­ ages were contracted where one of the spouses was a Finn. An increase in nationally mixed marriages of Estonians and Finns and, at the same time a decrease in marriages between Estonians and Russians is to be expected. Among the divorced the national homogeneity of the two major national groups is higher than among those married during the same year.

Children

The children in a marriage are a painful problem for many couples intending to divorce. According to our data a surprisingly high percentage of the divorced had no children — 40.9% of the divorced in the urban areas and 43.9% in the rural areas.

T able 5. The length of marriages dissolved in 1988 (%).

Length of Dissolved 1st marriage Dissolved remarriage marriage Men Women Men Women (years) % % <% % <1 2.4 2.2 7.2 6.9 1 5.0 5.3 13.0 12.3 2 7.4 7.2 11.2 12.0 3 7.6 7.2 9.6 10.2 4 7.0 7.3 7.4 7.4 5—9 25.7 27.1 27.4 26.3 10—14 17.4 17.0 13.5 13.7 15—19 12.1 11.7 5.9 6.3 20 < 15.4 14.9 4.8 4.9 100 100 100 100 Average length of marriage 7.6 7.0 5.0 5.0 N — 5,924 divorces Table 6. National homogeneity of the divorced in 1988.

Nationality All Spouses of the same nationality Men Women Men(%) Women(%) Estonian 2,670 2,705 88.8 87.7 Russian 2,466 2,550 76.7 74.2

Table 7. Women’s labor participation (%).

Year 1940 1960 1970 1975 1980 1985 1987 % 35 50 53 54 54 55 54

19.4% of divorces confirmed in the Registrar’s Offices (couples without children) and another 20% without children through the courts. According to official court statistics, in 1988 in all Estonian courts 4,807 marriages ended in divorce. Of these 924 (19.2%) had no common children. Moreover, Table 5 shows that in 1988 during the first four years of marriage about one third of all first marriages were dissolved. Among remarriages this share was significantly higher; among them are many childless couples. Unfortunately we have no data concerning this.

Women and divorce

In Estonia divorce is very often initiated by the wife. In 1988 only 18% had com­ mon applications for divorce; more than 75% of all divorces were initiated by women. One reason for this has been the stress on the legal equality of men and women in the Soviet Union, while the higher educational level and social activity of women in the Soviet society developed a comparably independent and emancipated type of woman. Sometimes even the problems of so-called over-emancipated women exist. An extreme type is the woman who does not need a whole family but only children. Her husband loses his importance after the realization of the planned number of chil­ dren in the family. According to the data for 1985 (Väike Statistikakogumik 1989) the share of women in the labor force was 54.8%. Estonian men work for an average of 32 years, but women for 36 years (Tiit 1990b). The employment rate of women has remained at its peak already for at least 20 years in Estonia (Table 7). Moreover, women in Estonia make up 44.6% of leading workers and 73.6% of all kinds of specialists, 35.8% of the body of the Supreme Council and 49% of the bodies of local councils (Väike Statistikakogumik 1989). Quite good possibilities for combining bringing up children and professional em­ ployment exist for women: 76% of children in urban areas and 50% in rural areas were guaranteed a place in day care (Väike Statistikakogumik 1989). This high level of women’s emancipation has been forced by the Soviet system where both sexes have to participate in society equally. As a result, Soviet women achieved much economic and psychological independence as well as self-awareness for resolving family crisis situations. Table 8 shows that nearly three fourths of all women whose divorce was regis­ tered in 1988 were under 40 years of age. These are women of fertile age with every possibility to contract a remarriage, form a new family and make a career. The high divorce frequency has created a liberal social attitude towards the divorced which will give them the opportunity to remarry. In 1988 5,924 women divorced, 74.5% of them were in the labor force. Over three- fourths were of fertile age. Obviously a great number of those outside the labor force were not all full-time mothers but were on maternity leave. Unfortunately we have no data on how many divorced women in 1988 had an under 3-year-old child at home. Table 9 indicates that the higher the education level among women is, the higher is the labor participation rate. Higher orientation to work among women coincides with higher education.

Discussion

Estonia has been a country with a high divorce rate from the 1960s, when a notice­ able increase in the number of divorces began. The main social reasons for the in­ creasing divorce rate have been rapid urbanization and industrialization, a high wom­ en’s employment rate, an imbalance in family functions due to the low economical level of society. The current situation in the Estonian Republic is unique. Estonia is fighting for her political and economical independence. The whole Estonian society is going through a reformation. This is a period when people need support from their fami-

Table 8. Women’s age at divorce in 1988.

Age at divorce Number Cumulative % <20 54 0.9 20—24 840 15.1 25—29 1.350 38.0 30—34 1.186 58.1 35—39 923 73.7 40—44 564 83.3 45—49 412 90.3 5 0 -5 4 272 94.9 55—59 152 97.5 60< 149 100.0 N = 5,902

Table 9. Occupation and education of divorced women in 1988.

Education All % Working Mental Physical % work (%) work (Vo) Higher 805 13.6 92.6 89.6 10.4 Secondary professional 1,456 24.6 90.5 55.5 44.5 Secondary 2,027 34.2 85.3 31.8 68.2 Secondary uncompleted 511 8.6 82.4 10.0 90.0 Primary 333 5.6 67.0 4.9 95.1

18 lies to feel safe in a changing world. Such a situation binds the Estonian people to­ gether in order to reach common goals, such a situation binds family members to­ gether to meet and overcome new social problems. On the other hand, the crisis in Estonian society is reflected in the family both economically and mentally, it creates new problems and destabilizes family relation­ ships. What might be the perspectives for Estonian marriages? 1. A continuous rise in age at first marriage is to be expected. Young people will be more oriented to the economical security of their own marriages. Many young singles will move abroad to study or work for some time and they will not marry until after returning. Cohabitation will increase among young persons and among the divorced and widowed. 2. The national homogeneity of Estonian marriages will rise on account of a decrease in marriages between Russians and Estonians. 3. The length of marriages which will end in a divorce will shorten as a consequence of the continuing social crisis: many people will not be able to adjust to a new economy and will suffer from the problems of security; sexual liberation will deepen the moral crisis in society. 4. Social and family policy will impose special importance on building up the wel­ fare of families. In conclusion, a noticeable increase or decrease in the divorce rate in Estonia is not to be expected. It will still remain at quite a high level.

References

Eesti arvudes 1989 aastal (1990). Lühike statistika kogumik. Tallinn. Eesti NSV rahvamajandus. Statistika aastaraamat 1988 (1989). Tallinn. Katus, Kalev (1990). Demographic trends in Estonia throughout the centuries. Yearbook of Population Research in Finland 28: 50—66. Tiit, Ene (1990a). Family policy in the Estonian SSR, 1940— 1989. In: Family Situation and Family Poli­ cy. Family Problems VIII, pp. 15—27. Tiit, Ene (1990b). The status of woman in society and the family. Paper prepared for the scientific con­ ference »The Baltic Family» held in Kaunas (Lithuania), 16—20 October 1990. Trumm, A. (1990). The living conditions and income of the Estonian family. In: Estonian Population and the Family. Family Problems X, pp. 43—59. Vikat, Andres (1989). Formation of Families. Population Studies. No. 11. Series B, Working Papers. Tallinn: Estonian Interuniversitary Population Research Centre. Väike statistikakogumik (1989). Tallinn. *Paper given at the Xllth World Congress of Sociology, 9-13 July 1990, Madrid, Spain.

FAMILY DEVELOPMENT AND DIVORCE IN ESTONIA: EMPIRICAL RESEARCH

Dagmar Kutsar

A characteristic feature of Estonian family is high divorce rate - during the last ten years about 45-48% from the number of marriages per year. High divorce rate was the reason for studying family development and breaking up problems. The Family Research Laboratory of Tartu University carried out some representative for Estonia questionnaires of 1150 newlyweds, 540 young couples after their 5 years of marriage, 470 families with dependent children and 950 divorcees in the years 1972-1984. In the course of studying divorcing people we became aware, that for better understanding the breaking up processes of the family we must study also the family formation and function processes. For this reason we studied all the groups of families we had questioned in comparison.

We had two levels of analysis.

1.Macrolevel analysis - it revealed the reflection of macroprocesses in the society on the family life. Estonia, one of the 15 Soviet Socialist Republics, is a highly urbanized country. About 70% of its 1.5 million population live in towns and cities. Women's educational level is higher the men's one. Women's employment rate is in its real maximum and their work system is rather rigid, highly regulated. Family service system is not well-developed and many families experience economic troubles. The family institution has not been so highly valued as social and professional work at the official level. Children, as a rule, leave homes to visit preschool institutions too early. Mother leave for 3 years has legislated in 1989 only, before it continued 1- 1.5 years. So, family members have little time to be together. Our inquiry of family functions of the families with children revealed, that up to 50% of families with dependent children have only one meal together per a working day, 20% of spouses have close common friends. In the family group peo­ ple have their tensions and quarrels more often than elsewhere and the most often object of one's angry, it is spouse. From this very brief overview reveals that socio-economic situation of the Soviet society has not supported the families enough. Families suffer from unbalanced functioning: due to the poor economic level of the society the economic function of the family needs lot of time and resources from the family members. At the same time family recreation, therapeutic and so­ cialization functions are underloaded. On the other side, urbanized environment has its socio- psychological impact on the quality and stability of the families.The main problem of many families, it is the saving of psychological closeness of family members and satisfaction of their emotional needs. Individualization and alienation processes invade the family relationships, including children. Premarital high expectations about love, warm and understanding relationships have great possibilities to break. Our material of newlyweds shows that the most frequent motives to get married - mutual love, closeness, turn over and become the most frequent motives for divorce on the ground of questionnaire of divorcees (love has disappeared, misunderstanding and mistrust relations have taken place, etc.). It was shown that unbalanced functioning of the families and psycho­ logical alienation processes of the family members, determined by macro­ processes, have negative impact on the family stability.

2. Microlevel analysis - it explains the inner processes of the family functioning. This study consisted o f 3 parts. 2.1. Hypotheses on marriage stability. The survey dealt with the general regularities of the formation of married couples on the basis of the investi­ gations of marrying people in the Estonian SSR. Many hypotheses on the prosperity of the married life, well-known by sociological literature (E.Bur­ gess, 1957; R.B.Cattell, J.R.Nesselroade,1967; J.Epstein, 1975; G.A.Kooy,1975; R.F.Winch,1971, a.o.) were controlled The following implications of the general regularities in the formation of married couples have been considered: 1. The lowering of the age of marrying as well as remarrying. In 1959- 1972 the age of marriage in Estonia has lowered on the average by 2.7 years for men and by 1.9 years for women. Marriages among people of equal ages became more frequent. In the middle of seventies the age of first marriage stabilized and by nowadays we can notice its rise. 2. During the past 30 years the level of education in Estonia has in­ creased by 2.7 years for men and by 4.0 years for women. 3. The increase of remarriages confirms the marriage as a worth in the society. 4. The premarital sexual permissiveness increases, as does the number of sexually experienced couples; sexual relations between partners who intend to marry are considered permissive and natural. 5. Mutual trust, acceptance, honour, companionship are the most appreci­ ated values among the Estonian marrying people. 6. As a result of women's equality with men, 90% of Estonian marrying people consider an equal division of home tasks preferred. It may be inferred from the hypotheses of different authors and our data with certain probability that an "adequate couple" can be formed by the spouses marrying at an optimal age, coming from well-to-do families from the country or smaller towns, having a more or less equal educational level, rather similar characters and main values. It was revealed that the spouses' socio-demographic and socio- psychological characteristics function as risk factors or personality re­ sources when problem situation occurs. 2.2. The analysis of self- and mutual character estimates. Ail the respon­ dents (future spouses, married couples and divorcees) estimated their own and their spouses' characters at the moment, but the divorcees' retrospective estimates for the beginning of marriage were included. Each measuring block in the questionnaire consisted of 32 pairs of op­ posite character features to be estimated by a 5-grade scale. In the course of analysis 7 socially preferred character features that are good indicators of partners' interaction were revealed. These opposite features were: honest - dishonest; tactful - tactless; affectionate - heartless; conscientious - uncon- scientious; trusting - distrustful; friendly - unfriendly; orderly - disorderly. The analysis revealed statistically essential differences in the quality of relationships as well as in the estimations of the respondent's and the part­ ner's character features of the three groups questioned. 1. Newlyweds were overwhelmingly in love, their orientations to one another were highly positive. The idealization of the spouse was mentioned, mutual estimations were essentially more positive in comparison with one's self-estimates as well as the self-estimates of the respondent. 2. The same people after five years of marriage fell into two groups de­ nominated by us "successfully" and "unsuccessfully" married. As a rule, the estimates of one's own and partner's character were closer now. Successful spouses, who estimated their relationships rather good, maintained their positive orientation concerning the spouse, but unsuccessful spouses had a tendency not to estimate the partner's character as positive as one's own. 3. People, intending to dissolve their marriage, were characterized as highly critical to one another. Distrustfulness, untactfulness, as well as high

19 dissonance in the estimation of one's own and partner's character were men­ tioned. As a rule, the estimates of spouse's character were essentially lower than those of one's own. We can say that the image about one's spouse consists of social attitudes towards him; it changes when the family relationships will change and influ­ ences the interaction pattern in the family. 2.3. Study of informal stability of the family was directed by the theory of R.A.Lewis and G.B.Spanier,1979. The Index of the Quality of Spouses' Relationships was formed from the estimates of mutual love, spouse's support estimate and from the estimate of satisfaction with one's marriage. The correlation coefficient of the pair was 0.48 while the estimates of wives were more critical. Some other indexes of the pair on the ground of more influential upon the spouses' interrelationships parametres were formed. Mainly they were satis­ faction estimates, that gathered into the determinants of the quality of spousal relations and the informal stability of the couple. The Regression Analysis was processed. The determinants of the quality of spousal relations were: 1. Socio-economic adequacy of the couple, consisted of pair indexes - satisfaction with education level of the pair; satisfaction with the social status of the pair; satisfaction with money management. Determination power upon the quality of spouses' relationships (regression coefficient) 0.43 for men and 0.45 for women. 2. Social adaptation of the couple, consisted of pair indexes - satisfaction with leisure time, relation with parents, friends of the couple. Determination power upon the quality of spouses' relationships 0 .49 for men and 0.47 for women. 3. Marital adaptation level, consisted of pair indexes - satisfaction with one's habits, sexual relations; level of conflicts, mutual information about oneself and satisfaction with the homework load. Determination power upon the quality of spouses' relationships 0.81 for men and 0.80 for women. 4. Personal resources of the couple consisted of pair indexes that were formed from the differences in self- and mutual character estimates of 7 so­ cially preferred character features, named above. Determination power upon the quality of spouses' relationships 0.68 for men and the same for women. The determinants of couple stability were: 1.The factor of alternatives that was formed from the parametres: one is thinking about divorce and somebody as a better alternative partner exists. The determinant power upon the quality of spouses' relationships 0.53 for men and 0.59 for women. 2. The factor of barrier against the breaking up of one's marriage that was formed from the parametres: orientation on stable marriages at all and on one's marriage. The determinant power upon the quality of spouses' rela­ tionships 0.53 for men and 0.46 for women It was revealed that informal stability of one's marriage is determined by the quality of spouses' relationships and the subjective evaluation of mar­ riage break-up probability. The informal stability of one's marriage in a great deal determines one's behavior in his family. In conclusion, to study the breaking up of the family one has to inte­ grate micro- and macroanalyses into systemic approach that supposes the existence of psychological and sociological understanding of the family functioning. Divorce-study will be more informative in the case of studying future spouses, marital couples and divorcees in comparison.

References: Bureess.E, Mate Selection. - In: Fishbein,M.,R.Kennedy (Eds.), Modem Marriage and Family Living. N.Y.,1957. CatteH.R.B.J.R.Nesselroade. Likeness and Completeness Theories Exam­ ined by Sixteen Personality Factor Measures on Stably and Unstably Mar­ ried Couples. - Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1967,7. EpsteinJ. Divorce. An American Experience. Lnd.,1975. Koov.G.A. The Declining Age of Marriage in the Netherlands of the sixties: A Possible Sociological Explanation. - Sociologia Neerlandica, 1975,1. Lewis.R.A..G.B.Spanier. Theorizing about the quality and Stability of Marriage. - In: Burr,W.R., a.o (Eds.),Contemporary Theories about the Family: Research-Based Theories. Vol.l. N.Y.,1979, 268-294. Winch.R F. Need Complementarity Reassessed. - In: Anderson,M. (Ed.), Sociol­ ogy of the Family. Harmondsworth, 1971. COUPLES IN AN URBANIZED SETTING: EXPECTATIONS AND REALITY

Dagmar Kutsar

1 Introduction

Estonia is characterized by high level of urbanization. If in 1960 the urban population of the republic made up 57% of the whole population, in 1970 - 65%, then in 1989 this per cent was already 71.6. On the territory of Estonia, that is on 45 000 km2 33 towns are placed, 5 of them of republican subjection and 26 settlements of urban type (Eesti NSV Rahvamajandus 1987.aastal, 1989). The centres of collective and state farms have obtained quite an urban look as a result of official population and economy policy. So they also have many features that characterize the urban way of life. According to the official data of Estonian Statistical Office, the average per cent of divorced reached by 1983 - 48.9% from the number of marriages concluded during the same period (table 1).

Table 1. Number of marriages concluded and divorces gained in the years 1975-1988 in Estonia

Year Marriages Divorces Divorce rate

1975 12 443 4845 38.9 1976 12312 5203 42.3 1978 12 580 5657 45.0 1979 12 784 5994 46.9 1980 12 964 6127 47.3 1981 12 825 6037 47.1 1982 12 263 5901 48.1 1983 12 917 6313 48.9 1984 12 530 6194 49.4 1985 12 861 6017 46.8 1986 13 000 6039 46.5

1988 12 973 5924 45.7

Among them: Towns 11 037 5525 50.1 Country 1 936 399 20.6

20 We can notice a little decrease in divorce rate from the year 1983. At the same time there is a little tendency towards the increase in nationally homogeneous marriages. In 1986 there 75.6% of al! marriages concluded were nationally homogeneous, in 1988 this per cent was higher - 16.1%. A continuous increase of nationally homogeneous marriages among Estonians is expected. There is a big difference in divorce rate in towns and country. It is quite clear that the socio-psychological processes that take place in a family as in a small social group, can be explained in more wider social context. To eliminate the effect of the macroprocesses on the family, their reflection on the family relationships would be purposeless. The social surroundings where the concrete family lives and functions create the outer conditions for its existence.

The personalities of the family members and socio-psychological rules of their mutual effects create the inner conditions for its existence. From the facts given above one can draw a conclusion that the social surroundings have their impact on the family life and thus on certain level they do direct the family processes.

1.1 Town as a living environment

Town as a living milieu gives many possibilities for thorough development of personality but it takes a lot of energy and desire for reaching one's aims; it creates nerv­ ousness and stress but also pleasure from the interaction with other people. The urban way of life - first of all it means a great number of social contacts: there are lots of acquaintances but only a few of them are real friends. The members of the family have friends their own and their everyday interaction fields are often different because the major part of the day the members of the family are separated by different work and study places. The special feature for Estonia is the high women's occupational level. Already by the data of 1979 census 96.4% of women capable for work were engaged out of home. This caused childrens' leave from homes too early to attend preschool institutions. In the town among the masses of people a person remains anonymous His experiences, wishes, strivings are of little interest for others. The most important of all is that he shouldn't break the general rules and norms of behaviour e.g. shouldn't break the communal order. For this reason the urban people are often unattentive, rough and indifferent to each other. The first place is taken by relationships based on consuming different goods and personal welfare.

In a developed society to a person is set forth a choice from different possibilities of action as the norms of behaviour are more pliant here. But the more anonymous or un­ guarded the situation is, the smaller the number of people to whom one has to explain his behaviour is and the more freedom one can take. In more anonymous or unguarded situation a person can have a choice between the alternative activities: one can act accordingly to traditional rules or norms and in connection with that the choice wouldn't be so attractive or take certain freedom and behave according to the way that attracts him most without having any great pains. The anonymousity of behaviour deepens the process of individualization, the second aspect that together with the emotional alienation is the real reason for the arise of the feeling of irresponsibility especially for those persons who have only a weak feeling of responsibility for others , for one's family, for one's spouse. In a society, in more wider aspect, the irresponsible behaviour is made possible by the formalism that ruled in our society during the period of forced socialism, when the collective responsibility meant really that everybody, not one person, were responsible. Irresponsible behaviour is in many ways caused by the urban way of life: by the individualization of a personality, by secularization of life, by the appearing of the consumers'tendencies in communication, by alienation from the environment and the other people, withdrawal from one's family. Irresponsible behaviour in one's turn favours the slackening of psychological bonds between the spouses and alienation from one's family.

1.2. Formation of the family's individual environment in an urban setting

The urban way of life generates the individualization of personality. The psychologists of environment research have showed that the aspiration to hide one's inner world from the others is a phenomenon that has historically developed com­ paratively lately and that can be connected with more higher level of the development of personality. The more the personality has developed the more he wants to isolate himself from others. Social isolation from other people gives to a man some feeling of independence from others and from the effect of the surroundings in all (Heidmets, 1981). Very often our too tense dwelling conditions don't offer any possibility to separate from other members of the family if it is needed. From the other point of view Perlman and Fehr (1987) suppose that the importance of close relationships between other individuals keeps historically growing. It can be told quite firmly that the contradictoriness between emotional needs and ability of expressing one's good feelings and experiences towards other persons is growing more acute. The practice of family counselling shows that the number of people, also young ones, who suffer from the unability of interaction or creating closer relationships with other people, is growing. Emotional alienation as one expression of individualization of personality in a social sphere reflects on the relationships between spouses as the lack of empathy, at the same time the person himself is sensitive of the lacking of gentleness and love from his partner. So emotional dissatisfaction appears: the number of conflicts between the family members, grows, also the discontent with one's spouse and marriage as a whole. Appears agressiveness, even roughess of realtionships between each other. Nervousness of the domestic atmosphere from one side and engagement of parents with their own affairs and troubles from the other cause dissatisfaction of the emotional needs of children. Here the main determinant of the shortage of the emotional socialization of children lies The results of it are the bursts of agressiveness and cruelty among the young generation. Agressiveness and cruelty of youngsters, their acts of vandalism - these are serious problems of especially the new districts of our towns. The danger of psychological withdrawal and alienation of the family members from each other appears in the young families already. In average the number of children in families is small and the most part of them start to attend the creches and kindergartens from the very first years of life. In urban dwellings there are few possibilities for joint activities, the number of joint commitment of spouses is small as well, especially when the children have got older already. The psychologists on environment say that the nowadays way of family life is adapted to the possibilities and time balance of a woman, engaged with work, at the same time there isn't left anything for a man to do in an urban dwelling. "In a family with restricted activities where it is impossible to divide domestic activities", confirms J.Kruusvall (1981), "the husband starts to act against the traditional way of domestic life (bringing up children, etc.) and tries, using his social position, to create himself comfort and domestic peace, which, in fact, doesn't satisfy him". In connection with the reduction of joint activities of the family the commitments connected with them have become more and more undistinguishable. Data from the researches of the environment shows that in most urban dwellings the rooms have been divided between the family members (with the exeption of the living- room). 80% of families don't want to have a passage way from the living-room to the other rooms. Thus in the urban dwellings the personal division of rooms dominates before the functional division of them (Kruusvall, 1981). The urban dwelling creates people without roots. Here the number of things made by oneself is small: the dwellings, built according to standard plans are meant for standard furniture. Thus the dwelling remains only a dwelling, it will never be a real home. Physical separation from other members of family is the ground for psychological withdrawal (e.g. alienation). From here the alienation process from the surroundings and from the other people begins and here it continues. In the course of the dissemination of urban way of life also the character of family life changes. The urban surroundings have their influence on people as well as directly and undirectly (e.g. through the means of mass media, through the subculture of the population, etc.), one's norms, values, attitudes. At the same time it gives to a person more freedom of behaviour, freedom to do its own choice. As it follows the events can be placed under control of the person who takes part in given situation, in the conditions where the sanctions from the society have grown milder. Such situation in a way, acts as an expression of the freedom of the personality and his autonomy. First of all it means free choice of a spouse, free contracting of a marriage and free choice to divorce it. The important place in family functioning is taken by the psychological processes in a family like in a small social group. One of the most important family problems it is the question of maintaining of psychological closeness with the spouse. With what hopes and expectations people marry, what are their motives to form a family and how will look like the reality? What personality features affect the spouses' relations and what attitudes they keep to one another? What binds together couples? These are the questions of our next analysis.

2. Sample

The Family Laboratory of Tartu University carried out a longitudinal research among the population of the Estonian SSR. The first stage of this research - investigation of people intending to marry - was provided in 1972. The sample was 1150 people, that is 575 future couples, intending to get married, mainly urban people. The second stage - investigation of young married couples who had lived together for five years - was provided in 1977. The sample of this research was smaller, 540 people were chosen, among them were 202 couples. The third stage of this research began in 1984 - the investigation of spouses with minor children. Into this research were also switched people questioned twice already. A choice was made among those intending to get married. It consisted of people who had recurrent information, at the same time people who had been divorced or failed to come to get married were not included. In all this choice comparised 238 couples intending to marry and 199 young married couples. For 91% of people questioned this concrete marriage was the first, 3/4 of them were Estonians, 61% of men and 30% of women were workers, correspondingly 8% of men and 44% of women were civil servants, representation of other social groups wasn't remarkable. More than a half of those questioned had uncompleted secondary education, about 1/4 had eight-class-education and about the same number of people was made up of those with higher education. Mostly the people questioned live in Estonian towns.

2.1. Expectations from marriage

2.1.1. Motives of people intending to marry and retromotives after five years

In this research to people intending to marry a list made up of 14 motives was given, from the repeated research two rare motives - "a wish to get better position (status)" and "wish to have children" - were expelled. Every motive was to be estimated in three-point-scale: 1-very important; 2- important; 3-without any importance. In the following we are going to use only these motives we have got after carrying out two interrogations (Table 2).

Motives are not independent. With the help of the method of Factor Analysis they can be divided into three factors: 1. Emotional and ethical motives (motives 1-3) 2. Motives of self-realization (motives 4, 5 and 7); 3. Motives of debt and conventionality (motives 6 and 8-11). More completely represented among both people intending to get married and after five years of marriage were motives from the first group of factors. Love, desire to live with a faithful friend, to be side by side with a tender and fostering person is connected with great importance of ethical- emotional relations between spouses. Important motives for contracting marriage are also motives of the factor of self- realization. In our country young families have always gained their own separate home from parents. The role of motives of debt and conventionality is smaller. These motives describe some kind of exclusive situations to get married. Quite a confusion is created by popularity of the motive o f "a child-to-be" for contracting marriage.

In table 2 became evident, accordingly to which the retrospective role of motives given - both of highly affirmative or indifferent character - is essentially lower. This result is apparently connected with different situations of estimation - after five years the motives of getting married will lose their personal meaning and therefore the respondents will spot only motives that have been more important for them.

21 Table 2. Motives of getting married (% of people questioned, considering the motive ("important" or "very important")

Future couples Real couples Motives (retrospect.) M F MF

1 Love 96.1 97.4 71.7 75.4 2.Desire to live together with a faithful and reliable friend 95.4 97.8 52.8 60.0 3 . Desire to live together with a tender and fostering person 89.7 95.0 31.1 39.4 4.Desire to have a home of smb's own and to get independent 83.8 87.8 52.3 51.1 5. Desire to be materially ensured 60.4 65.9 22.0 21.0 6.Desire to legalize one's inti­ mate life 64.9 63.1 23.9 26.2 7.Desire to require the position of a married person 44.1 41.3 9.3 9.5 8.Fulfilling a promise given ear­ lier 43.3 38.6 12.9 9.9 9. A child-to-be 41.2 41.5 21.0 26.2 10. Fright of loneliness 22.8 23.6 7.8 12.2 11 Parents' request 21.7 22.6 5.5 6.9

2.2. Value orientations of people intending to get married

We set forth for the people intending to get married a list made up of 24 values and asked them to estimate the values using a four-point-scale: 4-very important, 3-impor­ tant; 2-not very important; 1-without any importance. The values were divided into five big groups: intellectual, emotional, ethical, economical and also children as a value of marriage.

Motives of marriage and value orientations are deeply connected. Values quoted more highly have greater importance for motivation of a marriage also. From the other point of view, these values determine the expectations from one's marriage. Emotional and ethical values that get in touch with the relationships between spouses rise to the fore: mutual respectfulness, faithfulness, confidence, understanding of eapl^ other, love and tenderness (Table 3). Material sequrity as a marital value is quoted rather low, although material sequrity does not possess so modest place when we are talking about the motivation of marriage.

As a rule, women estimate all the values given more highly than men. It is connected with women's considerably higher demands to marriage and husband-to-be. Especially they tend to stress the importance of politeness, tenderness and gentleness to each other, the importance of free time spent together, also division of domestic works. The values enumerated that are highly estimated by women seem also to be the main ground for conflicts in marriage. Table 3. Value estimations of people intending to get married (% of people questioned, considering these values to be "important" or "very important")

Future spouses Values "Very important" "Important" M F M F

1.Faithfulness of spouses 78.4 85.0 20.8 13.7 2. Mutual respectfulness 81.9 90.2 18.1 9.4 3 .Mutual understanding 73.4 82.6 26.6 16.6 4. Mutual confidence 75.5 81.7 24.1 17.9 5. Love 62.5 71.5 33.8 26.8 6. Tenderness and gentleness 63.7 79.2 36.3 19.6 7. Free time spent together 49.4 66.4 42.6 30.6 8.Politeness 47.3 66.0 50.2 33.6 9. Presence of children 45.3 57.9 47.5 36.6 10.Domestic comfort 44.3 51.1 49.8 44.3 11. Patience 34.8 42.7 59.8 53.4 12. Sexual harmony 36.5 43.3 54.9 49.4 13. Practicalness 33.1 33.8 61.4 62.0 14. Husband (wife) takes care of one's appearance 34.3 37.2 58.9 57.7 15 .Abstainence of a spouse 30.9 38.2 46.6 44.2 16.Husband (wife) accepts habits of a spouse 16.1 24.6 69.9 68.1 17 . Unity of views 23.3 22.6 48.7 52.3 18. Unity of interests 18.2 28.9 55.9 54.5 19.Relations of my wife/hus­ band with my relatives 20.8 26.8 55.9 60.0 20.My relations with the rela­ tives of my wife/husband 17.9 29.9 58.5 56.8 21. Unity of tastes 14.4 13.3 50.6 603 22 Division of domestic chores 17.0 35.2 55.5 51.1 23.Home of your own 32.4 27.8 10.7 13.5 24. Material ensurance 8.5 8.1 33.9 32.3

2 .3. Realization of marital expectations

From above said a conclusion can be drawn that people intending to get married can be characterized by some kind of latent heterogenity that hides behind heightened marital expectations depending upon relations between spouses. Success of their marriage can be foretold to some extent in order of their social-demographic and social- psychological distinctive characteristics. Proceeding from the seeming homogenity of people intending to marry we analysed them as one entirety. After five years of marriage so-called latent heterogenity was replaced with actualized heterogenity that leads us to an instant necessity of observing young marital couples in separate groups. As the ground for division we chose the quality of spouses' relationships. Quality of spouses' relationships is an integral characteristic that consists of subjective estimations assumed by spouses through their relationships. To this index estimation of mutual attachment, estimations of compatibility of characters and clashing of relations, and general estimation of successfiilness of one's marriage are included. These estimations named here are included to the index of the quality of relations between spouses with two considerations: 1. They express the realization of premarital expectations that characterize ethical and emotional relations between spouses; 2. they express the inner balancedness of marriage that turns out to be the main determinant of informal stability of relationships between spouses, and, therefore, the family formal stability, too. Characterizing of the quality of relations between spouses - it is a scale that varies from 1 to 24. The relations between spouses getting from 0 to 8 points are estimated as these of "low quality"; from 9-16 points as these of "average quality"; 17-24 points as these of "high quality". The correlation coefficient between the indexes of the quality of relations between spouses is equal to 0.48 (statistically sufficient).

Table 4. Division of spouses consideringthe index of quality of their interrelationships (%)

Quality of spouses' relationships

Low quality Average quality High quality N

M 11.1 27.6 61.3 199 F 11.6 44.2 44.2 199

Division of spouses taking into account their relations (Table 4) expresses for more higher level of critisism from the wives' side as for complicated marital relations in their families. Further on we are going to compare two extreme groups - the so-called couples of "low quality" with a low level of the quality of spouses' relations and of "high quality" with a high level of quality of spouses' relations. How the premarital expectations will be realized we are going to observe by three blocks: 1. Some personality features of the spouses; 2. attitudes of wife/husband towards the spouse answering questions; 3. circumstances that support the closeness of spouses' and bind them together.

2.3.1. Some personality features of a spouse affecting the spouses' relations

We set forth a list made up of ten characteristics and asked to estimate their expressions both for the person answering and his/her spouse in four-point-scale: 4- expressed strongly; 3-expressed on the average; 2-expressed weakly; 1- not expressed at all. These characteristics are chosen so that the first three are of positive essence, they can be observed in context of elevating the quality of the relationships between spouses in the role of its resource, and from four to ten - in the way- are expressing the risk that lessens the quality of relationships between spouses. The persons answering can be characterized by quite a high level of self-criticism (Table 5). Both men and women declare that they have two features from the group of "low quality” - abruptness and being easily offended, that have affect on their relations with spouses. As good characteristics they state to have sympathy, understanding and ability of interaction. Existence of these characteristics apparently in a way helps to soften negative qualities of the partner and to compensate the shortages of one's own, although sometimes they can express justification of the behaviour of one's own. People questioned from the group with bad relations between spouses very often say that life companions are very abrupt and very seldom - that they have empathy and ability of understanding. Existence of these last features is mostly stressed by married couples with relations of high quality. Women from the group with the relations of low quality complain about one and a half times more than the women of the other group that one of the spouses is dominating. Domination over men is characteristic to emancipated women and it has bad

Table 5. Personality features of spouses affecting the spouses' relationships (%)

Spouses' relationships

Feature Low quality High quality

Self-estim. Mutual estim. Self-estim. Mutual estim.

M F MFMFMF

1 Pliancy, adaptability 5.9 13.6 0.0 13.6 12.5 15.9 7.7 12.2 2.Empathy, understanding 17.7 27.3 0.0 4.6 20.2 36.1 8.2 39.8 3. Ability of interaction 5.9 31.8 11.8 27.3 23.3 21.7 21.2 27.7

4. Easily of­ fended 11.8 36.4 29.4 22.7 14.4 29.3 25.0 11.0 S.Receptivity to stresses 0.0 13.6 17.7 4.6 6.7 3.7 4.8 0.0 6. Abruptness 17.7 45.5 52.9 45.5 12.6 26.8 17.3 12.2 7. Predomina­ tion 17.7 18.2 41.2 27.3 8.7 13.4 14.4 9.8 8.Caprisci- ousness 5.9 13.6 41.2 18.2 1.9 8.5 8.7 2.4 9.Jealousy 11.8 13.6 35.3 27.3 5.8 3.8 4.8 6.3 effect on the relations between the spouses. So- called couples of quality domination over one of spouses is observed more seldom. Persons questioned from the group of high quality relations declare that both of them are good in interaction, empathetic and can understand the other side. These are the

22 most important features that quarantee high level of relations between the spouses. As negative features they bring up being easily offended and abruptedness. Abruptedness is also tightly connected with general culture of interaction Relations between people, and especially spouses, tend to act as a kind of a "boomerang". Every bad behaviour or unthought word that is aimed at partner will finally act against the subject as something that will reduce other person's estimation of him as a personality. Effect of a "boomerang" appears to be one of the risk factors of the spouses' relationships and their stability for all spouses.

2.3 .2. Some characteristics of an attitude of wife/husband towards the spouse answering

Into the questionnaire for young married couples were switched eight circumstances that characterize the attitude of wife/husband towards the spouse answering. They had to estimate characteristics given according to three-point- scale: 3-very essential influence; 2-essential influence; 1- influence is not essential (Table 6)

Table 6. Characteristics of a wife/husband about their attitude towards the spouse anwering (considering their relations between each other to be "very essential influence" or "of essential influence")

Spouses' relationships Characteristics of

spouse's attitude Low quality High quality %M FMF

1 Spouse's character 66.6 80.0 72.3 69.5 2. Tending and gentle 55.6 10.0 71.4 76.5 3. Attentive and polite 33.3 0.0 61.4 76.5 4.Respectful 33.3 10.0 73.1 77.6 5. Accepting spouse's habits 22.0 0.0 67.8 65.1 6. Accepting spouse's hobbies 22.2 10.0 64.7 54.7 7. Accepting spouse's profession 33.3 10.0 60.2 59.3 8.Empathizing with the feelings of joy and worry 22.2 10.0 76.4 81.4

In the group with the relations of low quality the spouse's character turns out to be of influence on these relations. Comparatively great importance of this circumstance is also implyed by the group of couples with good relationships. Spouse's character - it is the only distinctive symptom that has hiddenly got a meaning that can be understood in two ways. Whereas concrete qualities weren't presented, the person answering proceeded from the character features important for him in connection with what the influence of these on the relations between the spouses in the groups examined cannot differ. The characteristics of attitudes remaining (from 2 to 8) in the table 6 have got a good influence on the relations between the spouses. These attitudes towards the spouse are the real ones that guarantee fulfilling of the person's emotional needs of intimacy, understanding and acceptance. In the group of questioned these with relations of low quality all these attitudes are represented descreetly in comparison with the group with high quality relations. None of the women from the group with the relations of low quality answered that they indicate attention towards polite behaviour from their husbands and that the husbands had got an understanding attitude towards their habits. Influence of the other attitudes given was also regarded as a factor of no importance. At the same time we have to say that one half of men confess tending and gentle attitude of their wives towards them. We can see that in the pairs with relations of low quality exists lack of tolerance towards the spouse. When estimating the attitude of a spouse towards the person answering it appears that there exists a rule: in a group with the relations of low quality the opinion of women is in average more negative than that of men; at the same time in the group of persons questioned with relations of high quality the opinion of women is in average more positive than that of men (figure I). The same tendency can be found when analysing mutual and self character estimations of persons intending to marry, young married couples and'divorcees. It turned out that at the same time of getting married on the background of high emotional tonicity and heightened marital expectations brides overestimated their husbands-to- be both in comparison with these estimates that men imputed to them and also self-estimates. Absolutely in the other way round acted divorcees. The mutual estimation of men given by women was definitely lower. That result speaks about women’s dependence of situational factors and the effect of "boomerang". Much more higher, comparing two groups of young couples, turned out to be the influence of wife's/husband's ability of empathy. The families where spouses share each other's feel other's feelings of fun and worry are more harmonious and close. Even in the families where relations between each other can be estimated as very high quality, certain lack of politeness and attention from both sides can be felt. This brings out a conclusion that even in very many good pairs the need of acceptance and intimacy from the close person is not satisfied.

2.3 .3. Circumstances that bind couples together

We set forth for couples a list made up of ten circumstances that connect married people.Estimation was carried out according to four-point-scale: 4-connecting very strongly; 3-connecting strongly; 2-connecting in a way; 1-not connecting at all.

Among circumstances binding together spouses the first place, both in the groups of low and high quality was taken by children (Table 6, Figure 2). Children as a connecting factor have got two aspects: in "good" pairs children bind spouses together and tighten their parents' closeness; in "bad" or risky pairs they tend to be the main obstacle that keeps away breaking up of a family. Particular data about young couples we have got gives evidence that children as a factor that prevents divorce more strongly influences men than women. It is quite legitimate: court practice shows that in most cases after the divorce the children stay with their mother. A woman much less afraids to be left without children after the divorce. 1 - Personality features of a spouse 2 - Spouse’s tending and gentle attitude 3 - Spouse’s attentive and polite attitude 4 - Spouse’s respectful, understanding attitude 5 - Spouse accepts my habits 6 - Spouse accepts my hobbies 7 - Spouse accepts my profession 8 - Spouse empatizes my feelings of .joy and worry

Figure 1. Spouse’s attitudes towards the person answering in the pairs of low and high quality of relationships (average estima­ tions —в— M ("low quality" group) F ("kw quality group) —^ M ("high quaRty" group) F ("high quality group)

M ("low quality" group) F ("low quality" group) M ("high quality" group) F ("high quality" group) V-— к

1 i ------1------1------1------1------1------1------1------1 I 1 2 3 4 5 ■& 7 Ö. Я 10

1 - Love 6 - Sexual compatibility 2 - Attachment 7 - Common home and management 3 - Common interests 8 - Habit, usage 4 - Children 9 - Fright of loneliness 5 - Feeling of dept 10 - Conciliation with circums­ tances

Figure 2. Circumstances that bind together couples (average estimations)

23 Table 6. Circumstances that bind spouses together (considering them of "very essential" or "essential" influence, %)

Spouses' relationships

Circumstances Low quality High quality %MF MF

Mutual love 5.6 20.0 71.9 81.6 Children 78.9 60.0 85.1 88.5 Common home and management 27.8 20.0 62.0 57.8 Attachment 5.6 10.0 62.8 56.3 Common interests 23.6 5.0 48.7 56.3 Feeling of dept 38.9 30.0 51.2 48.2 Sexual compatibility 22.2 5.0 53.7 49.5 Habit, usage 22.2 40.0 21.5 26.4 Fright of loneliness 0.0 10.0 8.4 9.4 Conciliation with circumstances 16.7 25.0 5.9 9.3

Analogically acts the fact of existence of common home and management. Having home and domestic management connects "good" pairs, but for the risky pairs, for men especially, it acts as a serious obstacle on their way of breaking up family. It is quite understandable: divorced man usually loses not only his children but his home also. On the second place among factors connecting spouses of risky couples, closely following the children, is the feeling of debt, but its influence on the intimacy of "good" pairs is considerably lower. "Good" pairs estimate very highly the presence of mutual love and attachment, at the same time in risky pairs to this factor a very modest place is given.

3. Conclusion

After examining people intending to marry and young couples we can point out two moments of their life. We saw that persons intending to marry were full of good hopes about their marriage* especially about their relations between each other. Study of young couples after five years of marriage - the next moment of their life - shows, how their expectations have realized to the moment of repeated questioning. People intending to marry could be observed as one whole contingent. The same people after five years of marriage divided into three groups - with high, average and low quality of spousal relationships. These with "average" quality of relations are in some sense unprognosticable, they can easily pass over both to the first and the second group. In our analyses here they were omitted. This comparative analysis showed that people from the group whose relations were estimated as those of low quality liked to connect positive features with their own personality, faults were at the same time ascribed to their partner. Stability of their marriages can mainly be explained with their common children, feelings of debt and the strength of usage. Positive orientation of one of spouses towards the other, great harmony and intimacy in connection with relations of high quality between spouses is connected with the influence of bilateral empathy and attachment. Children and common home bind "good" pairs together more closely, while for risky pairs they act as an obstacle and barrier against a family breakdown. From this conclusion can be pointed out that in a work with couples in crisis it is very important to find out mutual bondages and recources of relationships that are hidden under the feelings of failure, distress and nonacceptance of the partner. This kind of work carries some kind of preventive character. Sometimes it is too late to understand mutual real connectedness when it all is already over.

References

1. Eesti NSV Rahvamajandus 1987 aastal. Tin: Valgus, 1989. 2. Heidmets, M. Linnakeskkond ja inimene. In: Elulaad ja elukeskkond. Tln.:Eesti Raamat, 1981,42-63. 3. Kruusvall, J. Kodu linnas: keskkond elulaadi kujundajana. - In: Elulaad ja elukeskkond. Tln. :Eesti Raamat, 1981, 64-93. 4. Perlman, D., B. Fehr. The Development of intimate relationships. - In: Intimate Relationships. Development, Dynamics, and Deterioration. /Ed. by D. Perlman, S. Duck. Lnd.: SagePubl. 1987, 13-42. STUDY II: PSYCHOLOGICAL COPING AND ADAPTATION WITH TRANSFORMATION

Papers:

IV. Kutsar D. (1994) Social change and stress in Estonia. Submitted for pub­ lication in the Scandinavian Journal o f Social Welfare.

V. Kutsar D. (1994) Sotsiaalsest stressist ja psühholoogilisest toimetulekust Eestis [On social stress and psychological coping in Estonia], Akadeemia 1994, No. 12: 2541-2566 (in Estonian).

24 Submitted for publication in the Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare

SOCIAL CHANGE AND STRESS IN ESTONIA

DAGMAR KUTSAR

Research Psychologist Unit of Family Studies Tartu University 78 Tiigi St., EE 2400 Tartu, Estonia tel: (37234)-30809; fax: (37234)-35440 SOCIAL CHANGE AND STRESS IN ESTONIA

Abstract

Key words: multiple social change, social stress, coping and appraisal, subjective well-being, Estonia

The article attempts to assess social stress in Estonia at this time o f transformation. The hypothesized model of social stress is based on the stress and coping model o f Lazarus and Folkman (1984) and Borden (1991) and is applied as a frame o f reference to the investigation One thousand adult respondents from the "Household Budget Survey" were involved in the survey in March/April 1993. The factor analysis revealed four factors which determined coping with stress: Frustration, Passivity, Happiness and Future Orientation. Cluster analysis o f the respondents confirmed that 41% of the men's and 30% o f the women's samples represented groups o f risk of higher levels o f distress. The findings provide support for the hypothesized model o f social stress and indicate that multiple social change in Estonia is central source of stress for people living here. The collapse o f the Soviet order brought to an end not only a particular type o f a political and economic system, but also a particular type of welfare state. New social phenomena such as unemployment, inequality and poverty have found a fertile soil in the former Soviet republics and in the other socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

The transformation and its consequences in Central and Eastern Europe have great importance for those involved as well as for the developed western countries. Different aspects o f reformation are discussed at numerous political meetings and presented at scientific conferences. Several articles have been published on this issue by eastern and western scholars (Deacon 1992; Marklund 1993; Dellenbrant 1993, Ferge & Kolberg 1992; Kultygin 1993; Kutsar & Trumm 1993; Marody 1992, War7.ywoda-Krus7.ynska & Grotowska-Leder 1993). The barriers to transformation have usually been the focus and scenarios outlined have mainly been negative in tone (Dellenbrant 1993)

Estonia restored her independence after fifty years of Soviet occupation in 1991. People in Estonia are exposed to a dual process of transformation of their society, namely a transition from a totalitarian to a democratic society, and from a planned to a market economy.The multiple impact o f this process of transformation is made manifest in the pressures on the people to engage in political, social and economic re-construction, pressures which demand the ability to adapt to change and to re-construct personal identity. Changes on the societal level lead to the development o f new patterns o f interpersonal relationships: competition for the inadequate supply of jobs, the increasing role o f monetary relations among people, an increasing need be able to fight for one's way o f life New situations create new demands for everybody which require a readiness to further one's knowledge and skills; everyone is expected to have an enterprising spirit in a big way scale. Competing explanations o f events in the mass media make the future less clear-cut and this, in turn, increases tension among people. Unrealistic social expectations create social myths, feelings of personal failure, distrust o f the authorities. When the myths break down, the result is a loss of faith in the possibility o f further national development.

New social problems have revealed inner weaknesses representing the legacy o f socialism and the totalitarian system (Kutsar, Trumm 1993). Л shortage of labour had made people unconcerned about the quality o f work, since they never feared losing their jobs Increasing unemployment has been real shock for those experiencing it. The philosophy o f a planned economy and o f paternal­ istic care by the state produced learned helplessness and the lack of a self-help mentality. Some people, after the losing their job or permanent income, unexpectedly find themselves among the group which, at least temporarily, needs social welfare services. The memories o f the past create suspiciousness concerning the privatization and the decisions made by the government. The ruins o f the poor institutional welfare system, the limited resources o f the state and a lack of social guarantees combine to make people feel insecure.

The present study seeks to address issues such as how people in Estonia are reaching to this massive change and what they feel while coping with the new life situations. Who is at greatest risk of psychological survival, who can welcome the social changes as attractive challenge?

The study has dual aims: - to assess the personal reactions and feelings of the respondents and to identify factors which determine the ability to cope with social stress in Estonia;

25 - (о determine levels o f psychological well-being and to identify the at-risk group of people with higher levels of distress.

A hypothesized model of adaptation to social stress, based on the stress and coping model of Lazarus and Folkman (1984) and Borden (1991), is applied as a frame o f reference to the investi­ gation,

Background o f the study

Many researchers believe that three types of stress can be differentiated: physiological, psychological and social. They are related, although the nature o f the relationship is far from clear (Mason 1975). Particularly confusing is the lack of agreement between researchers concerning the definition o f 'stress'. Any situation may or may not be stressful, depending on the characteristics o f the individual and the meaning o f the situation (Monat & Lazarus 1985:2). Lazarus (1966) argues that 'stress' is a collective term for an area of study rather than an exactly defined notion.

Everybody has to meet changes during their lives as they age they have to cope with several developmental crises (Erikson 1963). Marriage, the birth of a child, the death o f a close relative, the loss of a job - every change, positive or negative, that demands adjustment can be considered to be stressful. To measure these life changes, Holmes and Rahe (1967) developed a self- administered questionnaire in which a person reports whether any o f the indicated life changes have occurred during the past few months or years. Change in any society includes processes of innovation, adaptation and resistance. When the transitions are rapid, these processes overlap, and predicting the future is especially difficult (Settles 1987). Smelser (1960) has pointed out that 'social stress' is related to the disruption o f a social unit or a system. Not only disruption, but the construction of a new system involves many changes that cause tension and demand from an individual a mastery o f cognitive re-structuring, coping with new developments and the adjustment to the new tasks. The phenomenon of social stress becomes observable at times when people feel their lives to be directly influenced by the events at the societal level. The process of transformation in a society creates an extra burden o f tension which needs to be coped with and adapted to.

In everyday language we say: "The situation is under control". The expression means that we are able to understand the situation we are involved in. Many investigations o f stress have confirmed that the cognitive (perceived) control over a situation has positive significance for anyone who is in this situation (Burke 1991; Rotter 1966; Rothbaum, Snyder & Weisz 1982; Thoits 1991). People who feel positively about the change are catalysts in their environment. People who cope well in a stressful situation are believed to possess three general characteristics: - the belief that they can control or influence events in their lives; - an ability to feel deeply involved in, or committed to, the activities o f their lives; - the anticipation of change as an exciting challenge for further development (Kobasa 1985:177-178).

People who feel powerless and who are poorly motivated to achieve have a high risk of personal failure in a stressful situation (Averill 1973). Multiple social change tests a person's coping resources which, in turn, are central to the psychological well-being of an individual. METHOD AND SAMPLE

Theoretical standpoint

The present study proceeds from the hypothesized model o f adaptation with soqial stress, based on the stress and coping model of Lazaais and Folkman (1984) and Borden (1991) The antecedent characteristics, mediating processes and adaptational outcome are shown in Figure I

Figure 1 about here

Antecedent variables: gender, age, nationality. The antecedent conditions used to induce stress (Monat & Lazarus 1985:3). The implicit assumption, consistent with biological stress models, is that the respondent's stress follows from the objective, external demands. The gender, age and nationality o f a respondent serve as differentiating variables o f cognitive appraisal and the ability to cope with social stress. It was expected that a respondent's demographic characteristics determine cognitive appraisal of. social change and the state o f psychological well-being.

Mediating processes: appraisal and coping. The social changes may be understood as stressors that are appraised in different ways. Differences in appraisal o f change were expected to lead to varying degrees o f stress. In accordance with the hypothesized model, appraisal and coping with the social change results in the perception o f the situation as challenging or not so challenging for the actor's adaptational outcome. If an individual constructs a situation as challenging, the response is likely to be a sense of control over the stressful event. In contrast, if the situation is constructed as unfavourable, externally determined with no possibility o f control on his/her part, what follows is a sense of little capacity to influence anything. Perceived control is believed to buffer potentially harmful effects o f stressors and to strengthen coping resources (Rothbaum, Snyder & Weisz 1982).

Coping strategies have been conceptualized as problem-focused when the goal is to change stressor conditions and emotion- focused when the goal is to relieve the emotional impact of stress (Borden 1991; Lazarus & Folkman 1984, Monat & Lazarus 1985). In this study it was hypothesized that the respondents reporting higher levels of distress would more frequently exibit coping strategies characterized by a negative focus and by wishful thinking Such coping strategies leave personal goals blocked and there is little resilience to resist the distressing feelings. The respondents reporting lower levels of distress were expected to rely more frequently on coping strategies characterized by a positive focus and by problem solving. The assumption was that the respondents with lower levels of distress would face stressful events as if they were offering new perspectives and exciting challenges for their lives. This, in turn, would lead to higher levels of psychological well-being. On the contrary, the failure to respond to the demands of new social situations would reflect negatively on the person's psychological well-being.

Adaptational outcome: psychological well-being. The concept of psychological well-being can be seen as an indicator of adaptational outcome (Larson 1978). The research hypothesis held that the levels of psychological well-being would be determined in varying degrees by the perception and construction of multiple social change as challenging and by a future orientation. Reliance on emotion-focused and problem-focused strategies was expected to differentiate the levels of psychological well-being, on the assumption that well-being acknowledges the possibilities as well as limitations for action in the context of social change.

Material

An original self-administered questionnaire investigating social stress experienced by people living in Estonia was elaborated by the author applying some items from the interview project "Self- concept over the life-span" (Institute for Social Research, University o f Michigan 1991) This was the first test of the questionnaire and there was no test-retest reliability control

The questionnaire was constructed around four dimensions: activity - passivity; life orientation (jHi.st, present, future), locus of perceived control (internal vs. external); and the emotional state o f a respondent (depressed vs. stimulated) The questionnaire consisted o f two parts following the problem-focused and emotion-focused coping taxonomy o f Folkman and Lazarus (1980) The first part was formed from 15 Likert-type statements that people sometimes make about themselves Respondents were asked to indicate how much they agreed or disagreed with each item ("strongly agree", "somewhat agree", "somewhat disagree", "strongly disagree") The second part o f the questionnaire consisted o f eleven Likert-type statements describing how people sometimes feel Respondents were asked to say how often they had felt that way during the last two weeks ("most of the time", "some of the time", "hardly ever", "never"). The respondent's sex, age and nationality were included as the independent variables.

Sample

The current investigation was included in the umbrella project "Estonian Household Budget Survey" which gathers state statistics; it is carried out every month by Estonian Market and Opinion Research Centre (EMOR Ltd ) From the whole sample o f 2000 households a random sub-sample o f 1000 adult household members was formed and they were involved in the self­ administered questionnaire on social stress in March/April 1993. The final sample was 809 respondents (349 men and 460 women), the response rate being 81%

Table 1 about here

The mean age of the subjects was 43.7 years, ranging from 18 to 74 years (Table 1). The respondents were divided into four age groups: 18<30 as young- 31 <45 as early middle age, 46<60 as middle age, 61< as retirement age. The respondents were divided into two nationality groups: Estonians (80.5%) and non- Estonian respondents (19.4%).

Data analysis

The hypothesized model of social change and stress was tested using different methods of quantitative analysis

Differences between the test subjects of the determined groups of the respondents were controlled by t-test and Kniskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variances. Coping resources of the subjects were determined by Factor analysis of the test items. The internal consistency (Cronhach's alpha) of the items acquiring higher factor loadings in the factor analysis was processed The level of psychological well-being of the respondents was determined by the ('luster analysis of the respondents. The homogeneity of the cluster group variances was verified by Bartlett test. Confidence of the statistical decisions was verified at the level o f p<.05.

RESULTS

Gender. Gender differences turned out to be statistically sufficient (p< 05) in eleven o f the 26 items (Table 2). As a whole, women's responses were characterized by higher emotionality, they reported higher fear about the future, they were more cautious in making decisions and plans, and they had little hope that they could change anything. Men expressed higher self-confidence and acknowledged arising new ideas more often in comparison with women.

Nationality. The responses revealed the different situations of Estonian and non-Estonian respondents (Table 2). At present the non-Estonian population experiences less involvement in the development o f Estonian society, they perceive themselves as having less control over events and experience more insecurity in relation to their personal futures than the Estonian population Many problems concerning the non-Estonian population are still not resolved, and the question of their integration into the Estonian society is still acute.

Differences between the responses are statistically significant on almost all the items. It can be concluded that nationality is a statistically significant independent variable which determines respondents' ability to cope with social stress and their state of psychological well-being

Table 2 about here

Age. The classification of responses by age revealed statistically significant differences (Table 2). The respondents from younger age groups have a clearer future orientation than older respondents. Young people agree that their time will come, whilst the respondents of the older age groups revealed a more nostalgic attitude towards past achievements and hard work. Older people also feel that they have less control over the new circumstances and more often feel that they have "missed the boat", i.e. the changed situation is perceived as holding few opportunities.

Л respondent's age represents statistically confirmed antecedent characteristic of psychological well-being. In the case of multiple societal change older people are at more risk of not coping well with the change.

26 Factors determining appraisal and coping with social stress

A principal components factor analysis was performed with a varimax rotation in which four psychologically meaningful factors emerged, together accounting for 42% o f the total variance (Table 3). The factors were labelled proceeding from the items which most heavily loaded on the designated factor.

Table 3 about here

The first factor labelled as 'Frustration' refers to a person's dissatisfaction with his/her life situation and the experience o f negative emotions during last two weeks, i.e. to negative emotion-focused coping. This factor clearly represents the cognitive appraisal and coping processes of the older groups o f respondents. The internal consistency o f the items most heavily loaded on the designated factor (Cronbach's alpha) is equal to 0.77 (items 7, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 25 and 26, see Table 2 and 3).

The second factor, labelled as 'Happiness' , refers to positive emotion-focused coping with social change (feeling happy, enjoying life, having fresh ideas and hopes about the future, but also accepting the postponement o f decision-making because one's time has not yet come). This factor characterizes the cognitive appraisal and coping of the respondents in the younger age groups. The internal consistency o f the items most heavily loaded on the designated factor (Cronbach's alpha) is equal to 0.82 (items 4, 10, 18, 19, 22 and 25, see Table 2 and 3).

The third factor, labelled as 'Passivity', represents a sense o f losing control over social change and feeling powerless to influence the events in one's life. Blocked aims and a lack o f future orientation are reflected in detachment and wishful thinking. This factor characterizes the appraisal and coping processes o f the respondents in the older age groups. The internal consistency of the items most heavily loaded on the designated factor (Cronbach's alpha) is equal to 0.66 (items 2, 3, 5, 8, 12, 13, and 14, see Table 2 and 3).

The fourth factor, labelled as 'Future orientation', refers to successful cognitive restructuring of social change. This factor determines positive problem-oriented coping o f a person. The factor is not associated with any particular age group. The internal consistency o f the items most heavily loaded on the designated factor (Cronbach's alpha) is equal to 0.38 (items 1, 3, 6, 9, 11 and 15, see Table 2 and 3).

Estimation of psychological well-being o f the respondents.

The Cluster analysis was aimed at identifying different levels of psychological well-being amongst the respondents with a view to describing an adaptational outcome of social stress. The Cluster analysis, including all 26 items of the questionnaire, was processed separately for male and female respondents The analysis revealed two clusters for men and three clusters for women (Table 4). Only one item ("I think more about the future than o f the present and the past") failed to differentiate between the clusters. On every other item the differences between the clusters were significant at the level o f p<0.001. The Bartlett test for homogeneity o f group (cluster) variances showed high probability (p<.001)

Age turned out to be sufficiently different (p< 001) by all the clustered groups o f the both sexes The respondents o f the second cluster o f male and female respondents have the highest mean age (49.5 years for men and 50.9 years for women). Non-Estonians are more found in the second cluster o f men and the second and third clusters o f women; the respondents o f Estonian nationality are represented more often in the first clusters o f both sexes (Table 4)

Table 4 about here

The groups o f respondents which have been identified by the cluster analysis, differ by the factors determining coping with social stress as well as by the levels o f psychological well-being. Further, characterizing the different levels o f psychological well-being o f the groups o f respondents, the variables which occurred to have a high correlation with the given factor in the factor analysis, are taken as the points o f departure and the percentage o f the respondents with strong agreement to this item are calculatcd (Figure 2-5 or Table 5).

'/ he first duster of men and the fust cluster of women can be characterized as the groups with the highest subjective well-being in comparison with the other groups. They represent 58 4% of the males' and 39.7% from the females' sample. Having low level o f frustration, they demonstrate a strong future orientation and active participation in the social changes in Estonia They can enjoy life, experience an internal locus o f control and see the situation as challenging - although one quarter o f the respondents in the first clusters o f both sexes have financial worries, reflecting the generally poor economic situation of the population (Figure 2-5 or Table 5)

The second duster of men and the second duster of women show low subjective well-being and can be identified as the groups experiencing higher levels o f social distress. The clusters constitute 41.6% o f the males' and 29.7% o f the females' sample. The respondents going in the second clusters o f the both sexes are highly frustrated, nostalgic and passive (Figure 2-5 or Table 5). Almost 3/4 o f the respondents believe that their lives could be happier than they are now Frustration is expressed by fatigue, living for today, a lack o f future orientation and a lack of perceived control over the situation. They have no new ideas and hopes, cannot protect their personal interests and have a feeling that their time for action will never come. One o f their major worries is financial On average, they are older than the respondents o f the other clusters and the social changes are perceived more often as a negative challenge. Their influence on events is connected with their past experience. They remember feeling socially involved in the time before the social transformation. The prospect o f social change leaves them feeling passive and nostalgic they think it wise not to plan much ahead and they more often see life a matter o f chance and controlled by outside events. About 1/3 o f male respondents o f this group keep to an opinion that their time is over, they have "missed the boat". Notably, many respondents (37% male respondents and 35% female respondents o f the respective clusters) associate their past with powerful people who influenced their lives. (Table 5 or Figures 2-5 about here )

The third duster consists only of female respondents, constituting 30.6% from the whole female sample. The cluster reflects the intermediate level o f subjective well-being and is ambiguous in its orientation. On the one hand, they reveal high levels o f frustration and passivity, whilst on the other, they enjoy life, have a future orientation and feel involved in the transformation process (Figures 2-5 or Table 5).

( 'onchision

Increasing levels of social stress tend to coincide with increasing opportunities and potential resources. New situations create new challenges and new hardships. Active, enterprising people who can deal with new opportunities of the Estonian economy and the whole development of the country, are facing up to the challenge. The groups experiencing social distress reveal frustration and a nostalgic orientation to the past: they express powerlessness demonstrated by an external locus o f control and less involvement in a social change, e.g. alienation from society.

The cluster analysis reveals an at-risk group o f people with higher levels o f distress. They consti­ tute 41% o f the male and 30% o f the female samples. They tend more often to be the respondents from the older age groups and of non-Estonian origin. The less distressed group constitutes 59% o f the male sample and 30% o f the female sample. More often, they are the respondents from the younger age groups and those of Estonian nationality.

Why do the respondents of older age groups experience higher levels of social distress? 1. Investigations on socialization have confirmed that the lifelong socialization process is slowing down when a person gets older. This will make one's adaptation to the changes influencing his/her life subjectively more difficult, the exchange o f old and disfunctional coping strategies into new and functional ones gets more complicated. 2. Older persons meet difficulties in changing their habitual way o f life and the whole life philosophy; younger persons only develop it. 3. It is more complicated for older people to change their habitual jobs, professions, to meet the new demands they are facing. 4 In the situation of the lack o f work places younger people are preferred, it is troublesome for an older jobless person to find a new job. 5. Social myths o f people o f older age are more concrete because they proceed from their own experience in the past; on the other hand, breaking o f a social myth is more painful for the older person because there is not so much time left for waiting for the improvement o f the situation. 6. The whole development of Estonia favours young people.

Why do the respondents of non-Estonian origin experience higher levels o f social distress? 1. National awakening in 1987-88 and the restoration o f the Estonian national state have left the non-Estonian population in the situation o f psychological outsiders. 2. Not always the changes that have taken place in Estonia have been the choice o f the non-Estonian population. It makes difficult to perceive the new situations as constructive ones for them 3. Some new social demands which need overwhelming cognitive reconstruction of meanings, understandings, beliefs, are specifically set to the non-Estonian population For example, the people who have identified themselves as the majority group (Russians) and as the carriers of the official language, have obtained an extra burden o f tensions to change their minds Now they are the minority group o f an independent state where the only official language is Estonian. 4. Unresolved problems create insecurity and uncertainty feelings about one's future. 5. Social myths support the role o f an outsider enabling alienation processes from the socicty. Social myths decrease cognitive contol over the new situations and increase the levels o f social distress.

Distress and accompanying feelings of dissatisfaction, is a psychological state that cannot be endured by an individual in the long run because o f the associated cognitive tensions (Festinger 1957; Olson & Schober 1993). The individual has two ways o f reducing this tension: either to change the situation or to adapt his/her own personal standards and expectations o f the undesirable/uncontrollable situation The latter phenomenon is called 'resigned adaptation' by Ipsen (1987), Berger-Schmitt (1987) and Latten (1989).

People who adapt their personal expectations and standards to the undesired situation, cope with the situation and a state of mental stabilization is produced. Additionally, being satisfied with or resigned to the state o f living leaves them with the incentive to take action. In the current research they were people who agreed with statements like "My time will not come", "I cannot protect my personal interests", "I hardly ever expect things to go my way and I am not the person to change anything", "I feel I've "missed the boat"". Frustration and passivity over a long period combined with resignation to the undesired situation lead to hidden depression. The number of people complaining of low spirits and seeking help from a psyhologist or a psychiatrist is already increasing

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Warzywoda-Kruszynska W , Grotowska-Leder J (1993) Poverty and social conditions in Poland during the transformation to a market economy. Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare, 3:115- 127. ANTECEDENT VARIABLES Multiple social change

Gender Age Nationality

MEDIATING VARIABLES Appraisal Restructuring <------► Challenge (cognitive control) — /

* Stress k "

Coping Emotion-Focused Problem-Focused

Negative Positive Wishful Problem Focus Focus Thinking Solving ADAPTATIONAL OUTCOME Psychological well-being

Figure 1. Hypothesized Model of Social Stress Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Sample (11=809)

Variable Percent N Mean

Sex Male 43.1 349 Female 56.9 460

Nationality Estonian 80.5 652 Non-Estonian 19.4 157

Age 43.7 Young (18<30 years) 23.8 193 Male 23.5 82 Female 24.1 111

Early middle age (31 <45 years) 36.8 298 Male 37.5 131 Female 36.3 167

Middle age (46<60 years) 22.5 182 Male 22.1 77 Female 22.8 105

Retirement age (61< years) 16.8 136 Male 16.9 59 Female 16.7 77

28 Table 2. Mean Ratings on Four-point Scale, Standard Deviations and Mean Differences by Sex and Nationality

Item Males Females P< Estonians Non- P< .05 Estonians .05 Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD 1 I look at mv future with hope 1.9 0.9 1.8 0.8 1.8 0.8 2.0 0.8 * 2 . 1 never expect things to go my way and I'm not the person to change 2.1 1.0 1.9 0.9 * 2.1 1.0 1.7 0.8 ★ anythin? 3. I feel I'm "missed the boat" 2.7 1.0 2.7 1.0 2.8 1.0 2.5 1.1 ♦ 4 . 1 believe my time will come 2.3 1.0 2.4 1.0 2.4 1.0 2.2 1,1 * 5 .1 think more about my past accomplishments than about my future 2.4 1.0 2.5 1.0 2.6 1.0 2.0 0.9 * soals 6 I think more about the future than o f the present and the past 1.8 0.9 1.9 0.9 1.9 0.9 1.7 0.9 ♦ 7 My life could be happier than it is now 1.7 0.8 1.6 0.8 1.7 0.8 1.5 0.7 * 8 .1 think it wise to live for today's day because life is controlled by 2.4 1.1 2.2 1.0 * 2.3 1.0 1.9 1.0 * outside events 9 When I make plans, I am almost certain to make them work 1.7 0.7 1.6 0.7 1.6 0.7 1.9 0.8 * 1 0 .1 am a lucky person 2.4 0.8 2.3 0.8 2.3 0.8 2.3 1.0 11. I am able to protect mv personal interests 2.0 0.9 2.2 0.9 * 2.1 0.9 2.2 1.1 12. My life has been determined by powerful persons 2.7 1.1 2.9 1.1 * 2.8 1.1 2.4 1.2 ♦ 13. N ow it's not wise to plan much ahead, many things are dependent on 1.9 0.9 1.7 0.9 * 1.8 0.9 1.7 0.9 * chance 14 All I ever achieved is because I work hard for it 1.6 0.7 1.5 - 0.7 1.5 0.7 1.4 0.7 * 15. I am not concerned about what happens in Estonia 3.2 1.0 3.2 1.0 3.5 0.8 2.1 1.1 * 16. In the last two weeks I have felt fatigue 2.3 0.8 2.2 0.8 * 2.3 0.8 2.1 0.9 * 17. In the last two weeks I have felt sad 3.0 0.8 2.7 0.9 * 2.9 0.8 2.5 1.0 * 18. In the last two weeks I felt new hope 2.6 0.8 2.7 0.8 2.6 0.8 2.8 0.9 * * 1 19. I have had new ideas in the last two weeks 2.5 0.8 2.7 0.8 _ 2.6 0.8 2.8 1.0 Table 2 (continued) Item Males Females P< Estonians Non- P< .05 Estonians .05 Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD 20. In last two weeks I have felt frightened about the future 2.9 1.0 2.7 '1.0 * 2.9 0.9 2.2 1.0 * 21. In last two weeks I have been concerned about the money matters 1.9 0.9 1.9 0.9 1.9 0 .9 ^ 1.7 0.9 * 22. In last two weeks I have felt happy 2.8 0.8 2.8 0.8 2.8 0.7 2.9 0.9 23. In last two weeks I have felt lonely „ 3.3 0.8 3.2 0.9 * 3.2 0.8 3.0 1.0 * 24. In the last two weeks I have experienced obligingness of other people 2.5 0.7 2.3 0.7 * 2.4 0.7 2.3 0.8 * i 25. In the last two weeks I have enjoyed life 2.7 0.7 2.8 0.8 л — 0.7 3.0 0.7 * 26. In the last two weeks I have felt hopeless 3.2 0.9 3.1 0.9 3.3 0.8 2.7 1.1 ♦ Table 2a. Mean Ratings on Four-point Scale, Standard Deviations and Mean Differences by Age Groups

Item 18<30 years 31 <4 5 years 46<60 years 61< years P< .05 Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD 1. I look at mv future with hope 1.6 0.7 1.8 0.8 1.9 0.8 2.1 1.0 * 2. I never expect things to go my way and I'm not the person to change 2.3 1.0 2.2 1.0 1.8 0.9 1.4 0.7 ♦ anything 3. I feel I'm "missed the boat" 3.0 0.9 2.9 0.9 2.5 1.0 2.1 1.0 * 4. I believe my time will come 1.6 0.6 2.2 0.9 2.8 1.0 3.3 0.9 * 5. I think more about my-past accomplishments than about my future 2.6 0.9 2.6 1.0 2.3 1.0 2.0 0.9 * goals 6 . 1 think more about the future than of the present and the past 1.7 0.8 1.7 0.8 1.9 1.0 2.1 1.1 ♦ 7. My life could be happier than it is now 1.7 0.8 1.7 0.8 1.6 0.8 1.6 0.7 * 8 . 1 think it wise to live for today's day because life is controlled by 2.3 1.0 2.4 1.0 2.2 1.1 1.9 1.1 outside events 9. When I make plans, I am almost certain to make them work 1.7 0.7 1.6 0.6 1.6 0.7 1.7 0.9 * 10.1 am a lucky person 2.2 0.7 2.3 0.8 2.5 0.9 2.6 1.0 1 1 .1 am able to protect mv personal interests 2.0 0.8 2.0 0.8 2.1 0.9 2.5 1.0 * 12. My life has been determined by powerful persons 3.0 1.0 2.9 1.0 2.7 1.2 2.3 1.2 * 13. N ow it's not wise to plan much ahead, many things are dependent on 2.0 0.9 1.8 0.9 1.7 0.9 1.5 0.9 ♦ chance 14. All I ever achieved is because I work hard for it 1.9 0.8 1.5 0.7 1.4 0.6 1.2 0.4 * 1 5 .1 am not concerned about what happens in Estonia 3.1 1.0 3.2 1.0 3.5 0.9 3.1 1.1 * 16. In the last tw o weeks I have felt fatigue 0.7 2.2 0.8 2.2 0.9 2.0 0.8 * 17, In the last tw o weeks I have felt sad 2.9 0.7 2.9 0.8 2.8 0.9 2.7 1.0 * 18. In the last tw o weeks I felt new hope 2.4 0.8 2.7 0.7 2.7 0.8 3.0 0.8 1 9 .1 have had new ideas in the last two weeks 2.4 0.8 2.6 0.8 2.7 0.8 3.0 0.9 * к> ю

Item 18 <30 years 31 <4 5 years 46<60 years 61< years P< .05 Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD ♦ 20. In last two weeks I have felt frightened about the future 3.0 0.9 2.8 1.0 2.7 .1.1 2.5 1.1 * 21. In last two weeks I have been concerned about the money matters 1.9 0.8 2.0 0.9 1.9 0.9 1.8 0.9 22. In last two weeks I have felt happy 2.5 0.7 2.7 0.7 2.9 0.7 3.2 0.8 * 23. In last two weeks I have felt lonely 3.2 0.8 3.3 0.8 3.2 0.9 3.1 1.0 24. In the last two weeks I have experienced obligingness of other people 2.4 0.7 2.4 0.7 2.4 0.8 2.2 0.8 25. In the last two weeks I have enjoyed life 2.6 0.7 2.7 0.7 2.8 0.7 3.0 0.7 * ♦ 26. In the last two weeks I have felt hopeless 3.3 0.8 3.2 0.9 3.1 0.9 2.9 1.1 Factor loadings Men Women Statements Frustra­ Passi- Happi­ Future Frust­ Passi- Happi­ Future tion vitv ness orient. ration vitv ness orient. 1 .1 look at mv future with hope -.193 .362 -.132 .471 -.242 .361 -.205 .392 2. I never expect things to go mv way and I'm not the person to change anything .197 -055 .626 -.219 .146 -.312 .596 -.034 3. I feel I've "missed the boat" .185 -.267 .474 -.357 .270 -.213 .435 -.338 4. I believe mv time will come .223 .547 -.324 .311 -.033 .761 -.186 .124 5. I think more about my past accomplishments than about my future goals .278 -.014 .491 -.118 .102 -.023 .631 -.015 6. I think more about the future than of the present and the past .206 .124 -.034 .640 .204 .421 .148 .385 7. Mv life could be happier than it is now .491 -.092 .307 4 .230 .434 .032 .284 .257 8. I think it wise to live for today's day because life is controlled by outside events .358 .114 .510 -.273 .030 -.098 .499 .014 9. When I make plans, I am almost certain to make them work -.079 .171 .124 .581 -.160 .038 -.042 .735 10. I am a luckv person -.318 .636 -.091 .019 -.614 .388 .099 .103 11.1 am able to protect mv personal interests .282 .455 -.091 .405 -.301 ,311 -.217 .406 12. Mv life has been determined by powerful persons .189 -.150 .339 .049 .104 .013 .525 -.040 13. Now it's not wise to plan much ahead, many things are dependent on chance .016 -.070 .624 .063 .072 -.128 .455 .150 14. All I ever achieved is because I worked hard for it .064 -.031 .595 .353 .102 -.344 .340 .424 15.1 am not concerned about what happens in Estonia .370 .240 .116 -.477 .293 .209 .432 -.325 16. In the last two weeks I have felt fatigue .472 -.270 .097 .061 .404 -.198 .189 -.087 17. In the last two weeks I have felt sad .664 -.191 .041 -.077 .716 -.048 .153 -.085 18. In the last two weeks I have felt new hope -.031 .571 -.067 .332 -.352 .565 .001 .087 19.1 have had new ideas in the last two weeks -.104 .558 -.077 .246 -.365 .557 -.043 .141 20. In the last two weeks I have felt frightened about the future .721 -.126 .229 ^ -.168 .610 -.054 .390 -.032 21. In the last two weeks I have been concerned about the money matters .566 -.060 .180 .054 .497 .093 .302 .087 22. In the last two weeks I have felt happy -.172 .702 -.138 -.075 -.562 .488 -.066 -.113 23. In the last two weeks I have felt lonely .509 -.172 -.126 -.056 ,512 -.000 .090 -.117 24. In the last two weeks I have experienced obligingness of other people -.142 .321 .162 .048 -.469 .080 .174 .145 25. In the last two weeks I have enjoyed life -.300 .566 -.026 .024 -.596 .433 -.058 -.019 26. In the last two weeks I have felt hopeless .683 -.127 .159 -.209 .648 -.069 .372 -.086 27! Age of the respondent .200 .461 -.546 .008 .109 .680 -.394 -.061 Percent of total variance explained 12.3 11.6 10.1 8.0 14.8 10.9 10.2 6.5

Table 3. Rotated factor loadings of the statements by four factors Table 4. Distribution of Respondents by Age and Nationality in the Clusters of Men and Women

Males Females

C1I CI2 Total CM C12 C13 Total

Resp in the cl (N) 199 142 341 180 135 139 454 (%) 58.4 41.6 100 39,7 29.7 30.6 100

Age 18<30 yrs(%) 71.9 28.1 100 56.4 18.6 25.0 100 31 <4 5 yrs(%) 61.4 38.6 100 47.9 19.8 32.3 100 46<60 yrs(%) 48.0 52.0 100 28.9 39.4 31.7 100 61 < yrs(%) 37.3 62.7 100 12.0 56.0 32.0 100

18<30 yrs(%) 31.2 12.0 23.5 33.9 14.1 19.4 24.1 31 <45 yrs(%) 39.2 33.8 37.5 44.4 24.4 38.9 36.3 46<60 yrs(%) 18.6 28.2 22.1 16.7 30.4 23.7 22.8 61 < yrs(%) 11.1 26.1 16.9 5.0 31.1 18.0 167

Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

Mean (years) 40.3 49.5 44.9 37.2 50.9 45.2 44.4 SD 15.2 14.7 12.9 16.2 15.1

Nationality Estonians (N) 178 100 278 165 103 98 366 (%) 64.0 36.0 100 45.1 28.1 26.8 100 Non-Estonians (N) 21 42 63 15 32 41 88 (%) 33.3 66.7 100 17.0 36.4 45.6 100 Table 5. Distribution o f "strong agreement" answers o f the items most heavily loaded on the designated factor by clusters (%)

Item Percentage o f "strong agreement" answers Males | Females CL1 CL2 CL1 CL2 CL3 Frustration: My life could be happier than it is now 5.7 70.4 23.3 70.4 72.7 I have been concerned about money matters 23.6 57.8 24.3 51.1 51.8 I have felt fatigue 9.1 30.3 6.7 35.6 18.0 I have felt frightened about the future 1.5 23.9 1.7 32.6 13.0 I couldn't enjoy life 5.0 19.7 2.8 35.6 10.1 I have felt hopeless 1.0 12.7 0.0 20.7 2.2 I have felt sad 0.0 ■*9.9 1.1 23.0 5.0 I have felt lonely 1.0 6.3 1.1 13.3 1.4 Passivity: All I ever achieved is because I worked hard for it 44.2 72.5 45.6 73.3 69.1 Now it's,not wise to plan much ahead, many things are 31.7 64.8 26.1 66.7 67.6 dependent on chance I never expect things to go my way and I'm not the 15.6 61.3 12.8 65.9 55.4 person to change anything I think it wise to live for today's day because life is con­ 12.6 53.5 16.1 42.2 39.6 trolled by outside events My life has been determined by powerful persons 9.1 37.3 2.8 25.2 35.3 I think more about my past accomplishments than my 10.6 35.2 2.2 26.7 32.4 future goals I feel I've "missed the boat" 3.0 31.7 2.8 34.8 10.1 Happiness: I believe my time will come 30.1 18.3 25.0 7.4 28.8 I'm a lucky person 13.6 7.0 20.0 0.7 15.1 I have had new ideas in the last two weeks 13.6 9.2 7.8 0.7 10.8 I have felt new hope 9.6 8.5 10.0 0.7 8.6 I have enjoyed life 9.6 1.4 7.8 0.0 4.3 I have felt happy 7.0 3.5 7.2 0.0 2.9 Future orientation: I'm concerned about what happens in Estonia 62.3 43.0 70.6 45.9 47.5 When I make plans, I'm almost certain to make them 51.8 40.1 53.9 35.6 54.7 work I look at my future with hope 49.8 12.7 52.7 14.1 41.7 I think more about the future than o f the present and the 42.7 50.0 35.0 37.0 60.4 past I didn't feel I'd "missed the boat" 33.2 10.2 42.8 5.9 18.7 I am able to protect my personal interests 9.1 37.3 2.8 25.2 35.3 FOR ITEM S: My life could be happier than it is now I was concerned about money matters percent of "strong agreement" answers I felt fatigue Ю I fe lt frigh ten ed about thfe future I couldn't enjoy life I felt hopeless I felt sad

Item 7 item 8

Cl l » r 3.7 23.6 9.1 13 3 1 0 1 С12 « TO A 37.8 30.3 23.9 19.7 12.7 9.9 6 3

Percent of "strong agreement" answers

It4m 1 Item 2 Item 3 item 4 Item 5 Item 6 Item 7 Item 8

c u ■- ИЗ 2 4.4 6 1 1.7 2.6 0 Cl 2 ♦ 71) A 31.1 35.6 32.6 33.« 20.7 C13 A 72.7 31.8 18 13 10.1 2.2

Figure 2. Distribution of strong agreement answers reflecting 'FRUSTRATION' of respondents by clusters (%).

30 KEY FOR ITEMS: 1-AII I ever achieved is because I work hard for it 2-At present it's not wise to plan much ahead, many things are dependent on fortune 3-1 hardly ever expect things to go my way and I'm not the person to change a nything 4-1 think it's wise to live for today because life is controlled by chance percent of “strong agreement* «ntwers 5-My life has been determ ined by powerful persons 6-I think more about my past accomplishments than my future goals 7-1 feel I've "missed the boat"

0 item 1 item 2 item 3 item 4 item 5 item 6 item 7 Cll ▼ 44.2 31.7 15.6 12.6 9.1 10.6 3 CI2 ■ 72.5 64.8 61.3 53.5 37.3 35.2 31.7

percent of ’strong agreement* answers

item 1 item 2 item 3 item 4 item 5 item 6 item 7

СИ­ 45.6 26.1 12.8 16.1 2.8 2.2 2.8 СЮ* 73.3 66.7 65.9 42.2 25.2 26.7 34.8 C13A 69.1 67.6 55.4 39.6 35.2 32.4 10.1

Figure 3. Distribution of strong agreement answers reflecting 'PASSIVITY' of respondents by clusters (%) KEY FOR ITEMS: perceot o f’strong agreement" answers 1-1 believe my time comes 2-I'm a lucky person 3-1 experienced arising new ideas 4-1 felt springing new hopes 5-1 enjoyed life 6-l felt happy

item 1 item 2 item 3 item 4 item 5 item 6 CIl ▼ 30.) 13.6 13.6 9.6 9.6 7 0 2 * 18.3 7 9.2 1.4 8 J 3.5

percent of "strong agreement" answers

C il — 25 20 7.8 7.8 10 7.2 C I2 > 7.4 0.7 0.7 0 0.7 0 С13Л 28.8 15.1 10.8 4.3 8.6 2.9

Figure 4. Distribution of strong agreement answers reflecting 'HAPPINESS' of respondents by clusters (%) KEY FOR ITEMS: 1-I'm concerned about what happens in E ston ia 2-When I make plans. I'm almost certain to make them work

percent of ‘strong agreement* answers 3-1 look at future w ith h op es 4-1 felt springing new h op es 5-1 enjoyed life 6-1 felt happy

item 1 item 2 item 3 item 4 item 5 item 6 Cll ▼ 62.3 51.8 49.8 42.7 33.2 9.1 CI2 • 43 40.1 12.7 50 10.6 37.3

percent of "strong agreement" answers

item 1 item 2 item 3 item 4 item 5 item 6

СИ - 70.6 53.9 52.7 35 42.8 28 C I2 * 45.9 35.6 14.1 37 5.9 25.2 C I3 * 47.5 54.7 41.7 60.7 18.7 35.3

Figure 5. Distribution of strong agreement answers reflecting 'FUTURE ORIENTATION' of respondents by clusters (%). SOTSIAALSEST STRESSIST JA PSÜHHOLOOGILISEST TOIMETULEKUST EESTIS

Dagmar Kutsar

Nõukogude Liidu kokkuvarisemine, mis lõpetas kommunistide majandusliku ja poliitilise süsteemi eksistentsi, tõi endaga kaa­ sa ka selle isevärki heaoluriigi purunemise. Endistes N. Liidu osades, samuti Ida- ja Kesk-Euroopa endistes satelliitriikides on laienemas inimestevaheline ebavõrdsus, töötus, vaesus ja teised elanikkonna jaoks täiesti uued sotsiaalsed probleemid. Ida- ja Kesk-Euroopa riikide transformatsiooniprotsess, või­ malikud‘ärenguteed ja sellega kaasnevad ohud teiste maade jaoks on saanud sagedasteks teemadeks rahvusvahelistel teadlaste foo­ rumitel, nendel teemadel on kiijutatud teaduslikke artikleid ja raa­ matuid (Deacon 1992; Dellenbrant 1993; Ferge, Kolberg 1992; Kultõgin 1993; Kutsar, Trumm 1993; Marklund 1993; Marody 1992; Warzywoda-Kruszynska, Grotowska-Leder 1993). Trans- formatsioonibaijääre on käsitlenud Dellenbrant (1993) oma artik­ lis, kus ta esitab ka negatiivse arengustsenaariumi. Iseseisvuse taastamine Eestis 1992. aastal peale viiekümne­ aastast okupatsiooni on seadnud Eesti elanikkonna vastamisi ko­ gu ühiskonna transformatsiooniprotsessiga — liikumisega tota­ litaarsest ühiskonnast demokraatlikku, plaanipärasest majanduse regulatsioonist turumajanduslikku. Mis pingestab sellisel ajal ini­ meste elu? 1. Kiired muutused maa poliitilises, majanduslikus ja sotsiaal­ ses elus. Indiviidi tasandil nõuab see uute olukordade selget mõistmist, muutustega kohanemist, enese reidentifikatsiooni ja oma koha leidmist uutes tingimustes. Sündmuste pluralistlikud

2541

31 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis seletused ja tõlgendused massimeedia kaudu raskendavad oluli­ selt muutuste mõistmist. 2. Suurenevad inimestele esitatavad nõudmised. Majanduse ümberstruktureerimine toob esiplaanile vajaduse ümberõppeks, luues eeliseid nendele inimestele, kes on selleks valmis; eelis- asendis on ka need, kes on ettevõtlikumad, oskavad võõraid keeli, kellel on käepärane arvuti kasutamine jne. 3. Muutuvad inimestevahelised suhted. Töökohtade vähesus tekitab konkurentsi töökohtade pärast, raha hakkab inimsuhe­ tes suuremat rolli mängima, suureneb sotsiaalne ebavõrdsus, mis omakorda pingestab elu. 4. Irratsionaalsed sotsiaalsed ootused. Sotsiaalsed ootused aita­ vad inimestel toime tulla ühiskonnas toimuvate muutustega ja oma jõudusid ajastada. Valeks osutunud sotsiaalsed ootused tekitavad aga lisapingeid, ebakindlust ja määramatust. Valed ehk irratsio­ naalsed sotsiaalsed ootused võtavad sageli sotsiaalse müüdi kuju, sekkudes inimeste käitumisse ja suhetesse. Sotsiaalsed müüdid esinevad kujul “kui... siis”. Näiteks: “kui Eesti saab vabaks, siis jätkub eelmise iseseisvusaja hea elu... “kui tuleb oma raha, siis tuleb jõukus majja... ”, “kui tuleb tööpuudus, jäävad laisad ja lohakad tööta... ” jne. Eesti sai iseseisvaks riigiks ja inimesed seisid vastamisi uute raskustega; tuli oma raha ja ometi küllust mitte; tööpuudus ei puuduta mitte ainult laisku ja lohakaid, vaid ka korralikke ja kohusetundlikke töötegijaid. Suhteline avatus Läände loob uusi ettekujutusi normaalsest elust, kuid ka kannata­ matust seda ära oodata. 5. Vana elufilosoofia ja nn sotsialismi pärand. Uued sotsiaal­ sed probleemid on inimeste teadvuses ilmsiks toonud totalitaar- süsteemi pärandi, mis raskendab toimetulekut uutes tingimustes. Sotsialismiaegne tööjõupuudus muutis inimesed muretuks oma töökoha ja töökvaliteedi pärast. Plaanimajanduslik elufilosoofia ja riigipoolne patemalistlik hoolitsus on tekitanud suurel hulgal õpitud abitust ja eneseabimentaliteedi puudumist. Viiekümneaas­ tane sotsiaalne kogemus pingestab suhtumist privatiseerimisse ja tekitab endiselt kahtlustavat suhtumist valitsuse tegevusse. Va­ na institutsionaalse sotsiaalse kaitse süsteemi kokkuvarisemine ja ressursside vähesus uue sotsiaalse kaitse süsteemi väljaarenda­ miseks jätab inimesed turvatundeta.

2542 Dagmar Kutsar

Transformatsiooniprotsess Eestis koos kohanemist nõudvate suurearvuliste muutustega meenutab Alvin Toffleri (1970) kirjel­ datud tulevikušokki, millesse inimesed Eestis on viimase viie­ kuue aasta jooksul sattunud. Käesolev uurimus seab endale järgmised ülesanded: 1) uurida Eestis elavate inimeste reaktsioone ja tundeid sotsiaalse transformatsiooni ajal ja määratleda need faktorid, mis determi­ neerivad psühholoogilise toimetuleku selle tingimustes; 2) määratleda erinevad psühholoogilise heaolu tasemed sotsiaalse stressi suuruse järgi ja uurida suuremas sotsiaalses distressis olevat gruppi; 3) võrrelda Eestis elavate eestlaste ja mitte-eestlaste psühholoo­ gilise heaolu taset.

Uurimuse taust

Ungari päritolu ameerika psühhoterapeut Hans Selye võttis 1956. aastal kasutusele “stressi” termini, tähistades sellega ini­ meste igapäevast pinget ja kulumist. Diskussioon stressi tüüpide eristamise ümber kestab mitu aastakümmet. Eri autorid eristavad kolme tüüpi stressi: süsteemne ehk füsioloogiline (Lazarus 1966 Selye järgi); psühholoogiline (Lazarus 1966) ja sotsiaalne (Smel- ser 1963). Stressi tüübid on omavahel tihedasti seotud, seda seost aga on vähe uuritud ja sellepärast on siin palju ebaselget. Nii näi­ teks füsioloogilisele stressile sarnaneva füsioloogilise reaktsiooni tekitab raskuste tõstmine, suurendades südame löögisagedust ja tõstes vererõhku. Samuti võivad stressi psühholoogilised tähen­ dused olla erinevad. Situatsioon ise võib tekitada stressi või mitte, olenevalt indiviidi omadustest ja situatsiooni tähendusest temale. Lazarus (1966) soovitas rääkida “stressist üldse” kui uurimisalast. Stressiseisundi sisu sõltub teda vallandava teguri (stressori) iseloomust ja selle väärtusest indiviidi elulistele vajadustele. In­ diviidile soodsad, tema elutegevust ja arengut toetavad nähtused vallandavad eustressi, mis omakorda viitab organismi heale ko­ hastumisele keskkonnas. Eustressiga kaasnevad positiivsed emot­ sioonid: rahuldus, heameel, rõõm, vaimustus, õnnetunne. Sellest sugeneb teotahte tõus ning aktiivne ja konstruktiivne tegutsemine.

2543 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

Tegurid, mis indiviidi vajadustele ei vasta või on ebasood­ sad, kutsuvad esile distressi, mille olemuseks on puudulik või väär kohanemine keskkonnas. Distressiga kaasnevad negatiivsed emotsioonid: rahulolematus, nördimus, pahameel, ärevus, mu­ re, hirm, viha jne. Sellest sugeneb ka teotahte pärssumine või destruktiivne käitumine. Samas võib distressil olla ka oma posi­ tiivne külg, mis avaldub inimese käitumist stimuleerivas efektis, ajendades midagi ette võtma distressi vallandava asjaolu kõrval­ damiseks ja distressi leevendamiseks. Nälg ajendab süüa otsima, külm soojemalt riietuma, süütunne eksimust korvama jne. Smelser (1963) seostab “sotsiaalset stressi” sotsiaalsete üksus­ te või süsteemide lagunemisega või muutumisega. Mitte ainult lagunemine, vaid ka uue süsteemi ülesehitamine kätkeb endas pin­ geid tekitavaid muutusi, mis vajavad situatsiooni hindamise os­ kust, toimetulekut ja kohanemist uute eluülesannetega. Sotsiaal­ ne stress muutub nähtavaks aegadel, mil inimesed tunnetavad, et nende igapäevast elu mõjutavad otseselt ühiskonnas toimuvad muutused. Ühiskonnas toimuv transformatsiooniprotsess tekitab toimetulekut nõudvat lisapinget igas inimeses. Laialt tuntud on ütlus “Olukord on kontrolli all.” See väljend tähendab, et nõnda väitev inimene mõistab toimuvat ja suudab seda juhtida. Kognitiivse kontrolli osa toimetulekuprotsessis on käsitlenud paljud uurijad (Burke 1991; Rotter 1966; Rothbaum, Snyder, Weisz 1982; Thoits 1991 jt.). Ühiskonnas toimuvate kii­ rete muutuste ajal on olemas oht, et inimesed kaotavad kontrolli toimuva üle — sisemine kontrollkese asendub välisega. Inime­ sed ei saa aru, mis toimub, ei suuda struktureerida ega seletada ümbritsevat, elavad üle kontrolli kaotust, ei suuda prognoosida, mida toob neile homne päev (Averill 1973; Settles 1987). Selle tulemuseks võib olla lootusetus, ärevus, depressioon, motivat- sioonipuudus. Muutuvas olukorras uusi struktuure luua suutvad inimesed tunnevad sageli muutuvatest oludest rõõmu, neid haarab uute võimaluste nägemisest põhjustatud ideede tulv, optimism ja aktiivsuse tõus (Kobasa 1985). Ühiskonnas toimuv transfor­ matsiooniprotsess paneb proovile inimeste toimetulekuressursid, millest omakorda sõltub nende subjektiivse heaolu tase.

2544 SÕLTUMATUD MUUTUJAD Sotsiaalne transformatsioon

Indiviidi sugu vanus rahvus VAHENDAVAD PROTSESSID i ▼ Stressorsündmuse Restruktureerimine Võimaluste (kontrollikese) 4 * taJu hindamine s ✓ * Stress4^

/ 4

Toimetulek Emotsioonikeskne Probleemikeskne

Negatiivne Positiivne Soov- Probleemi fookus fookus mõtlemine lahendamine ADAPTIIVNE VÄLJUND Psühholoogiline heaolu Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

MEETOD JA VALIM

Uurimuse teoreetilised lähtekohad

Käesolev sotsiaalse stressi uurimus lähtub hüpoteetilisest sotsiaal­ se stressiga kohanemise mudelist (joonis 1), mille aluseks on Lazaruse ja Folkmani (1984) ning Bordeni (1991) stressi ja toi­ metuleku mudel. Sõltumatud muutujad: vastaja sugu, vanus ja rahvus. Bio­ loogiliste stressimudelite implitsiitse eelduse järgi lähtub indiviidi stress välistest, objektiivsetest nõudmistest ja asjaoludest. Stressi­ ga toimetuleku mudeli kohaselt mõjustavad sõltumatud muutujad väljendunud stressi taset (Monat, Lazarus 1985: 3). Käesolevas uurimuses on vastaja sugu, vanust ja rahvust käsitletud kui sõl­ tumatuid muutujaid, millest oleneb situatsiooni kognitiivne hin­ damine ja toimetulek. Püstitatud hüpoteesi kohaselt mõjutavad nimetatud demograafilised karakteristikud vastaja sotsiaalse si­ tuatsiooni taju ja selle kaudu tema käitumist ning psühholoogi­ list (subjektiivset) heaolu kui adaptiivset väljundit. Vahendavad protsessid: situatsiooni hindamine ja toimetulek. Sotsiaalseid muutusi võib vaadelda kui stressorsündmusi, millele saab anda erinevaid hinnanguid, kusjuures erinevus stressorsünd- muse nägemises viib ka erinevale stressi tasemele. Kui indiviid tajub situatsiooni soovitavana, saame rääkida tema kognitiivsest kontrollist stressori üle. Vastupidi aga — tajudes sündmust ebaso­ bivana, subjekti suhtes väliste jõudude poolt determineerituna — tekib subjektis passiivsus ja tunne, et tema ei saa siin midagi muuta. Tajutud kognitiivne kontroll stressorsündmuse üle peh­ mendab stressori mõju ja suurendab toimetulekuressursse (Roth- baum, Snyder, Weisz 1982). Toimetulekustrateegiaid on erinevad stressiuurijad määratle­ nud kui probleemikeskseid, kui eesmärgiks on stressortingimuste muutmine, ja emotsioonikeskseid, kui eesmärgiks on stressi emot­ sionaalse mõju vähendamine (Borden 1991; Lazarus, Folkman 1984; Monat, Lazarus 1985). Käesolevas uurimuses on püstitatud hüpotees, et kõrgema distressitasemega vastajad kasutavad sage­ damini negatiivse suunaga emotsioonikeskseid toimetulekustra-

2546 Dagmar Kutsar teegiaid ja soovmõtlemist, mis blokeerivad subjekti isiklikud ees­ märgid ja aktiivsuse. Nende strateegiate stressialandav mõju on nõrk. Madala distressitasemega vastajad aga kasutavad sageda­ mini positiivseid emotsioonikeskseid toimetulekustrateegiaid ja probleemide konstruktiivset lahendamist, sest nad näevad stres- sorsündmustes uusi võimalusi ja perspektiive tegutsemiseks. Adaptiivne väljund: psühholoogiline (subjektiivne) heaolu. Mõistet “psühholoogiline heaolu” võib kasutada stressi adaptiiv- se väljundi indikaatorina (Larson 1978). Lähtehüpoteesi kohaselt oleneb indiviidi psühholoogilise heaolu tase vastaja demograafi- listest muutujatest mõjutatud sotsiaalsete muutuste subjektiivsest tajust ja rakendatud toimetulekustrateegiatest.

Materjal

Sotsiaalse stressi küsimustiku on koostanud autor. Lisatud on mõned väited Michigani Ülikooli Sotsiaaluuringute Instituudi intervjuuprojektist Self-concept over the life-span (1991). Kü­ simustiku koostamisel on lähtutud neljast dimensioonist: sub­ jekti aktiivsus-passiivsus; tajutud kontrollkese (seesmine ja vä­ line); eluorientatsioon (orienteeritus minevikule, olevikule või tulevikule) ja emotsionaalne staatus (deprimeeritud või stimulee­ ritud). Küsimustik järgib Folkmani ja Lazaruse (1980) koostatud probleemikeskset ja emotsioonikeskset toime tulekutaksonoomiat. Küsimustiku esimene osa koosneb 16 Likerti tüüpi väitest, millega vastaja sai nõustuda või ei saanud (“täiesti nõus”; “enam-vähem nõus”; “pigem ei ole nõus”; “üldse ei ole nõus”). Küsimustiku teises osas on esitatud 11 emotsionaalset seisundit. Vastajal tuli otsustada, kuivõrd ta viimase kahe nädala jooksul on seda koge­ nud (“pidevalt”; “sageli”; “harva”; “mitte kordagi”). Sõltumatute muutujatena on lisatud vastaja sugu, vanus ja rahvus. Üks esitatud väidetest (“Igal asjal on oma hea ja halb külg”) oli sedavõrd madala eristusjõuga vastajate vahel, et ta on käesolevast analüüsist välja jäetud.

2547 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

Valim

Käesolev küsimustik oli lisatud EMORi poolt igakuiselt kogutava riigi statistika projekti “Pere-eelarvete uuring” juurde 1993. aas­ ta märtsis-aprillis. Leibkondade koguvalimist (2000 leibkon- da) moodustati juhuvalim 1000 täiskasvanud perekonnaliikmest. Lõplikuks valimiks kujunes 809 vastajat (349 meest ja 460 naist), vastamisprotsent on 81.

Tabel 1 Valimi demograafiline iseloomustus (N=809)

Muutuja % N Keskmine Sugu Mees 43,1 349 Naine 56,9 460 Rahvus Eestlane 80,5 652 Mitte-eestlane 19,4 157 Vanus Noored (18 < 30) 23,8 193 M 23,5 82 N 24,1 111 Noorem keskiga (31 < 45) 36,8 298 M 37,5 131 N 36,3 167 Keskiga (46 < 60) 22,5 182 M 22,1 77 N 22,8 105 Vanem iga (61 <) 16,8 136 M 16,9 59 N 16,7 77

Vastanute keskmine vanus on 43,7 aastat, vahemikus 18 kuni 74 aastat (tabel 1). Kõik vastajad on jagatud nelja vanuserühma:

2548 Dagmar Kutsar

18 < 30-aastased (noored); 31 < 45-aastased (noorem keskiga); 46 < 60-aastased (vanem keskiga); 61 < -aastased (vanem iga). Vastajad on rahvuse alusel jagatud kahte gruppi: eestla­ sed (80,5%) ja mitte-eestlased (19,4%). Sotsiaalset stressi uuri­ takse ajal, mil eestlased taastavad rahvusriiki ja õigusi oma põlisel alal. On selge, et sellisel rahvusliku identiteedi rõhutamise pe­ rioodil võivad teised Eestis elavad rahvusgrupid sattuda autsaideri rolli. Arvestades antud uurimuse spetsiifilisust, ei peeta täpsemat rahvusgruppide eristamist vajalikuks.

Andmeanalüüs

Sotsiaalse stressi hüpoteetilist mudelit uuritakse mitme kvantita­ tiivse analüüsi meetodi abil. Hinnangutevahelisi erinevusi eri­ nevates gruppides on kontrollitud t-testi ja Kruskal—Wallise testi abil. Toimetulekuressursse uuritakse hinnangute faktorana­ lüüsiga; faktoranalüüsis kõrgemate faktorlaadungitega tunnuste kooskõla on hinnatud Cronbachi alfa kaudu. Klasteranalüüs võimaldab vastajaid rühmitada erineva subjektiivse heaolutaseme järgi. Klastritevaheline statistiline erinevus on hinnatud Öartletti testi abil. Kõik otsustused on tehtud olulisuse nivool p< 0,05.

TULEMUSED Sugu. Sugudevahelised erinevused hinnangutes ilmnevad ühe­ teistkümne väite korral kahekümne kuuest, kusjuures naiste vas­ tused on suunaga kõrgema emotsionaalsuse poole (tabel 2). Nai­ sed tunnevad rohkem hirmu tuleviku ees, teevad vähem plaane tu­ leviku suhtes, on viimase kahe nädala jooksul tundnud väsimust, kurbust ja üksindust sagedamini kui mehed. Meeste hinnangutes on rohkem enesekindlust ja uute väljavaadete nägemist. Rahvus. Eestlaste ja mitte-eestlaste grupis väljenduvad statisti­ liselt erinevad hinnangud peaaegu kõikide esitatud väidete kor­ ral (tabel 2). Mitte-eestlased kogevad vähem ühtsustunnet Eesti ühiskonna arengu suhtes, neil on vähem kontrolli stressorsünd- muste üle ja vähem turvatunnet tuleviku suhtes kui eestlastest vastajatel. Hinnangutes peegeldub selgelt eesti ja mitte-eesti ela­ nikkonna polarisatsioon rahvusriigi taastamise ajal. On ilmne,

2549

33 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

Tabel 2. Keskmised hinnangud, hinnangute erinevus (p< 0,05) Väide

1. Ma vaatan lootustega tulevikku...... 2. Asjad lähevad oma rada ja mina ei saa siin midagi muuta...... 3. Mulle tundub, et olen “rongist mahajäänud” ...... 4. Arvan, et minu aeg on veel e e s...... 5. Tihti leian ennast mõtlemas sellest, mida olen ära teinud, harvem sellest, mida tegema peaksin...... 6. Ma mõtlen rohkem oma tulevikule kui olevikule või minevikule ... 7. Mu elu võiks olla õnnelikum, kui ta on praegu...... 8. Elada tuleb tänasele päevale, sest elu juhivad juhused...... 9. Kui ma midagi planeerin, siis teen kõik selleks, et oma plaane ellu viia...... 10. Ma pean end õnnelikuks inimeseks...... 11. Ma suudan oma huve kaitsta...... 12. Minu elu on palju mõjutanud inimesed võimukoridoridest...... 13. Praeguses olukorras ei pea ma õigeks plaane pika aja peale ette teha 14. Kui ma midagi saavutanud olen, siis ikka suure tööga...... 15. Mulle ei lähe korda, mis Eestis toimub...... 16. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud väsimust...... 17. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud kurvameelsust...... 18. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud uusi lootusi tärkavat---- 19. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud uusi huvitavaid mõtteid. 20. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud hirmu tuleviku e e s ...... 21. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud muret rahaasjade pärast. 22. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud õnne...... 23. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud üksindust...... 24. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud inimeste vastutulelikkust 25. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud elust mõnu...... 26. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud lootusetust...... et paljud mitte-eesti elanikkonnaga seotud probleemid pole veel lahendatud ja mitte-eestlaste integreerimine Eesti ühiskonda on alles algusjärgus. Vanus. Hinnangute grupeerimine vanusegruppide järgi toob esile olulised gruppidevahelised erinevused (tabel 2a). Noorem va­ nusegrupp on selgema tulevikuorientatsiooniga, nad arvavad, et nende aeg tegutsemiseks on veel ees. Vastajad vanematest va- nusegruppidest on aga vastupidi sagedamini minevikku pööratud, nostalgilised, mõeldes oma tehtud tööle ja saavutustele. Vanemad

2550 Dagmar Kutsar

ja standardhälbed soo ning rahvuse järgi. Mehed Naised p Eestlased Muulased p

Keskm. SD Keskm. SD Keskm. SD Keskm SD

1,9 0,9 1,8 0,8 1,8 0,8 2,0 0,8 2,1 1,0 1,9 0,9 * 2,1 1,0 1,7 0,8 2,7 1,0 2,7 1,0 2,8 1,0 2,5 1,1 2,3 1,0 2,4 1,0 2,4 1,0 2,2 1,1

2,4 1,0 2,5 1,0 2,6 1,0 2,0 0,9 1,8 0,9 1,9 0,9 1,9 0,9 1,7 0,9 1,7 0,8 1,6 0,8 1,7 0,8 1,5 0,7 2,4 1,1 2,2 1,0 * 2,3 1,0 1,9 1,0

1,7 0,7 1,6 0,7 1,6 0,7 1,9 0,8 2,4 0,8 2,3 0,8 2,3 0,8 2,3 1,0 2,0 0,9 2,2 0,9 * 2,1 0,9 2,2 1,1 2,7 1,1 2,9 1,1 * 2,8 1,1 2,4 1,2 1,9 0,9 1,7 0,9 * 1,8 0,9 1,7 0,9 1,6 0,7 1,5 0,7 1,5 0,7 1,4 0,7 3,2 1,0 3,2 1,0 3,5 0,8 2,1 1,1 2,3 0,8 2,2 0,8 * 2,3 0,8 2,1 Q,9 3,0 0,8 2,7 0,9 * 2,9 0,8 2,5 1,0 2,6 0,8 2,7 0,8 2,6 0,8 2,8 0,9 2,5 0,8 2,7 0,8 * 2,6 0,8 2,8 1,0 2,9 1,0 2,7 1,0 * 2,9 0,9 2,2 1,0 1,9 0,9 1,9 0,9 1,9 0,9 1,7 0,9 2,8 0,8 2,8 0,8 2,8 0,7 2,9 0,9 3,3 0,8 3,2 0,9 * 3,2 0,8 3,0 1,0 2,5 0,7 2,3 0,7 * 2,4 0,7 2,3 0,8 2,7 0,7 2,8 0,8 2,7 0,7 3,0 0,7 3,2 0,9 3,1 0,9 3,3 0,8 2,7 1,1 vastajad tunnevad vähem kontrolli sündmuste üle, uued elusituat­ sioonid ei paku just suuri väljavaateid.

Sotsiaalse stressiga toimetulekut determineerivad faktorid

Faktoranalüüsil pööratud faktormaatriksi meetodil eristus 4 fakto­ rit nii meeste kui naiste alammassiivis (faktorite kirjeldatus 42%). Faktorid on saanud oma nime tunnuste järgi, millel on antud faktoriga kõige suurem seos (tabel 3).

2551 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

Tabel 2a. Keskmised hinnangud, hinnangute erinevus (p< 0,05) Väide

1. Ma vaatan lootustega tulevikku...... 2. Asjad lähevad oma rada ja mina ei saa siin midagi muuta...... 3. Mulle tundub, et olen “rongist mahajäänud” ...... 4. Arvan, et minu aeg on veel e e s...... 5. Tihti leian ennast mõtlemas sellest, mida olen ära teinud, harvem sellest, mida tegema peaksin...... 6. Ma mõtlen rohkem oma tulevikule kui olevikule või minevikule ... 7. Mu elu võiks olla õnnelikum, kui ta on praegu...... 8. Elada tuleb tänasele päevale, sest elu juhivad juhused...... 9. Kui ma midagi planeerin, siis teen kõik selleks, et oma plaane ellu viia...... 10. Ma pean end õnnelikuks inimeseks...... 11. Ma suudan oma huve kaitsta...... 12. Minu elu on palju mõjutanud inimesed võimukoridoridest...... 13. Praeguses olukorras ei pea ma õigeks plaane pika aja peale ette teha 14. Kui ma midagi saavutanud olen, siis ikka suure tööga...... 15. Mulle ei lähe korda, mis Eestis toimub...... 16. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud väsimust...... 17. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud kurvameelsust...... 18. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud uusi lootusi tärkavat---- 19. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud uusi huvitavaid mõtteid. 20. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud hirmu tuleviku e e s ...... 21. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud muret rahaasjade pärast. 22. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud õnne...... 23. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud üksindust...... 24. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud inimeste vastutulelikkust 25. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud elust m õnu...... 26. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud lootusetust......

1. faktor: frustreeritus. Faktor väljendub rahulolematuses oma eluga ja negatiivsetes tunnetes viimase kahe nädala jooksul. See faktor determineerib negatiivseid emotsioonikeskseid toimetule- kustrateegiaid ning on sagedamini esindatud vastajate vanemates vanusegruppides. Sellega on tugevamalt seotud väited nr 7, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 25 ja 26 (Cronbachi a on 0,77).

2552 Dagmar Kutsar

ja standardhälbed vanusegruppide järgi. 18 < 30 31 < 45 46 < 60 61 < p

Keskm. SD Keskm. SD Keskm. SD Keskm SD

1,6 0,7 1,8 0,8 1,9 0,8 2,1 1,0 * 2,3 1,0 2,2 1,0 1,8 0,9 1,4 0,7 * 3,0 0,9 2,9 0,9 2,5 1,0 2,1 1,0 * 1,6 0,6 2,2 0,9 2,8 1,0 3,3 0,9 *

2,6 0,9 2,6 1,0 2,3 1,0 2,0 0,9 * 1,7 0,8 1,7 0,8 1,9 1,0 2,1 1,1 * 1,7 0,8 1,7 0,8 1,6 0,8 1,6 0,7 * 2,3 1,0 2,4 1,0 2,2 1,1 1,9 1,1

1,7 0,7 1,6 0,6 1,6 0,7 1,7 0,9 * 2,2 0,7 2,3 0,8 2,5 0,9 2,6 1,0 2,0 0,8 2,0 0,8 2,1 0,9 2,5 1,0 * 3,0 1,0 2,9 1,0 2,7 1,2 2,3 1,2 * 2,0 0,9 1,8 0.9 1,7 0,9 i;5 0,9 * 1,9 0,8 1,5 0,7 1,4 0,6 1,2 0,4 * 3,1 1,0 3,2 1,0 3,5 0,9 3,1 1,1 * 0,7 2,2 0,8 2,2 0,9 2,0 0,8 * 2,9 0,7 2,9 0,8 2,8 0,9 2,7 1,0 * 2,4 0,8 2,7 0,7 2,7 0,8 3,0 0,8 2,4 0,8 2,6 0,8 2,7 0,8 3,0 0,9 * 3,0 0,9 2,8 1,0 2,7 1,1 2,5 1,1 * 1,9 0,8 2,0 0,9 1,9 0,9 1,8 0,9 * 2,5 0,7 2,7 0,7 2,9 0,7 3,2 0,8 3,2 0,8 3,3 0,8 3,2 0,9 3,1 1,0 * 2,4 0,7 2,4 0,7 2,4 0,8 2,2 0,8 2,6 0,7 2,7 0,7 2,8 0,7 3,0 0,7 * 3,3 0,8 3,2 0,9 3,1 0,9 2,9 1,1 *

2. faktor: õnnelikkus. See faktor determineerib positiivseid emotsioonikeskseid toimetulekustrateegiaid. Sotsiaalsed muu­ tused on andnud uusi ideid ja lootusi tuleviku suhtes, kuid ka otsustamise edasilükkamist, kuna aega veel on. Õnnelikkusefak- tor iseloomustab nooremate vanusegruppide reaktsioone stressor- sündmustele. Sellega on tugevamalt seotud väited nr 4, 10, 18, 19, 22 ja 25 (Cronbachi a on 0,82). 3. faktor: passiivsus. Faktor väljendab kontrolli kaotust si­ tuatsiooni üle, jõuetust ja motiveerimatust midagi muuta püüda.

2553

34 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

Tabel 3. Hinnangute pööratud

Vaide

1. Ma vaatan lootustega tulevikku...... 2. Asjad lähevad oma rada ja mina ei saa siin midagi muuta...... 3. Mulle tundub, et olen “rongist mahajäänud” ...... 4. Arvan, et minu aeg on veel e e s...... 5. Tihti leian ennast mõtlemas sellest, mida olen ära teinud, harvem sellest, mida tegema peaksin...... 6. Ma mõtlen rohkem oma tulevikule kui olevikule või minevikule... 7. Mu elu võiks olla õnnelikum, kui ta on praegu...... 8. Elada tuleb tänasele päevale, sest elu juhivad juhused...... 9. Kui ma midagi planeerin, siis teen kõik selleks, et oma plaane ellu viia...... 10. Ma pean end õnnelikuks inimeseks...... 11. Ma suudan oma huve kaitsta...... 12. Minu elu on palju mõjutanud inimesed võimukoridoridest...... 13. Praeguses olukorras ei pea ma õigeks plaane pika aja peale ette teha 14. Kui ma midagi saavutanud olen, siis ikka suure tööga...... 15. Mulle ei lähe korda, mis Eestis toimub...... 16. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud väsimust...... 17. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud kurvameelsust...... 18. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud uusi lootusi tärkavat — 19. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud uusi huvitavaid mõtteid. 20. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud hirmu tuleviku e e s ...... 21. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud muret rahaasjade pärast. 22. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud õnne...... 23. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud üksindust...... 24. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud inimeste vastutulelikkust 25. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud elust m õnu...... 26. Viimase kahe nädala jooksul olen tundnud lootusetust...... Vanus...... Kiijeldatuse protsent......

Blokeeritud eesmärgid ja tulevikuorientatsiooni puudus peegelda­ vad vastaja eraldatust ja soovmõtlemist kui toimetulekustrateegiat sagedamini vanemates vanusegruppides. Selle faktoriga on tuge­ vamalt seotud väited nr 2, 3, 5, 8, 12, 13 ja 14 (Cronbachi a on 0,66).

2554 Dagmar Kutsar

faktormaatriks sugude järgi. Faktorkaalud

Mehed Naised

F1 F2 F3 F4 F1 F2 F3 F4

-.193 .362 -.132 .471 -.242 .361 -.205 .392 .197 -.055 .626 -.219 .146 -.312 .596 -.034 .185 -.267 .474 -.357 .270 -.213 .435 -.338 .223 .547 -.324 .311 -.033 .761 -.186 .124

.278 -.014 .491 -.118 .102 -.023 .631 -.015 .206 .124 -.034 .640 .204 .421 .148 .385 .491 -.092 .307 .230 .434 .032 .284 .257 .358 .114 .510 -.273 .030 -.098 .499 .014 -.079 .171 .124 .581 -.160 .038 -.042 .735

-.318 .636 -.091 .019 -.614 .388 .099 .103 .282 .455 -.091 .405 -.301 .311 -.217 .406 .189 -.150 .339 .049 .104 .013 .525 -.040 .016 -.070 .624 .063 .072 -.128 .455 .150 .064 -.031 .595 .353 .102 -.344 .340 .424 .370 .240 .116 -.477 .293 .209 .432 -.325 .472 -.270 .097 .061 .404 -.198 .189 -.087 .664 -.191 .041 -.077 .716 -.048 .153 -.085 -.031 .571 -.067 .332 -.352 .565 .001 .087 -.104 .558 -.077 .246 -.365 .557 -.043 .141 .721 -.126 .229 -.168 .610 -.054 .390 -.032 .566 -.060 .180 .054 .497 .093 .302 .087 -.172 .702 -.138 -.075 -.562 .488 -.066 -.113 .509 -.172 -.126 -.056 .512 -.000 .090 -.117 -.142 .321 .162 .048 -,469 .080 .174 .145 -.300 .566 -.026 .024 -.596 .433 -.058 -.019 .683 -.127 .159 -.209 .648 -.069 .372 -.086 .200 .461 -.546 .008 .109 .680 -.394 -.061 12.3 11.6 10.1 8.0 14.8 10.9 10.2 6.5

4. faktor: tulevikku orienteeritus. See faktor viitab muutuste positiivsele hinnangule ja determineerib probleemikeskseid toi- metulekustrateegiaid. Ta on nõrgem kui teised faktorid ega ole statistiliselt sagedamini esindatud üheski vanusegrupis. Ka selle faktoriga tugevamini seotud tunnuste (väited nr 1, 3,6,9,11 ja 15)

2555 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis seesmine kooskõla on madal ning statistiliselt ebaoluline (Cron- bachi a on 0,38).

Vastanute psühholoogiline heaolu

Vastanute psühholoogiline heaolu sotsiaalse stressi adaptiivse väl­ jundina on välja toodud klasteranalüüsi abil. Klasteranalüüsi käigus eristub kaks klastrit meeste ja kolm klastrit naiste hul­ gas (tabel 4). Hinnangutevaheline erinevus klastrite vahel tõestub tasemel p< 0,001, välja arvatud üks väide (“Ma mõtlen rohkem oma tulevikule kui olevikule või minevikule”). Klastritesse gru­ peerunud vastajate vanus on oluliselt erinev: nii meeste kui ka naiste teise klastrisse on koondunud kõrgema vanusega vastajad, esimesse aga nooremad vastajad. Teise klastrisse on koondu­ nud ka suhteliselt rohkem mitte-eestlastest vastanuid, kusjuures esimene klaster koosneb rohkem eestlastest vastajatest (tabel 4). Klasteranalüüsi abil saadud vastanute grupid erinevad ükstei­ sest erinevate toimetulekufaktorite esindatuse ja erineva subjek­ tiivse heaolutaseme poolest. Subjektiivse heaolutaseme kirjelda­ misel lähtutakse faktoranalüüsis antud faktoriga tugevamini seo­ tud hinnangutest ja vaadeldakse, kuivõrd on vastajad erinevatest klasterrühmadest nõustunud nimetatud väidetega. Meeste ja naiste esimene klaster on kiijeldatav kui suhteliselt kõrge psühholoogilise heaolu tasemega vastajate grupp, moodus­ tades 58,4% meeste ja 39,7% naiste alammassiivist. Statistiliselt on nad tõenäoliselt nooremad inimesed (70% meestest ja 78% naistest on alla 45-aastased) ja eestlased (64% meestest ja 45% naistest, vt tabel 4). Neid iseloomustab madal frustreeritus, kõrge aktivatsioon ja osalustunne sotsiaalsetes muutustes ning minevik- kupööratuse puudumine (joonised 2-5). Vastanud sellest grupist tunnevad elust mõnu, muutused ühiskonnas on nende jaoks sood­ sad, olgugi et umbes veerand neist tunneb muret rahaasjade pärast. See osutab küll pigem meie maa viletsale majanduslikule seisule.

Meeste ja naiste teine klaster koondab madala subjektiivse heaolutasemega vastajaid. Nad moodustavad 41,6% meeste ja 29,7% naiste alammassiivist. Sagedamini on nad vanemad ini­ mesed (54% meestest ja 61% naistest on üle 45 aasta vanad)

2556 Dagmar Kutsar

Tabel 4 Meeste ja naiste klasterrühmade jagunemine vanuse ja rahvuse järgi.

Mehed Naised

Kl-1 Kl-2 Kokku Kl-1 Kl-2 Kl-3 Kokku

N 199 142 341 180 135 139 454

Vanus 18 < 30 (%) 71,9 28,1 100 56,4 18,6 25,0 100 31 < 4 5 (%) 61,4 38,6 100 47,9 19,8 32,3 100 46 < 60 (%) 48,0 52,0 100 28,9 39,4 31,7 100 61 < (%) 37,3 62,7 100 12,0 56,0 32,0 100

18 < 30 (%) 31,2 12,0 23,5 33,9 14,1 19,4 24,1 31 < 45 (%) 39,2 33,8 37,5 44,4 24,4 38,9 36,3 46 < 60 (%) 18,6 28,2 22,1 16,7 30,4 23,7 22,8 61 < (%) 11,1 26,1 16,9 5,0 31,1 18,0 16,7

Kokku 100 100 100 100 100 100 100

Keskm. vanus 40,3 49,5 44,9 37,2 50,9 45,2 44,4 SD 15,2 14,7 12,9 16,2 15,1

Rahvus Eestlased (N) 178 100 278 165 103 98 366 (%) 64,0 36,0 100 45,1 28,1 26,8 100 Mitte-eestl. (N) 21 42 63 15 32 41 88 (%) 33,3 66,7 100 17,0 36,4 45,6 100

ja mitte-eestlased (67% meestest ja 36% naistest). Teise klast- risse koondunud on frustreeritud, minevikkupööratud ja passiiv­ sed (joonised 2-5). Umbes kolmveerand nendest ei ole oma eluga rahul, frustreeritus väljendub väsimuses, elamises tänasele päeva­ le, tulevikuperspektiivide puudumises ja sisemise kontrollkeskme nõrkuses. Nad väidavad, et ei suuda kaitsta oma isiklikke huve ja et nende aeg on juba möödas. Üks põhimuredest on seotud raha vähesusega. Nende kognitiivne kontroll on pööratud minevikku. Sotsiaalsete muutuste tõttu on nad passiivsed ja nostalgilised: nad

2557

35 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

VÄITED: 1-Huvitatud Eestis toimuvast 2-Teen kõik oma plaanide realiseerimiseks 3-Vaatan lootusega tulevikku viitega nõustunud vastanute otatibtsus (% 4-M6tlen rohkem tulevikule 5-Ei tunne end "rongist mahajäänuna” 6-Suudan kaitsta oma huve

viide 1 viide 2 viide 3 viide 4 viide 5 viide 6 Klatter 1 -▼ 62.3 51.8 49.8 42.7 ' 33.2 9.1 Klatter 2 ♦ 43 40.1 12.7 50 10.6 37.3

viitega nöastvoad vastanute otatibtsus (%) 80

Klaster 1 — 70.6 53.9 52.7 35 42.8 2.8 Klatter 2 4- 45.9 35.6 14.1 37 5.9 25.2 Klaster 3 47.5 54.7 41.7 60.7 18.7 35.3

Joonis 2. Frustratsiooni väljendavate muutujate jaotus klastrite lõikes

2558 Dagmar Kutsar ei pea õigeks praeguses olukorras plaane ette teha, nende situat- sioonihinnangust peegeldub ebakindlust ja määramatust. Umbes kolmandik soostub väitega, et nende aeg on möödas, et nad on “rongist mahajäänud”. Suhteliselt paljud (37% meestest ja 35% naistest teises klastris) seostavad oma minevikku mõjukate ini­ mestega võimukoridoridest. Kolmas klaster on spetsiifiliselt eristunud vaid naissoost vasta­ jate puhul, moodustades 30,6% naiste alammassiivist. Klastrisse on rühmitunud keskmise heaolutasemega vastajad. Nende vas­ tused on tihti ambivalentsed: ühelt poolt väljendavad nad suhteli­ selt kõrget frustreeritust ja nostalgiat, teiselt poolt aga positiivset seostatust sotsiaalsete muutustega ja orienteeritust tulevikku (joo­ nised 2-5). Vastajad on keskmise vanusetasemega, sagedamini mitte-eesti soost (tabel 4).

KOKKUVÕTE

Suurenev sotsiaalne stress indiviidi tasandil langeb kokku või­ maluste ja potentsiaalsete ressursside kasvuga ühiskonnas. Sot­ siaalsed muutused pakuvad uusi perspektiive, kuid samas loovad tingimusi ka uuteks raskusteks ja probleemideks. Aktiivsed ja ettevõtlikud inimesed, kes näevad Eesti arengu uusi perspektiive, tunnevad selles ka suuremat osalust. Sotsiaalse distressi seisundis inimesed aga on vastupidiselt frustreeritud ja minevikku pööratud, kontrollkeskme kaotusest tingituna kogevad nad motiveerimatust ja jõuetust midagi ise mõjutada või muuta. Nad on ühiskonnast võõrdunud. Klasteranalüüs tõi esile riskigrupi vastanutest, keda iseloo­ mustab kõrge sotsiaalse distressi tase. Nad moodustavad 41% küsitletud meestest ja 30% küsitletud naistest. Sagedamini on nad ealt vanemad (63% meestest ja 56% naistest vanuses 61 aas­ tat ja vanemad) ja mitte-eestlased (67% mitte-eesti meestest ja 36% naistest). Miks just vanemad inimesed kogevad rohkem sotsiaalset distressi? 1. On teada, et kogu inimese eluea kestev sotsialiseerumisprotsess vanuse kasvades aeglustub. Jäljest raskemaks läheb kohanemi-

2559 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

VÄITED: 1-Kui ma midagi saavutanud olen, siis ikka suure tööga 2-Praeguses olukorras ei pea ma plaanide ettetegemist õigeks 3-Asjad lähevad oma rada ja mina ei saa siin midagi muuta 4-Elada tuleb tänasele, sest elu kontrollivad juhused 5-Minu elu on palju mõjutanud inimesed võimukoridoridest 6-Ma mõtlen rohkem oma minevikule kui olevikule või tulevikule 7-Mulle tundub, et olen "rongist maha jäänud"

Viitega täielikult nõustunud vastanute osatähtsus (%)

Väitega täielikult nõuitutaud vastanute osatähtsus (%)

NAISED

40

20

и viide 1 viide 2 viide 3 viide 4 viide 5 viide 6 väide 7 KJaster 1 — 45.6 26.1 12.8 16.1 2.8 2.2 2.8 KJaster 2 73.3 66.7 65.9 42.2 25.2 26.7 34.8 Klaster 3 * ■ 69.1 67.6 55.4 39.6 35.2 32.4 10.1

Joonis 3. Passiivsust väljendavate muutujate jaotus klastrite lõikes

2560 Dagmar Kutsar

ne muutustega keskkonnas, raskemaks läheb ka vanu toimetule- kustrateegiaid, mis enam ei toimi, uute vastu vahetada. 2. Kujunenud isiksusel on oma elufilosoofiat muuta raskem kui noortel, kes oma iseseisvat elu alles alustavad. Seetõttu osutub olukord, kus vanad mõttemallid ei aita enam uusi olukordi lahen­ dada, eriti raskeks just vanemate inimeste jaoks. 3. Vanematel inimestel on raskem järsult kasvavatele nõudmis­ tele vastata. Raskem on vahetada harjumuspärast tööd, raskem omandada uusi oskusi. 4. Vanematel inimestel on raskem leida uut töökohta, sest tööjõu ülekülluse tingimustes eelistatakse noori. Maa majanduslik seis on tinginud vanemaealiste senise töö niihästi materiaalse kui ka moraalse madala väärtustatuse. 5. Vanemate inimeste sotsiaalsed müüdid on selgepiirilisemad, sest nad lähtuvad minevikukogemusest; nende pettumine müüti­ de purunedes aga suurem — neil on lihtsalt jäänud vähem aega olukorra paranemist oodata. 6. Kogu praegune Eesti areng soosib noori ja ettevõtlikke inimesi. Mis on autori arvates mitte-eestlastest vastanute suurema 'sot­ siaalse distressi põhjuseks? 1. Eestlaste rahvuslik taasärkamine 1987.-1988. aastal ja eest­ laste rahvusriigi taastamine on mitte-eesti elanikkonna jätnud psühholoogiliselt autsaideri seisundisse. 2. Sageli ei ole Eestis toimunud muutused olnud mitte-eestlastest elanikkonna valik. Seetõttu on neil raskem uusi olukordi kon­ struktiivsena mõista. 3. Mõned spetsiifiliselt mitte-eesti elanikkonnale esitatavad nõud­ mised eeldavad situatsiooni täielikku kognitiivset ümberstruktu- reerimist. Näiteks inimesed, kellele on omane olnud totalitaarses riigis juurutatud suhtumine vene keelesse kui riigikeelesse, pea­ vad keelesituatsiooni enese jaoks ümber mõtestama. Ilma selleta pole võimalik ennast eesti keelt õppima motiveerida. Subjektiiv­ sel tasandil on see lisapinge, mis vajab lahendamist. 4. Paljud õiguslikult reguleerimata olukorrad loovad mitte-eest- lastes määramatuse ja sotsiaalse kaitse puudumise tunde.

2561

3G Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

VÄITED: 1-Arvan, et minu aeg on veel ees 2-Ma pean ennast õnnelikuks inimeseks 3-Kogenud uusi huvitavaid mõtteid 4-Kogenud uusi lootusi tärkavat 5-Tundnud elust mõnu viitega tlieliknlt nõeunond vatti no te osatihuni 6-Kogenud õnne

viide 1. viide 2 viide 3 viide 4 viide 5 viide 6 Klatler 1 -*■ 30.1 13.6 13.6 9.6 9.6 7 U lster 2 18.3 7 9.2 1.4 8.5 3.5

...... ( jlTiii'" T 'Iilil T l...... | ...... viide 1 viide 2 viide 3 viide 4 viide 5 viide 6 Hatter 1 — 25 20 7.8 7.8 10 7.2 Klaster 2 ■ * - 7.4 0.7 0.7 0 0.7 0 Klasier 3 28.8 15.1 10.8 4.3 8.6 2.9

Joonis 4. Õnnelikkust väljendavate muutujate jaotus klastrite lõikes

2562 Dagmar Kutsar

VAITED: 1-Elu võiks õnnelikum olla 2-Mure rahaasjade pärast Viitega täielikult nõustunud vastanute osatähtsus 3-K o g en u d väsim u st 4-Hirm tuleviku ees MEHED 5-Ei tunne elust mõnu -Kogenud loötustetust 7-Kogenud kurvameelsust 8-Kogenud üksindust

väide 1 väide 2 väide 3 väide 4 väide 5 väide 6 väide 7 väide 8 Klaster l 5.7 23.6 9.1 1.5 5 1 0 1 Klaster 2 ♦ 70.4 57.8 30.3 23.9 19.7 12.7 9.9 6.3

Väitega täielikult nõustunud vastanute osatähtsus (%)

Klaster l 23.3 24.4 6.7 1.7 2.8 0 1.1 1.1 Klaster 2 -♦ 70.4 51.1 35.6 32.6 35.6 20.7 23 13.3 Klaster 3 Л- 72.7 51.8 18 13 10.1 2.2 5 1.4

Joonis 5. Tülevikku suunatust väljendavate muutujate jaotus klastrite lõikes

2563 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

5. Sotsiaalsed müüdid rõhutavad autsaideri rolli, soodustavad võõrdumist Eesti ühiskonnast ja osalustunde puudumist Eesti arengu suhtes, produtseerivad hirme ja ebakindlust tuleviku suh­ tes. Sotsiaalsed müüdid alandavad kognitiivset kontrolli toimuva üle, tõstes samaaegselt sotsiaalse distressi taset. Distress ja sellega kaasnev rahulolematus on psühholoogiline seisund, mis kognitiivsete pingete tõttu ei saa kaua kesta (Festin- ger 1978; Olson, Schober 1993). Indiviidi ees on kaks võimalust seda pinget alandada — kas muuta situatsiooni vastavalt oma haijumuspärastele elustandarditele või muuta oma elustandardeid ebasoovitavale/kontrollimatule situatsioonile vastavaks. Viimast fenomeni nimetavad Ipsen (1978), Berger-Schmitt (1978) ja bat­ ten (1989) “alistuvaks kohanemiseks”. Kohandades oma elustan­ dardid ebasoovitava situatsiooni järgi, tuleb indiviid olukorraga toime ja saavutab teatava vaimse tasakaalu seisundi. Olles ra­ hul või alistunud, kaotab indiviid aktiivsuse midagi ette võtta. Käesolevas uurimuses olid need vastajad, kes soostusid väidetega “Mulle tundub, et olen “rongist mahajäänud”” ja “Asjad lähevad oma rada ja mina ei saa siin midagi muuta” ning ei nõustunud väidetega “Arvan, et minu aeg on veel ees” ja “Ma suudan oma huve kaitsta”. Kestev frustratsioon ja passiivsus, samuti alistu­ mine ebasoovitavale situatsioonile kätkevad endas ohtu varjatud depressiooni kujunemiseks. Viimasel ajal on nii psühholoogid kui psühhiaatrid täheldanud rusutud meeleoluga inimeste arvu kasvu abiotsijate hulgas.

Kirjandus

A v e r i 11, J. R. 1973. Personal control over aversive stimuli and its relationship to stress. — Psychological Bulletin, 80, pp. 286-303 Berger-Schmitt R. 1978. Housing: Objective conditions and perceived quality of housing. German Social Report (Part B, Sub­ jective Well-being). W. Zapf, et al. — Social Indicators Research, 19, pp. 1-171 Borden, W. 1991. Stress, coping, and adaptation in spouses of older adults with chronic dementia. — Social Work Research & Abstracts, 1, pp. 14-21 Burke,B. J. 1991. Identity processes and social stress. — American Sociological Review, 6, pp. 836-849

2564 Dagmar Kutsar

D e а с о n , В. 1992. East European welfare: past, present, future in comparative context. — The New Eastern Europe: Social Policy Past, Present and Future. Ed B. Deacon. SAGE Publications Ltd., pp. 1-30 Dellenbrant, J. A. 1993. Democracy and poverty. The imple­ mentation of social reforms in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. — Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare, 3, pp. 150-157 F e r g e , Z., J.-E. К о 1 b e r g 1992. Social policy in a changing Europe. Boulder, CO: Campus/Westview Festinger,R. 1978. Theorie der kognitiven Dissonanz. Stuttgart: Huber Folkman, S., R. S. Lazarus 1980. An analysis of coping in a middle-aged community sample. — Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 21, pp. 219-239 Holmes,T.H.,R. H.Rahe 1967. The social readjustment rating scale. — Journal o f Psychosomatic Research, 11, pp. 213-218 I p s e n , D. 1978. Das KonstruktderZufriedenheit. — Soziale Welt, 29, S. 44-53 К о b a s a , S. C. 1985. Stressful life events, personality, and health: An inquiry into hardiness. — Stress and Coping: An Anthology Ed. by A. Monat, R. S. Lazarus. New York: University Press, pp. 174-188 К u 11 у g i n , V. P. 1993. Poverty and social trends in Russia. — Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare, 3, pp. 142-149 Kutsar, Dagmar, Aavo Trumm 1993. Poverty of households in Estonia. — Scandinavian Journal o f Social Welfare, 3, pp. 128-141 Larson, R. 1978. Thirty years of research on the psychological well-being of older Americans. — Gerontologist, 23, pp. 109-125 Lazarus, R. S. 1966. Psychological stress and the coping process. New York: McGraw Hill Lazarus, R. S., S. Folkman 1984. Stress, appraisal and coping. New York: Springer Latten , J. J. 1989. Life-course and satisfaction equal for every­ one. — Social Indicators Research, 21, pp. 599-610 Life concept over the life-span: Pretest 1. 1991. The University of Michigan, Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research Marklund,S. 1993. Social policy and poverty in post-totalitarian Europe. — Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare, 3, pp. 104-114 Marody , M. 1992. Building a competitive society: Challenges for social policy. — A Background document for the International Seminar “Towards a Competitive Society in Central and Eastern Europe: Social Dimensions”, Kellokoski, Finland

2565

37 Sotsiaalne stress Eestis

M a s о n , J. W. 1975. A historical view of the stress field. Part 1. — Journal of Human Stress, 1, pp. 6-12 Monat, A., R. S. Lazarus 1985. Introduction: Stress and cop­ ing — some current controversies. — Stress and Coping: An An­ thology. Ed. by A. Monat, R. S. Lazarus. New York: University Press, pp. 1 -2 0 1 s о n , G. I., В. I. S с h о b e r 1993. The satisfied poor: Devel­ opment of an intervention-oriented theoretical framework to explain satisfaction with a life in poverty. — Social Indicators Research, 28, p p .173-193 Rothbaum, Т., S. S. Snyder, J. R. Weisz 1982. Changing the world and changing the self: A two process model of perceived control. — Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 42, pp. 5 - 37 Rotter, J. B. 1966. Generalized expectancies for internal versus external control of reinforcement. — Psychological Monographs, 80, p. 609 Settles, В. H. 1987. A Perspective on tomorrow’s families. — Handbook o f Marriage and the Family. Eds. М. B. Sussrriann, S. K. Steinmetz. New York: Plenum Press, pp. 157-180 S m e 1 s e r , N. J. 1963. Theory of collective behavior. New York: Free Press of Glencoe T h о i t s , P. A. 1991. On merging identity theory and stress research. — Social Psychology Quarterly, 54, pp. 101-112 T о f f 1 e r , Alvin 1970. Future shock. New York: Bantam Warzywoda-Kruszynska, W., J. Groto wska-Leder 1993. Poverty and social conditions in Poland during the transfor­ mation to a market economy. — Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare, 3, pp. 115-127

DAGMAR KUTSAR (sünd. 1951), lõpetas TRÜ psühholoogina 1975. a. Tartu Ülikooli Perekonnauurimisrühma teadur. Uurimisteema: pere­ konna psühholoogiline ja majanduslik toimetulek üleminekuajal.

2566 STUDY III: SOCIETAL CHANGE AND ECONOMIC SURVIVAL

Papers:

VI. Kutsar D., Trumm A. (1993) Poverty among households in Estonia. Scan­ dinavian Journal o f Social Welfare 1993, Vol.2, No.3: 128-141.

VII. Trumm A., Kutsar D., Oja U. (1993) Transformation process in Estonia: A Challenge for social policy. Yearbook o f Population Research in Fin­ land. XXXI. Helsinki: Väestöliitto, 1993: 104-110. ScandJSoc Welfare 1993, 2; 128-141 Copyright © Munksgaard 1993 Printed in Denmark all rights reserved ’' s o c i a l " WELFARE Poverty among households ISSN 0907-2055 in Estonia

Kutsar D, Trumm A. Poverty among households in Estonia, D. Kutsar, A. Trumm Scand J Soc Welfare 1993: 2:128-141. © 1993 Munksgaard. Family Research Institute, Tartu University, Estonia

Estonia was occupied by the Soviet Union for 50 years. Now she has re­ stored her independence and extensive transformation has started, creating acute social problems. The economic survival of the whole society has be­ come a main goal. The authors examine different poverty lines using the family budget data of 239 households surveyed in May and August 1992 for comparison. The analysis reveals that, whereas the wages and expenditure are low compared with unregulated prices, the share of households living under the poverty line does not reflect the real situation. The poverty Key words: poverty line; Estonia; household among Estonian households reveals a skewed structure of expenditure that indicates exclusion from the consumption-centered way of life. Empirical Dagmar Kutsar, Family Research Institute, Tartu evidence is given that single-earner households and households with 3 or University, 2 J. Liivi St., EE-2400 Tartu, Estonia more children face the danger of falling into deep poverty. Accepted for publication February 3,1993

Estonia, a small country on the Baltic Sea, has attrac­ Estonia In a historical perspective: ted the attention of the world during recent years. For 50 years Estonia was occupied by the Soviet Un­ a sociopolitical overview Historical background ion. The independence of Estonia was restored in 1991. Estonia existed as an independent state from 1920 to Estonia faces many problems today because she is 1940. According to the secret protocol of the Hitler- building a new society. Coping with basic social Stalin pact (signed on August 23, 1939), Estonia be­ changes and economic survival are essential tasks for came a part of the Soviet Union’s sphere of influ­ many people, families and the whole country. ence. On June 16,1940, the USSR delivered a note to Poverty as a social problem is in the process of the Estonian government that included an ultimatum spreading at the different functional levels of the soc­ that a new government be appointed. On July 21, iety. Estonia is forced to borrow money from other after the elections held under the control of the Red countries to reform and reconstruct the national Army, the new parliament convened and proclaimed economy and must accept humanitarian aid given by the formation of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Repu­ other countries. blic (Estonian SSR). On August 6,1940, the Estonian Visitors to Estonia can see people in the streets SSR was incorporated into the USSR. begging for money from passers-by, which is a typical In 1980, 40 Estonian intellectuals wrote an open behavior in poverty accompanying times of transfor­ letter to draw the attention of the authorities to the mation. unsolved ethnic problems in Estonia. This letter be­ Some people living in Estonia feel themselves gan the national awakening and the restoration of in­ poor because they cannot practice the lifestyle and dependence. As a result of public pressure, on No­ the standard of living they can see while visiting other vember 16, 1988, the Supreme Council adopted the countries. Others feel poor because they are not able Declaration of Sovereignty, which acknowledged the to buy a car, a house or clothes of the latest fashion. supremacy of Estonian laws, and declared that all re­ But still others do not know how they can get every­ sources in Estonia are Estonian property. The deve­ day meals or how to pay for their housing: rapid lopment of events in Estonia captured more and changes in the society increase the probability of fall­ more attention internationally. ing into real poverty. In 1989-1990, civil society was restored: the free Poverty as a subject of investigation is new to the press developed, political parties were formed, the authors, whereas poverty as a social problem was a society became more open and free elections took taboo in Soviet society. This article discusses the vari­ place. On August 20, 1991, the Republic of Estonia ous poverty lines that can be applied in analyzing liv­ was restored. The transition period terminated with ing conditions in Estonia and which households fall the adoption of the Constitution in June 1992 and under these lines. free elections of the Parliament. In September 1992 constitutional power was restored.

128

38 Poverty in Estonia

Acquaintance with the available literature on the Population subject reveals that the problem of poverty was not According to the 1989 census, Estonia has a popula­ acute or perhaps not a theme for open discussion. tion of 1,565,662; 1,126,900 (72%) live in urban cen­ The people had stable employment and their income ters. The population density is 35 per km2. Estonians was not considered low. Poverty as a social problem constitute 62% of the population, Russians 30%, Uk­ was connected with unemployment which, as a rule, rainians 3.1% and Belorussians 1.8%. mainly had a structural, temporal and regional The annexation of Estonia by the USSR in 1940 - character. From time to time the number of jobs of­ and the Second World War - had a disastrous effect fered was larger than the number of registered un­ on the population. As a result of mass deportation, employed people. mobilization and loss of life in the war, as well as The balance of the family budget was more critical mass emigration, the population of Estonia de­ in villages in winter when there was not enough creased from 1,136,000 in 1939 to 854,000 in 1945 {The work. But in the countryside the food expenditure Baltic States, 1991:16). and housing costs were lower than in towns. From the first days of Soviet occupation, the popu­ According to the family budget inventory in 1937- lation was affected most by the colonial assimilation 1938, the average income of an industrial worker’s policies of the USSR. Due to the high immigration household was 121 crowns per month (Reiman, 1939a: rate and the low birth rate of Estonians, the popula­ 121). Approximately 4-5% of industrial workers’ tion of this ancient nation is m danger of extinction. households lived below the poverty line (defined as The migration rate has started to drop in recent 50% of the median income per person). years but the aging of the population is continuing. Independent Estonia continuously increased wel­ fare and the development of democratic principles in social policy, observing European cultural traditions. Living standards and poverty The level of salaries grew 30% and purchasing power At the time of the independent Republic of Estonia 18% from 1923 to 1938 (Pullerits, 1938: 235). (1920-1940), Estonia was an agrarian country with The time of Soviet occupation in Estonia may be only a few large industrial enterprises. By the 1934 divided into 3 stages: the post-war period, the thaw census, 64% of the population of working age com­ in the 1960s and the period of stagnation until the prised an independent part of the population that breakdown of the Soviet system. was not involved in the labor market. In Sweden the Becoming a part of a totalitarian state in 1940, same proportion was 21% in 1930 (Kuddo, 1990: 26). Estonia was no longer able to continue normal deve­ The structure of expenditure of an average work- lopment. The economy was centralized under the ing-class family was similar to that of the working- control of Moscow; private property was nationalized class family in other European countries - about two with no compensation offered to the former owners. fifths of wages were used for food and three fifths on Farm life as the lifestyle of Estonians was disrupted. other consumer goods and services by the late 1930s. Domestic animals, crops and land were handed over In the Soviet Union about 60% of the family income to collective farms. Large industrial enterprises, was spent on buying food at that time. Estonia had which started to function as migration pumps, were low food prices. The expenditure on food per day, built by decrees issued by Moscow. using the currency exchange rates in the 1920s, was Substantial differences in living standards between 3.5 times higher in France, Switzerland and Italy, 2- Estonia and the Soviet Union, the extremely unfa­ 2.5 times higher in Norway, Sweden and Austria and vorable monetary reform and increasing prices had a 1.5 times higher in Poland and Denmark than in catastrophic impact on the living standards and the Estonia (Kuddo, 1990: 30). welfare of the Estonian population already from the One of the variables for comparison is the pur­ first years of Soviet power. The standard of living be­ chasing power of a person’s income. For example, a gan to drop rapidly. male worker could buy almost 7 pairs of shoes for his During the years of Soviet occupation, statistics monthly salary or 3 suits for 2 months’ salary. Also, he were fully subordinated to Moscow’s control. Infor­ could buy 7.3 food baskets according to the Inter­ mation flowed only in special channels not accessible national Labour Bureau statistics in 1939. The same fig­ to all the people who were interested in the data. ure for Sweden was 8.6. The purchasing power and the The material used by the press that appeared in the level of salaries were considerably lower in the Soviet “open” publications were often presented in a form Union (Kuddo, 1990:31). that made them hardly applicable and comparable. Household budget surveys were carried out in 1925 After the Second World War, almost everyone in and 1937-1938. Sufficient reliable information was Estonia was poor. All bank accounts exceeding 1000 available for everybody who was interested in the rubles were confiscated in 1941. Extremely low salar­ economic situation in Estonia. ies could not compensate for the growing prices.

129 Kutsar & Trumm

Table 1. The structure of expenditure and consumption in Finland, Sweden The rapid economic development of the 1960s and the USSR in 1960 (%) came to the decline in the 1970s, and the economy finally stagnated. In the 1980s, Moscow controlled Expenditure Finland Sweden USSR workers collective more than 90% of Estonian industry. Estonia’s econ­ farmers omy had fallen a great deal behind the most indus­ Food 38 27 40.7 54.3 trialized countries. On the whole, Estonia was still Alcohol and one of the leading republics in the USSR economic­ tobacco 9 10 4.2 3.3 ally. Housing 19 24 2.9 In the 1980s, the national economy reached a cri­ Manufactured goods 14 13 18.0 16.3 Healthcare 4 4 sis. The demand for goods and services outstripped Health care and the supply, average prices went up and the purchas­ education 11.7 7.6 ing power of the ruble decreased enormously. The Source: Kuddo, 1990:37 ruble, not being a convertible currency, ceased to be a generally accepted means of exchange, even in do­ mestic trade. As a consequence of the shortage of Table 2. The structure of consumption in Finland, Sweden and Estonia in 1987 (%) goods, the savings rate increased. At the beginning of 1990, an average savings bank account was estimated Expenditure Finland Sweden Estonia to be 1464 rubles per person. This growth in savings Food 36.6 18.7 40.6 did not reflect any degree of prosperity; people were Housing 18.4 25.6 7.0 not able to use their incomes. In the early 1990s, fear Clothes and shoes 6.4 7.6 13.2 of the forthcoming monetary reform and accelerating Education, culture and leisure 9.7 10.1 2.2 inflation caused panic, and people began to withdraw Source: Kuddo, 1990:40 money from their bank accounts and hoard everyday consumer goods. The absence of normal business rules regulating the activities of cooperatives, small People in collective farms had to live almost without enterprises and the black market businesses had a money. Due to industrialization, the situation in destabilizing influence on the consumer goods mar­ towns was less difficult. ket. By the mid-1960s, the period of thaw, the number In 1979 a systematic family budget survey started of poor people had decreased compared with the but the data on incomes and expenditure of the fami­ post-war period. The deformed economy and social lies surveyed are more reliable from the year 1980. policy in the USSR created a situation in which no­ The administrative minimum living income was fixed body considered himself or herself to be really poor, and identified at the lowest level of physiological sub­ although many people lived near the poverty line. sistence (50 rubles per family member). The families The ruling social policy of equalization did not ap­ who received less (calculated from the factor income prove of any wealthy people. of the preceding year) had the right to an allowance. Although economic growth was satisfactory in the As a rule, the physiological minimum subsistence was 1960s, considerable differences in the standard of liv­ lower than the minimum living income. At the same ing and welfare of Estonians appeared in comparison time, the sum of 125 rubles as a social minimum was with Sweden and Finland. The income and consump­ fixed but was not used in social policy. tion level of the Estonian population had dropped to The investigation Everyday life of your family, car­ the level of the year 1920; the living standards hardly ried out in 1989 by the Family Research Institute of ever reached the level of the late 1930s. Besides the Tartu University, revealed that even in 1989, 15% of consequences of the Second World War, the effi­ the observed families with children received less than ciency of different political and economic systems is 50 rubles a month and 86% had an income below 125 evident (table 1). rubles per family member (Trumm, 1991: 54). The share of household expenditure on food was In Estonia housing expenditure has been relatively considerably larger in the 1960s than during 1920- low because housing costs have been largely financed 1940. In 1960 it constituted 50% in the working-class by government subsidies. Low-cost, low-quality hous­ families and 58% in the families of collective far­ ing dominated the picture. Prices on food have been mers. kept low with the help of state donation. Prices of Employment was considered honorable ideologic­ consumer goods have been considerably higher be­ ally; at the same time, not working was condemned. cause of a high sales tax (table 2). For that reason everybody was guaranteed work. Un­ During the period of transition (1990-1992) from a employment as a social problem did not exist official­ Soviet republic into an independent country, the ly. Actually, invisible unemployment and underem­ Estonian economy has been in deep crisis. Estonia ployment did exist. remained in the sphere of influence of the ruble and

130 Poverty in Estonia the Soviet economy until the monetary reform took quality of work, since they never feared losing their place in June 1992. The ruble suffered from growing job. inflation, the standard of living fell and the cost of People feel suspicious about privatization because living increased. the long-term national memory has recorded a pain­ The currency in Estonia is the kroon (crown - ful experience of deportation to Siberia. This sup­ EEK), which is connected with the German mark presses people’s initiative and hinders them from ac­ (DEM). The monetary reform provided more finan­ tive participation in the transformation processes. cial security for the Estonian people and enabled The life philosophy of the planned economy pro­ them to become independent from the Soviet econ­ duces learned helplessness. Work was guaranteed for omy. everybody; unemployment as a social problem did The hyperinflation of the ruble and the Estonian not threaten anybody. Although wages were not high, monetary reform resulted in a new economic situa­ the living costs were not high either. State subsidies tion, and many people face the threat of living in for food, housing and transport, free education and poverty. The problem of financial survival is especial­ health care financed by the state and the social wel­ ly acute for retired people whose savings have been fare system have all been services offered to the decimated by the hyperinflation of the ruble. Also, it people without demanding money from them. People is a problem for young families, students and families in Estonia lack the self-help mentality. with many children. The process of social differentia­ Crisis on all the levels of society makes people feel tion is noticeable. insecure and stressed. Too many great changes create The legacy of socialism and the totalitarian system problems of adaptation to new situations. The basic of the Soviet occupation has left a serious impact on changes include the transition from public property Estonian society. The breakdown of the national into private, which makes new demands to the chan­ economy and relations with the economic system of ging relationships, knowledge and people’s whole the former Soviet Union cause great problems in philosophy of life. The need for retraining and re­ production, obtaining raw materials and finding mar­ fresher courses, as well as social counselling and a kets, which creates unemployment. Due to the col­ new social care system, is evident. onial policy, the original Estonian population is in danger of extinction; non-Estonian immigrants have Poverty research: Estonia in 1992 difficulty identifying themselves as a minority group Changes in the standard of living and integrating into Estonian society. People living in Estonia face an absolutely new si­ Cost of living and minimum living standard. The cost tuation, psychologically and economically. The Soviet of living has been calculated from the minimum liv­ people were used to the situation that everybody was ing income fixed in 1989. The indexed cost of living guaranteed a job and there was always a shortage of has been the basis for the correction of the subsis­ labor. This has made people unconcerned about the tence minimum, wages, social transfer payments and

Fig. I. The cost of living index in Estonia 1990-1992 (fourth quarter of 1989 = 1). Source: Eesti statistika aastaraamat 1992(7): 29.

131 Kutsar & Thimm

allowances. The minimum living income is equal to caused by the elimination of state subsidies on consu­ the minimum salary in the state-owned enterprises. mer goods. № 1970, the proportion of wages and sal­ The cost of living and the minimum living income aries as a proportion of national income was almost changed noticeably in 1992. From January to August 80%, in 1989 69.4%, and in August 1992 it fell to 40% 1992 the cost of living increased 4.32 times and the (Eesti statistika aastaraamat, 1991: 256). subsistence minimum 3.27 times (Fig. l).The adminis­ In the lowest income group, compensation and al­ trative minimum subsistence is corrected according lowances comprise the major part of income; the up­ to the changes in the cost of living, but the dispropor­ per income group receives more from the production tion between these two levels is growing. Whereas all of goods and services and they also receive income in the social transfer payments, pensions, allowances hard currency more often. and salaries of state enterprises are directly connec­ Unemployment. The gross output of production ted with the administrative subsistence minimum, was halved, prices increased 13 times and the stan­ many people are getting poorer. dard of living fell by two thirds from January to Oc­ In August one fourth of households received an tober 1992. Many enterprises have actually gone income smaller than one administrative minimum in­ bankrupt and function only because a law on bank­ come per household member. On the other hand, ruptcy has not yet been implemented. People have to before the monetary reform, people invested their take forced vacations and be satisfied with very low money in increasing their supplies of food, clothes, incomes. It is often more profitable for the enterprise footwear and other consumer goods. By August the to pay for the forced vacation than to continue pro­ supplies began to diminish. duction, pay a normal salary, heat working rooms, The index of the cost of living is not a good indica­ etc. Many people have been made redundant. tor for the correction of salaries and social transfer There are no data available about the real level of payments in the current situation. For this purpose, underemployment and unemployment. By rough esti­ the index of the cost of living is replaced by an index mation, 58,000 people were unemployed in Estonia of the cost of consumption, based on the average ex­ at the beginning of August 1992. By September 1, penditure. 1992, 7560 people received unemployment benefit. Income groups are formed according to the ad­ This is only a few of the people seeking work or curr­ ministrative minimum disposable income per family ently not working. Men constituted 48% of all the re­ member. The Estonian Statistics Authority identifies gistered unemployed; the percentage of those under 3 income groups: 1) less than one minimum living in­ 25 years of age unemployed was 23%, and for those come per family member is the bottom income over 50 years, 13%. Based on the prognosis made in group; 2) 1-3 minimum incomes is the middle income mid-November, most state enterprises will go group; and 3) more than 3 minimum incomes is the bankrupt or will stop production by the end of upper income group. 1992. The unemployment rate will grow by 15% The middle income group decreased from 70% to every month. Besides unemployment, a problem of 50% of the population in August. The two remaining providing social guarantees to unemployed people groups have no fixed tendency; their percentages arises. range from 6% to 30%. This tendency is connected Unemployment puts the work force of the indus­ with the changes in the political-administrative mini­ trial enterprises built by Moscow’s decree and mainly mum subsistence (in March EEK 100 and in July staffed by immigrant (mostly Russian) workers in a EEK 200). If the administrative subsistence mini­ special situation. Even if they have high qualifications mum (minimum salary) is going up, the number of they cannot find jobs in accordance with their spe­ households living under that line grows, as the salar­ cialties because the former factories and plants will ies and social transfer payments will be raised after­ have a new profile suiting the Estonian economy. wards. Very often they cannot speak Estonian. The reason The income structure of the households in 1992 for closing down these enterprises is the lack of raw differs greatly from the income structure of the pre­ materials and markets. Some outsiders who do not ceding years, because of the basic structural changes know the real background blame Estonians for dis­ in Estonian society. In the 1970s and 1980s, private in­ criminating against non-Estonian people. The gen­ dividual production was not regulated by legislation eral sociopolitical principle remains the same as dur­ and profit from private enterprise was illegal. The ing the pre-war independence: the task of the state is role of wages and salaries in the income structure has to support disabled people who cannot work; the decreased considerably during more than 20 years. In state does not take the responsibility of guaranteeing recent years this is connected with privatization and a minimum standard of living to everyone. For that expanding business, the involvement in private enter­ reason the transfer payment for a registered unem­ prises, stock companies and joint ventures. In ad­ ployed person was reduced from 80% of the mini­ dition, people were compensated for the price rise mum living income to 60% in October 1992.

132

39 Poverty in Estonia table 3. The distribution o( households surveyed by type couples try to live separately from their parents, very often it is not possible. Obtaining housing has been a Household type Number of % households big problem for many families. In our sample, exten­ ded families constitute 24% of the households. Two-parent nuclear family 94 39.3 Single-parent nuclear family 17 7.1 Single-parent households are all headed by Two-parent extended family 14 5.9 women. They are single or divorced mothers with 1 Extended single-parent family 11 4.6 or more children. Two adults living together include Guardian family* 4 1.7 couples without children or whose children have Extended family without children 32 13.4 grown up and left home. Of the one-person house­ Two-adult household 39 16.3 One-person household 28 11.7 holds, 70% are retired people and the rest are of working age. Altogether, 28% of the sample are Total 239 100.0 households without children. * A guardian is an adult (a grandparent or other relative, etc.) who takes care Estonia has a tradition of a small family. The birth of a child or children; adopted children have the same status as biological rate has been low and it is continuing to fall. The children two-children nuclear family is a majority of the sam­ ple (Table 4). This type of household also prevails in Estonia. The average number of children per house­ Table 4. Number of childcen according to household type surveyed hold is 2.1, which is close to the average number of Household type Number of children (%) Total children. 1 2 3 4< M In the further analysis, the guardian family is inclu­ Two-parent nudear family 23.4 52.1 17.0 7.4 94 ded in the single-parent group because this type of Single-parent nuclear family 70.6 17.7 5.9 5.9 17 Two-parent extended family 57.1 28.6 7.1 7.1 14 household is not numerous in Estonia and currently Single-parent extended family 45.5 27.3 9.1 18.2 11 the group is too small for statistical analysis. The pre­ Guardian family 75.0 25.0 0.0 0.0 4 liminary analysis revealed that there were no sub­ stantial differences in the income level per family Total (/?) 50 60 19 11 140 member between the nuclear and the extended (%) 35.7 42.9 13.6 7.9 100.0 household type. The extended family groups will be included in the corresponding nuclear family types. Of all the households surveyed, Estonian was the Poverty analysis: household survey language of communication at home for 79%. in May and August 1992 The sample Identification of poverty In 1991 the Institute of Family Research at Tartu Uni­ versity developed the method of family budgets in Traditionally, a poor person is a person who has little close cooperation with the joint stock company money. But little money for what? And how poor is EMOR Ltd. The sample of 1023 households is divi­ poor? Hannu Uusitalo defines poverty as severe ma­ ded into 3 groups and every group is involved in the terial deprivation due to the lack of financial re­ household monitoring every 3 months, or 4 times a sources (Uusitalo, 1992:11). year. The sample is corrected every quarter and re­ To define common criteria for poverty, various newed every year. The data are collected by EMOR guidelines have been elaborated; all of them refer to Ltd. and turned over to the Estonian Statistics Au­ the resources that the specific society has or how big thority. the average consumption of a person could be. The We will analyze the data about the household average and minimum level of consumption depends group surveyed in May and August 1992. In May the on the wealth of the society, the level of its develop­ group consisted of 313 households. In August 76 ment and the standard of living of the society where households refused to be interviewed and 31 new a person happens to live. We can define and differ­ households joined the sample. Altogether, in August entiate countries as poor and rich, industrialized and the number of households participating in the survey devsloping, welfare states, welfare societies, societies was 270 and those questioned twice were 239 (parti­ in crisis, etc. In conclusion, we can speak only of rela­ cipation rate 76%). The household is defined as tive poverty vs relative prosperity, that is, in compari­ people living together who have a joint budget. An son with somebody or something (in comparison with adult member of the household as a contact person other people, households, families, countries, etc.). in the survey writes down all the income and expen­ The measurement of poverty may proceed from diture in the household for each day during 1 month. the pyramid of needs by Maslow. Then absolutely The most common family type in Estonia is the poor people cannot satisfy their physiological needs nuclear family (Table 3). It is the most preferred type and poor people cannot satisfy their main needs be­ of a household for couples as well. Although young cause they lack financial resources. It is understand-

133 Kutsar & Trumm able that need is not a very clear criterion; it is equal­ minimum living income has been calculated based on ly difficult to say which kind of person is absolutely the (theoretical) minimum consumption. It has been poor. It is more difficult to have an overview of con­ equal to the minimum salary level for all the working sumption than to register incomes. Therefore, the population. Now it is valid for all the people working financial resources (incomes) limit consumption: one in state enterprises and organizations. can consume as much as one’s resources allow. In As the term poverty was not used, there has not this case poverty could be defined as a situation in been any need to draw a poverty line. In fact, the which the resources are smaller than the consump­ minimum living income functions as a political-ad- tion. Then the key variable is income. Some authors ministrative poverty line because the social transfer do not support such an approach. They proceed payments have been and still are regulated in accor­ from consumption, not from income (Abrahamson, dance with the administrative minimum living in­ 1992; Mack & Lanslay, 1985). come. In different countries the criterion of poverty is The factor income per person in the family has closely connected with allowances (Marklund, 1990). been the main indicator for sociopolitical decisions. The same situation is also true of Estonia, where al­ Since the taxes have been extremely low, the factor lowances are connected with the minimum subsis­ income has been a rather reasonable point of depar­ tence (minimum expected consumption). In 1908 ture. Now the tax rates are rising rapidly and after­ Georg Simmel stated: “Sociologically speaking it is tax income would be more appropriate. The adminis­ not the lack of resources which defines a poor per­ trative minimum living income is revised every quar­ son. A poor person is someone who because of such ter because of the rapid increase in the cost of living. scarcities receives public support or should receive Since the cost of living increases continuously and in­ public support according to existing social norms” comes are regulated only 4 times per year, the num­ (from Marklund, 1990:126). Therefore, the term pov­ ber of households living under the fixed political-ad- erty has a political as well as a normative meaning. ministrative subsistence minimum depends on the Veli-Matti Ritakallio (1991: 160) adds: “Poverty ap­ time. pears as its most typical in the form of restricted op­ Poverty line at 50% of the median disposable (after­ portunities for consumption and the accompanying tax) income. In Scandinavia and in the countries of sense of deprivation. Poverty thus makes its appear­ the European Community the poverty line is usually ance primarily as exclusion from consumption-cen­ set at 50% of the median disposable income per tered way of life”. Jorma Sipilä (1992: В ) asks: “Is household. It is not a flexible indicator of relative poverty lack of financial resources, deprivation, or poverty, but it does reflect real poverty, that is, the exclusion?” actual lack of material resources and unmet needs. In conclusion, the meaning as well atf the measures The relativity of this poverty line can be assessed if it of poverty are by no means universally accepted, and is connected with the purchasing power of money in there is an international debate with two different lines: a country and the proportion of consumption that is necessary for survival. • Poverty is determined empirically by the mini­ The consumption units are determined using dif­ mum needs of a person as a minimum subsis­ ferent consumption unit scales. This provides the op­ tence level (subsistence poverty or absolute pov­ portunity to reduce full households into consumption erty); usually the distribution of incomes is invest­ units. Several ways are used: igated. • Poverty is connected with the way of life of the • The family income or the estimated consumption concrete society as relative poverty, social and is divided by the number of family members. This material deprivation (Townsend, 1987; Ringen, removes the effect of family size and its structure 1987; Heikkilä, 1991; Ritakallio, 1991); often depri­ and is mainly meant for the nuclear families with vation indices are used. children; cohabitation is not taken into considera­ tion. This method was used in the Estonian SSR A question still remains as to whether two notions of and is still in use. poverty, theoretically identified and practically meas­ • The concept of consumption unit used by the Or­ ured, coincide. ganisation for Economic Co-operation and Deve­ Where should the poverty line be set? lopment (OECD) is based on the assumption of To determine how many and what kind of house­ cohabitation (household). The first adult has a holds live under the poverty line in Estonia, the first value of 1.0, other adults 0.7 each and children 0.5 task is to determine the poverty line. each (Uusitalo, 1992:17). This method enables in­ A line differentiating families for sociopolitical and ternational comparisons of how many and what administrative decisions. In Estonia the administrative kind of households have an income per consump-

134 Poverty in Estonia

Table 5. Consumption unit scale applied in Estonia before 1940 August 1992 the wages and social transfers are cor­ rected based on the median consumption in Estonia Age (years) Males Males or females Females (before 1992 the calculation took minimum consump­ 0-1 0.2 tion into consideration). 2-3 0.3 4-5 0.4 Poverty line identified through expenditure on food. 6-7 0.5 The poverty index in the United States is estimated 8-9 0.6 on the basis of the cost of the food considered to be 10-11 0.7 necessary for families of different composition (Rin­ 12-13 0.8 14-59 1.0 0.8 gen, 1987: 125). The poverty line is defined as the le­ >60 0.8 vel at which 44% of all expenditure is on food (Zim­ Source: Reiman, 1939a: 118 merman & Chilman, 1988 :107).

Table 6. Poverty lines (in EEK) defined as 50% of the median income and 50% Different poverty lines in comparison of the median expenditure calculated per person and by OECD Two fundamentally different ways of defining the Median per person Median by OECD poverty line have been presented. The problem is to May August May August decide how to set the poverty line for the further Median income 217.4 271.2 273.9 378.4 analysis of the observed households. Poverty line 108.7 135.6 137.0 189.2 The poverty lines that are calculated based on in­ Median expenditure 210.3 319.6 271.5 424.9 come follow the formula (Uusitalo, 1992: 20). Poverty line 105.1 159.8 135.8 212.4

Factor income tion unit under 50% of median income in each + Public sector transfer payments country. = Gross income • The investigation of family budgets carried out in - Income taxes Estonia in 1937-1938 followed the internationally = Disposable income accepted consumption unit scale that was ela­ borated in 1932 (Reiman, 1939b: 118); the con­ Estonia belonged to the ruble zone in May 1992. To sumption units were valued according to the age unify the data, all the calculations are converted into of each person (Table 5). EEK at the official exchange rate of the monetary re­ form (1 EEK equal to 10 rubles). The last consumption unit scale follows mainly the Household income grew about 20% and consump­ expenditure on food; the consumption of children is tion about 40% from May to August 1992 (Thble 6). underestimated and cohabitation is not taken into The political-administrative poverty line (in May consideration. EEK 100 and in August EEK 200 as minimum subsis­ The approach of Hungarian scholars (Bojarskij, tence income and minimum wage) was almost the 1974: 164) is most interesting. They use the consu­ same as the poverty line calculated per household mer’s age and expect that, at some ages, people have member but considerably lower than the poverty line an especially high consumption (the value on the calculated by the OECD. consumption unit scale is more than 1.0). Fig. 2 and 3 show the poverty lines of 50% of the The literature shows several other consumption median disposable income and 50% median of the unit scales. It is not necessary to present all of them consumption calculated per person and by OECD in here. We agree that every household member has a August. The poverty lines are presented together somewhat different consumption capacity based on with 50% of the median disposable income and the his or her sex, age, needs, preferences, etc. The prob­ expenditure of every household type observed and lem is which value should specifically be attributed. the number of children in the household. The consumption of a household is smaller than the The OECD method of calculating of the poverty total consumption of the same persons living separa­ line finds more households without children under tely would be. the poverty line, which is more appropriate in coun­ Poverty line set at 50% of the median consumption. tries in which the common expenditure of the house­ According to the poverty specialists of the European hold form a considerable percentage of the whole Community, poor households consume less than half consumption of the household. The poverty line cal­ of the median consumption (Eurostat, 1990). This culated from the disposable income per person finds method sets the poverty line based он expenditure that more families with children are in poverty. This and the consumption unit scales applied. From works especially in Estonia, because the monthly

135 Kutsar & Trumm

crowns

Fig. 2. Distance of 50% of the median in­ come and expenditure per person and per OECD consumption unit from the poverty line in August 1992 according to household type (EEK).

crowns 40.0

20.0

0.0 Ж

-20.0

-40.0

-60.0 В income per person И income per OECD Fig. 3. Distance of 50% of the median in­ come and expenditure per person and per Qexpend. per person S3 expend, per OECD OECD consumption unit from the poverty line in August 1992 according to the num­ ber of children. (EEK) number of children

compensation (60% of the minimum wage in August) households while knowing nothing more about the is paid to each child. Currently, the families living household other than income or consumption and under the minimum living income per person cannot the household composition? get any other allowance because the state lacks The calculation of poverty lines from the house­ money. hold factor or disposable income creates some The incomes and expenditure of the observed doubts about the, reliability of the results (Fig. 4): households (Fig. 4) are consistently contradictory. Some households whose income is under the poverty • People in Estonia have not got used to reporting line spend more than 3 times as much, and some their incomes unless they need to apply for addi­ households spending less than 50% of the median ex­ tional financial support, getting an allowance, etc. penditure level actually receive an income that ex­ • Some respondents do not register all the income ceeds the poverty line. Which of them is living in real that they receive (money that has been paid for need? And who would have a right to get allow­ extra work, from a black-market business, etc.). ances? A poverty line can be set and the number or • Income calculations in Estonia are based on fac­ percentage of households living under that line can tor income, which blurs the real picture of the be calculated to compare between countries. But are available resources. the policy-makers right if they give allowances to the

136

40 Poverty in Estonia 1000 poverty liijl calculated od the ЬаЙ» • 1 * of 50% median disposable income per OECI> (189.19 cr)

800

600 J . ■ . ~

400

% 1 * , t л,* "* . * • > 200 I • .■' poverty line calculated on the basis of - . •• 50% median expenditures per OECD (212.44 cr)

_ . .1 . 1 1 200 400 600 800 1000 Fig. 4. The distribution of income and income expenditure of households (EEK).

Based on expenditure, there are some good methods (poverty line) identified 8% of the households sur­ of getting more reliable statistics: veyed in May (Table 7). In August the number rea­ ched one quarter of all the surveyed households. The • People do not have any reason to report their ex­ administratively fixed minimum subsistence income penditure as being less than it really is; calcula­ was set higher than the other poverty lines in August. ting the poverty line based on expenditure would About two thirds of all households in Estonia have therefore probably gives a more accurate picture. a nonprofit allotment garden and grow vegetables • If reported expenditure is higher than reported and fruits for their own consumption (Trumm, 1991: income, either the reported income is too low or 46). In August the percentage of free consumption the household uses their savings or makes loans, was hypothetically higher than in May, when almost and thus they cannot get out of poverty when the all the food prepared for winter had been eaten. Un­ reserves are finished. fortunately, the data about free consumption from the current family surveys are not available to the au­ The expenditure of household do not reflect the real thors. situation if: The data about real unemployment are not avail­ able and, unfortunately, we cannot calculate the im­ • consumption that is free of charge to the house­ pact of unemployment on the standard of living of hold (such as food from allotment gardens) com­ the households. All we can say is that, in about one prises a substantial portion of consumption; or third of households with children, one or both unem­ • the household lives from using or selling supplies ployed spouses stayed at home temporarily or per- hoarded before the monetary reform rapidly in­ flated the ruble. Table 7. Distribution of households living under the poverty lines (50% of the median income) calculated from the household disposable income and Who lives under the poverty line? expenditure per household member and per consumption unit by OECD (%) The percentage of households who live under the poverty line increased considerably from May to Poverty line Per person By OECD By minimum income August 1992. The whole society has moved towards a ______May August May August May August tighter budget. Income 8.8 12.6 6.7 13.0 8.4 26.0 The administratively fixed minimum living income Expenditure 8.4 13.8 8.4 13.0 7.5 20.1

137 Kutsar & TVumm

Table 8. Distribution of households who live under the poverty line defined as 50% of the median expenditure per person, by OECD and calculated using the minimum living income in May and August 1992 (%)

Households living under Poverty line calculated Calculated based on the pov«?rty line based on expenditure the minimum income* Per person By OECD

May August May August May August Two-parent household 10.2 19.4 7.4 16.7 8.3 29.6 Single-parent household 21.9 25.0 21.9 18.8 21.9 28.1 1 wo-person householo 0.0 4.2 2.8 5.6 0.0 7.0 One-person household 6.7 3.3 10.0 6.7 7.1 7.1 Total (%) 8.4 13.8 8.4 13.0 7.5 20.9 n = 239 The minimum living income was EEK 100 in May and EEK 200 in August

per cent

hold type in August 1992(%). expenditure decile*

per cent

138 Poverty in Estonia

Table 9. Distribution of households according to the number of children who live under the poverty line defined as 50% of the median expenditure per household member, by OECD, and calculated from the minimum living income in May and August 1992 (%)

Number of children Poverty line calculated based on expenditure Calculated based on the minimum income® Per person By OECD

May August May August May August 0 2.0 4.0 5.1 6.1 2.0 7.1 1 8.0 10.5 8.0 10.0 8.0 18.0 2 10.0 25.0 8.3 20.0 8.3 28.3 3 26.7 30.0 20.0 23.3 23.3 50.0 Total (%) 8.4 13.8 8.4 13.0 7.5 20,9 n = 239 * The minimum living income was EEK 100 in May and EEK 200 in August

manently (had maternity leave, looked for a new job Consumption structure or had lost a job); the fact that one of the spouses was not currently working might be significant. By The households in Estonia have a skewed structure household type, the single-parent family was in the of consumption (Fig. 7; data from August 1992). Al­ highest risk of poverty in August 1992. About one most all the households (except for the upper decile) quarter of the single-parent households lived under have a similar consumption structure. More than half the poverty line (Table 8). The difference between of all expenditure is for food, about 10% for housing, the percentage of single-parent and two-parent less than 10% for clothes, shoes, etc. and almost households who lived under the poverty line was not nothing for other needs such as durable goods, trans­ very large. The households in which one of the port, education, leisure, health and travel. The ex­ spouses did not work (if, for example, the mother penditure on housing were not yet very high at that had maternity leave) did not differ financially from a time because the heating period had not started and single-parent household; both are households with the prices of gas and electricity had not yet been in­ one breadwinner. creased. Surprisingly, almost nothing was spent on Of the single-parent families surveyed in August, consumer goods. It is interesting that even the upper 16% were situated in the lowest decile of expenditure decile of the expenditure groups did not notably of the single-parent households; about 30% were si­ spend much on wardrobe. tuated in the bottom 25% (Fig. 5). A two-person In October 1992, when the heating period started, household without children is in the best situation. the expenditure on housing grew rapidly because Only about 4% of these households are in the lowest Estonia had to buy fuel at world market prices. This decile of expenditure in their household group. has made many households insolvent and has forced The position of a household on the scale of expen­ them into poverty, especially at the time of the ad­ diture depends on the number of children (Table 9, ministratively fixed heating period (from October to Fig. 6). The critical factor for the household’s finan­ May). cial status is a third child and each child thereafter. If household can reduce expenditure on food, Already 70% of the households with 3 or more chil­ more can be spent on other goods and services: more dren are in the bottom 50% of household expendi­ opportunities to make choices and to develop and ture. Therefore, the compensation and possible al­ follow their customary way of life (Fig. 7). lowances cannot guarantee normal financial status for the families with many children (Fig. 3). The si­ Poverty or exclusion? tuation is the worst if a single parent happens to have 3 or more children or if one of the parents is not em­ Ringen (1987: 134) states: “Poverty in terms of how ployed. people live is not the same as poverty of low re­ The grouping of households by expenditure de­ sources.” The identification of poverty on a large monstrates disparities in living standards. The differ­ scale used by Ringen (1987:126) can be instructive: if ences in expenditure are about 9.5 times between the a person who has a color television set, a car or a de­ households situated in the first and the last decile. cent apartment now has to spend more than half of Consequently, the household groups with low, aver­ all income on food, can no longer use a car because age and high expenditure have a different expendi­ of expensive petrol,'cannot habitually go to the cafe, ture structure and can therefore develop different cannot buy any new book that he would like to and ways of living. cannot replace an old refrigerator with a new one, 139 Kutsar & Trumm

per cent

0-10 11-20 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61-70 71-80 81-90 91-100 food + 68 66 houtiot • 9 11 wardrobe £ 4 4 other & 19 20 a . per QBCD 152 235 Fig. 7. The structure of expenditure in expenditure deciles in August 1992(%). expenditure deciles

crown»

food ^ Э10 385 445 320 579 624 643 770 681 952 housing Ш 40 62 41 76 64 87 116 72 146 388 wardrobe £ 19 21 38 36 18 34 75 111 107 7.12 darable g. & 3 2 22 6 19 29 31 32 31 332 transport W 23 31 51 42 71 69 73 87 99 429 total 454 572 714 815 910 1101 1157 1373 1357 3353 Fig. & Absolute consumption in expenditure deciles in August 1992 (EEK). expenditure deciles

then what is the effect on this person’s lifestyle? He to develop their household resources because of high or she has to give up the customary way of life be­ prices today. Such a situation precludes normal deve­ cause of changes in society and his or her own new lopment and the growth of the household, especially financial situation. A desire to restore the former in young families. As a result, the birth rate has de­ customary way of life develops a feeling of being ex­ creased drastically in recent years in Estonia and cluded from customs and traditions, that is, from the people feel distressed. former lifestyle. The households in the highest decile by expendi­ Young people, including those with children, who ture only use one third all expenditure on food, but are just starting their independent life separately in absolute terms (EEK) they pay about 3 times from their parents face a more serious situation. The more for food than the lowest tenth (EEK 310 and people who have already furnished their homes do 952 respectively in August) (Fig. 8). The lowest decile not need new durable goods as much as young famil­ has a very low daily budget: on average EEK 3 per ies do. It is as if there is an imaginary starting line for person on food, a bit more than EEK 1 on housing, people in Estonia and the households occupy their EEK 0.80 cents on transport, etc. This means that places for further life, but those who have settled the households ih the lowest decile of expenditure down and have their own homes earlier have a more have severe constraints on what, where, and how favorable starting position - even if they are not able much to buy. They cannot eat outside the home, can­

140

41 Poverty in Estonia

not buy sweets, if they have a car they cannot buy pe­ wages are low, the relative poverty line is also low. In trol, i.e. use their own car; expenditure on recreation Estonia the structure of total expenditure and the and durable goods is precluded because they do not percentage spent on food would be better points of have any savings left. Often they are households with departure for international comparison and more ap­ 3 or more children (the percentage spent on food up propriate indicators of relative poverty. to 70% of total expenditure) and the households with one wage-earner. Are they really poor? A References mother wrote to a local daily newspaper in 1992 (Pos­ timees) that she had 3 children aged 9, 7 and 1, and Abrahamson P (1992). Poverty and welfare in Denmark. Scandi­ each received an allowance of EEK 60 monthly. She navian Journal o f Social Welfare 1: 20-27. was on maternity leave and received EEK- 90 The Baltic States A reference book. (1991). Ikllinn, Riga, Vilnius, Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Encyclopaedia Publishers. monthly. Her husband’s disposable income was 1.5 Bojarskij A, ed. (1974). Kurs demografii [Course of demography]. times the minimum wage. Her concern was that she Moscow, Statistika. was not able to buy food that satisfies the nutritional Eesti statistika aastaraamat [Statistical yearbook of Estonia] requirements for her children. But this does not (1991). Tallinn, Estonian Statistics Authority. Eurostat (1990) Rapid reports. Population and social conditions. mean starvation. The woman cannot guarantee the Luxembourg, Publications Office of the European Communi­ emotional and mental welfare of her children: cannot ties, 1990, 7. pay for their hobbies, she has no money for movies, Heikkilä M (1991). Poverty and accumulation of welfare deficits. theater or books. Such a situation makes her distres­ In: Lehto J, ed. Deprivation, social welfare and expertise. Hel­ sed and for that reason she is not able to have a nor­ sinki, National Agency for Welfare and Health, pp. 33-47 (Re­ search Reports 7). mal emotional atmosphere at home. She demands Kuddo A (1990). Rahvastiku sotsiaalne areng Eestis (rahvusva­ that the state help her and others like her. heline võrdlus). 1930.-1980. aastad [Social development of the The absolute expenditure (in EEK) of the house­ Estonian population in 1930-1980 (international comparison)]. holds reveals disparities in the standard of living. The In: Eesti Vabariigi suhted Nõukogude Liiduga. Eesti sotsiaalne ar­ eng 1930.1980. aastatel. Tartu, Eestimaa Rahvarinde väljaanne, households with a lower standard of living and low pp. 26-46. income have to adapt their way of life to their mea­ Mack J, Lanslay S (1985). Poor Britain. London, George Alien & ger income. The households with higher living stan­ Unwin. dards aspire to develop a way of life that requires Marklund S (1990). The structures of modern poverty. Aeta So- more money and would conform to their financial ciologica 33:125-140. Pullerits A, ed. (1938) Eesti. 20 aastat iseseisvust [Estonia. 20 and social position. years of independence]. ТЫ1тп, Varraku Kiijastus. Taking into consideration low income and differ­ Reiman H (1939a). 1937.-38. aasta büdzetiuuringu organisatsioon ent lifestyles, all the households spending more than [Organization of the household budget inventory in 1938- 50% of all their expenditure on food are more or less 1939]. Eesti Statistika Kuukiri 208(3): 117-118. Reiman H (1939b). Tööstustööliste leibkondade büdzetid [The excluded from the normal consumption-centered way budgets of the industrial workers’ households]. Eesti Statistika of life. Those who have more resources but are not Kuukiri 208(3): 119-146. able to continue their customary way of life are ex­ Ringen S (1987). Poverty in the welfare state? In: Erikson R et cluded from their earlier standard of living and have al., ed. The Scandinavian model Welfare states and welfare re­ problems with coping with the new situation. Those search. London, M.E. Sharpe, pp. 122-138. Ritakallio V-M (1991). Köyhyys ei tule yksin [Poverty does not who are just establishing their own homes have diffi­ come alone], Sosiaali- ja terveyshallitus tutkimuksia, 11. Hel­ culties in furnishing them. Almost all of the surveyed sinki, National Agency for Welfare and Health. households have spent almost nothing on consumer Sipilä, J. (1992). Defining, measuring and talking about poverty: goods because of low income and relatively high the case of Finland. Scandivanian Journal o f Social Welfare 1: 12-19. prices. Only the households in the top decile may Tbwnsend P (1987). Conceptualizing poverty. In: Ferge Z, Miller feel less excluded from the consumption opportuni­ SM, ed. Dynamics o f deprivation. London, Gower Publishing. ties offered by society (Fig. 8). Thimm A (1990). The living conditions and income of the famil­ In conclusion, due to privatization, the changing ies in Estonia. In: Estonian population and the family. Family problems 10. Tkrtu, Tartu University, 43-59. structure of property ownership and the reorienta­ Thimm A (1991). Riskiperede elamistingimused ja isiklik majapida­ tion of the economy from the eastern market to the mine [The living conditions and everyday life of the families in western is creating a severe economic crisis and redu­ economic risk], Tartu, Tkrtu University. cing production, which in turn results in extremely Uusitalo H (1992). The Scandinavian welfare state and poverty. low wages. At the time when prices are approaching Themes, 4. Helsinki, National Agency for Welfare and Health. Yearbook o f Nordic Statistics (1991). Stockholm, Nordic Council of the world market level and wages remain significant­ Ministers. ly lower than the average in Europe, most house­ Zimmerman SL, Chilman CS (1988). Poverty and families. In: holds cannot maintain their normal consumption be­ Chilman CS et al., ed. Employment and economic problems. havior. Defining the poverty line as 50% of median London, Sage Publications, pp. 107-123 (Families in Trouble income or 50% of median expenditure is not that dif­ Series, Vol 1). ferent, as everybody can spend what they have. Since

141 Yearbook of Population Research in Finland 31 (1993), pp 104-110

Transformation Process in Estonia: A Challenge for Social Policy

AVO TRUMM Research Associate Unit of Family Research Tartu University, Estonia DAGMAR KUTSAR Research Associate Unit of Family Research Tartu University, Estonia URMAS OJA Research Associate Unit of Family Research Tartu University, Estonia

Abstract

The aim of this study is to analyze the new economic situation households have to face in Esto­ nia and to discuss the new tasks and responsibilities of social policy in this new situation. The data used are based on a sample of 419 households monitored in January 1993. The study reveals that low income and unequal income distribution is characteristic of today’s Estonia. The average salary of households has continuously increased but the increase has all the time been lower than that of the cost of living. The article discusses the new socio-political tasks and responsibilities. The main task is to reach the optimal balance of limited resources between economic development and social expenditures. The state has to support disabled people who cannot work but it cannot take the responsibility of guaran­ teeing a minimum of living for everyone.

Keywords: households, income, social policy, Estonia

“Changing the entire political, economic and social sys­ tem in a society is difficult. And if the changes are to be brought about simultaneously, the situation becomes nearly insoluble” (Dellenbrant 1993, 154).

Estonia restored independence after fifty years of the Soviet occupation in 1991. Now, building a new society, she faces deep crisis in all spheres of the society. Cop­ ing with multiple social change and economic survival are essential tasks for many people, families and the whole country. The collapse of the Soviet order brought to an end not only a particular type of a political and economic system, but a particular type of welfare state. New social phe­ nomena such as unemployment, inequality and poverty have found a fertile soil in Es­ tonia. The new socio-political and economic conditions set new tasks, create new di­ lemmas and challenge for socio-politicians. The transformation and its consequences in Eastern Europe have great importance for those involved in this process as well as for the developed western countries. The different aspects of reformation are discussed at numerous political meetings and pre­ sented at scientific conferences. Several articles are published on this issue by the eastern and western scholars (Deacon 1992, Marklund 1993, Dellenbrant 1993, Ferge and Kol- berg 1992, Marody 1992). The barriers of transformation have been in the focus and the negative scenarios are outlined (Dellenbrant 1993). The aim of the present study is dual: 1) to analyze the new situation people in Estonia have to meet focusing on the eco­ nomic situation of households; 2) to discuss new tasks and responsibilities of social policy in a changed situation.

Data and method

In 1991 the method of household budgets was developed by the Unit of Family Research at Tartu University in close cooperation with the joint stock company “EMOR”. The sample of 2000 households is divided into three groups and every group is involved in the household monitoring once in three months, i.e. four times a year. The sample is corrected every quarter and renewed every year. The data are collected by EMOR Ltd. and handed over to the Estonian Statistics Authority. Currently the data about 419 households monitored in January 1993 will be ana­ lyzed.

Concept of household

The household is identified by the persons living together and having a joint budget. An adult member of the household as a contact person in the survey writes down all the incomes and expenditures the household makes every day during one month.

Concept of household disposable equivalent income

Household income is a sum of incomes of individual members, transfers and ser­ vices that a household receives. The concept of disposable income is of central signif­ icance in the analysis of household economic welfare. Calculation of disposable in­ come follows a scheme that is exposed by Hannu Uusitalo (1992, 20) Factor income + Received public sector transfers = Gross income - Income taxes = Disposable income Economic welfare is dependent on the size and structure of the household. For elim­ ination this impact the method of consumption units is needed. The consumption unit is determined using the OECD scale. It is internationally widely used authoritative ex­ 106 ample of the result of the expert method and gives an opportunity to reduce full house­ holds into consumption units. OECD concept of consumption unit (equivalence scale) proceeds from the fact of cohabitation (household). The first adult has a value 1.0. other adults 0.7 and children 0.5 (Uusitalo 1992, 17). Disposable income calculated on the basis of OECD equivalence scale forms household disposable equivalent in­ com e.

Analysis

The income distribution of the households

Low income and its unequal distribution is characteristic of today's Estonia. In January 1993 in about two thirds of monitored households the disposable income per consumption unit was less than two minimum wages, i.e. less than EEK 600. The av­ erage salary of households has continuously increased (in January 1993 the average salary was EEK 755, in June EEK 1,080), but all the time it has been lower than the increase of the cost of living. Compared with the salaries in July 1992 the real salary in June 1993 forms 94.5%. Figure 1 illustrates the distribution of income and the structure of the income in different income groups in January 1993. The income share of the total income distribution in the lowest decile forms 3.1% (the last 27.3%). (1 U SD = ca 13 EEK in 1993)

Figure 1. The structure of disposable household income per OECD consumption unit in income deciles in January 1993.

Kroons per OECD consumption unit 2,000

1,500

1,000

500

1 II III IV V Vi Vi I VIII IX X

Total 191.8 285.2 334.4 396.2 457.2 520.3 599.5 7G6.8 870 1641.2 Currency Ы 0 0 2.6 0 2.1 4.7 10.1 2.7 0 77.9 Other 22.4 11.4 23.6 34.2 46? 32.5 39.6 63.2 105.5 441У Self-emp!. 8.3 7.8 13.2 10.0 25.2 21.9 39 57.4 69.6 206 Soc.assisL \Z 2 11Z5 182.4 164.7 117.3 i 24.5 90.2 99.5 102.5 78.5 68.3 Wages Ш 48.6 83.7 125.2 234.8 259.3 371.1 411.4 4Й1.2 6^6.4 847 7

Household deciles are calculated on the basis of disposable income per OECD 42 107

The income structure in the upper and the lower deciles differs markedly. In the bottom income groups, compensations and allowances occupy the major part, the up­ per income groups receive more from property, from the production of goods and ser­ vices (Figure 1). Those are the people who are doing well: they have initiative, they are successful and they know how to control the situation. Their resources are their age. ability to develop and look for new perspectives. The lower income groups are dependent on social transfers and they have problems of economic survival. Proceed­ ing from the income structure they have low enterprising spirit and ability to cope with rapid changes. Those are mainly the people in retirement age, single parents, the un­ employed and families with many children.

Consumption structure

The grouping of households by the amount of expenditure gives evidence of exist­ ing different levels of economic welfare. The differences in the amount of expendi­ ture are about eight times between the households which are situated in the first and the last decile (Figure 2). Consequently, the household groups with modest expendi­ tures, average and high level of expenditure have a different expenditure structure (Fig­ ure 3). Proceeding from the structure of the expenditures which the respondent households have made in January, a deformed structure of consumption is revealed. Almost all the households (the upper tenth excluded) have a rather similar consumption struc-

Figure 2. The structure of household consumption in expenditure deciles in Janu­ ary 1993.

%

Food -Jk- 72 60 56 59 56 51 47 50 44 34 Housing —Я- 16 21 16 14 16 18 19 16 18 11 Clothing --A - 1 2 3 4 3 4 7 6 5 8 Other О ■ 12 17 26 23 25 27 28 27 33 47 Cr.per OECD 200 296 357 408 459 511 573 677 834 1632

Household deciles are calculated on the basis of household consumption poi OECD Figure 3. The structure of household consumption in expenditure deciles in Janu­ ary 1993.

Kroons per household

ture: about half or more on food, 15-20% on housing, about five percent on clothes, shoes, etc. The possibilities to meet other needs like purchasing durable goods, pay­ ing transport costs, education, leisure, health, traveling are very limited. Whereas the share spent on food is smaller compared with August 1992 when it formed up to 3/4 from the household disposable income (Kutsar and Trumm 1993, 140), the household budget is even tighter due to the increased housing costs. Many households cannot pay for housing or pay only a part of it. The absolute expenditures (in kroons) of the households reveal different standards of living. The households with a lower standard of living and low resources have to accommodate in their way of life to their small financial resources. The households with higher living standards aspire to develop a way of life that needs more money and would be in conformity with their financial as well as a social position.

Discussion

New socio-political tasks and responsibilities

The IMF Annual Meeting held in Washington in 1993 referred to Estonia as one of the five East European countries which had most obvious progress in the transition process. In accordance with the Report of IMF Mission the decrease in industrial pro­ 109 duction has stopped and probably will be replaced by a slight increase at the second half of 1993. The inflation rate did not exceed 2-3% per month during the first quar­ ter of this year. The foreign trade balance has been positive for the same period. The unemployment rate has remained lower than expected (by the prognosis it will reach 5-6% of the population of working age by the end of the year). The government pays special attention to the acceleration of the privatization process. The share of households whose disposable income was lower than the cost of the minimum food basket (physiological minimum of survival) dropped from ten percent in August 1993 to 3.3% in January, at the same time, for the reason of increased level of minimum salary, 36% from the monitored households in January received income less than one minimum wage per person, in August 1992 correspondingly 26% (Kut­ sar and Trumrn 1993, 137). Today people in Estonia make attempts to reach the normal society and by the quick­ est possible way to experience “western consumerism” formulated by Bob Deacon (1992). Some psychological preconditions for that purpose are patience and assidu­ ousness of the Estonian character, appraisal of individual work and comparatively high educational level of the population. At the same time there are several factors setting limits to that process. The major problems of the social sphere in a situation of limited resources are con­ nected with the elaboration of social guarantees for less secure groups and the organi­ zation of social services proceeding from the new tasks and responsibilities. There are several groups of people who because of different reasons are dependent on the social welfare system or expect to receive social aid. Firstly, these are the people in retire­ ment age, mothers taking maternity leave, handicapped, etc. They form a traditional group of people who in some way are dependent on the welfare system. Secondly, there are people who after having lost their job or permanent income unexpectedly find them­ selves among the group which at least, temporarily, needs social welfare services The number of welfare recipients cannot be expected to decrease. The people who have been the subjects of provision of welfare goods, are passively waiting for the help from the outside. The life philosophy of planned economy has produced passivi­ ty and learned helplessness. Work has been guaranteed for everybody, unemployment as a social problem did not threaten anybody. State subsidies on food, housing, trans­ port, free education and health care have been financed by the state, the social wel­ fare system has offered services to the people without demanding money from them. Are the people ready to face new socio-political challenges? In September 1993 the government of Estonia established a poverty line for a household calculated from the disposable equivalent income by the OECD equivalence scale. The line is set on the level of EEK 280 per consumption unit for every month as a level of physiologi­ cal survival. Momentarily a heated discussion against this regulation began. The main argument was that EEK 280 per consumption unit is hardly sufficient for living now­ adays. The dilemma for ordinary people consists in striving to maintain the previous standard of living on the one hand, and on the other hand the visions of the normal life in a changed situation The main socio-political task in a transformational society is to reach the optimal balance of limited resources between the economic development and social expendi­ tures. The state should take the responsibility of creating possibilities at least for the minimum survival for every citizen. However, it does not mean that there is an obli­ gation to keep the social benefits above the expected poverty level. The obligation of the state is to find tools for every citizen, to encourage people to invest in society and produce resources for one’s welfare. The ruins of the poor institutional welfare system cannot cope with the tasks for­ mulated above. The situation of economic depression presumes sufficient cuts iii the liO social welfare system. The most effective possibility for the restriction currently seems to be the application of the strategy of “cutting the cream on the cake”, formulated by Heikkilä and Lehto (1992, 8). It means that the preserving only the “basic services” and “basic security” and cutting more heavily those sectors that are somehow special or used by better-off clients. The need for basic welfare services will be determined by means-test. This idea is derived from the liberal laissez-faire economics and is con­ nected with the belief that such cuts will lead to a new path of economic growth (Wiman 1987, 34). In conclusion, the transformation process in Estonia has led to a deep economic depression and the decrease of people’s welfare. The new social situation creates prob­ lems of coping with everyday life for many people and households. People coming from the totalitarian system lack self-help mentality, they have to reform their whole life philosophy. The social policy is faced with the circumstances where response to the situation is needed. The question under discussion is how to meet the interests of the helpless without making any damage to the enterprising spirit of the economically successful people and economic progress in general. The last socio-political developments in Estonia verify that the stake has been made on the economic development of the country. The general socio-political principle re­ mains the same if compared with the pre-war independent times: the task of the state is to support disabled people who cannot work, the state does not take the responsibil­ ity of guaranteeing a minimum standard of living for everyone.

References

Deacon, B. (1992). East European welfare: past, present, future in comparative context. In: The New Eastern Europe: Social Policy, Past, Present and Future, edited by B. Deacon, pp. 1-30. SAGE Publications. Dellenbrant, J.Ä. (1993). Democracy and poverty: the implementation of social reforms in the coun­ tries of central and eastern Europe. Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare 2(3): 150-157. Ferge, Z. and Kolberg, J.E. ed. (1992). Social Policy in a Changing Europe. Campus/Westview: Boul­ der, Co. Heikkilä, M. and Lehto, J. (1992). Adjustment or Crisis? Themes No 10. Helsinki: National Agency for Welfare and Health. Kutsar, D. and Trumm, A. (1993). Poverty among households in Estonia. Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare 2(3): 128-141. Marklund, S. (1993). Social policy and poverty in post-totalitarian Europe. Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare 2(3): 104-114. Marody, M. (1992). Building a Competitive Society: Challenges for Social Policy. A background docu­ ment for the International Seminar “Towards a Competitive Society in Central and Eastern Eu­ rope: Social Dimensions”. Kellokoski, Finland. Uusitalo, H. (1992). The Scandinavian Welfare State and Poverty. Themes No 4. Helsinki: National Agency for Welfare and Health. Wiman, R. (1987) From the Welfare State to a Welfare Society. Helsinki: National Board of Social Welfare.

43 CURRICULUM VITAE

DAGMAR KUTSAR

Citizenship: Estonian Date o f birth: December 15, 1951 Marital status: Married, two children Address: Unit of Family Studies, University of Tartu, Tiigi 78, room 230, EE 2400 Tartu, Estonia Telephone: 3727-430809(w); 3727-488382 (h) Fax: 3727-435440 e-mail: urmas @ psych.ut.ee

EDUCATION University of Tartu, Department of Psychology 1975

SPECIAL COURSES Postgraduate studies in social psychology' (University of Tartu) 1980-1983 Courses of psychotherapy, Inst of Psychiatry, Sankt Peterburg 1980 Course of solution-focused brief therapy, Tartu-Tallinn 1991-1993 Course of social policy and social work, Kainuu, Finland 1991 Course of marital enrichment, Tartu-Pämu-Otepää 1990-1993 Scientific exchange of researchers in Finland 1990

PROFESSIONAL EMPLOYMENT Head of the Unit of Family Studies, University of Tartu 1991- Research Psychologist of the Unit of Family Studies 1977- Family Counsellor, Family Counselling Bureau of Tartu 1980-1982 Lecture courses: family psychology interviewing strategies for helpers social work with families

SCIENTIFIC WORK 1. Over 30 articles published. Keywords: quality of marital relationships, interper­ sonal perception of spouses, marital expectations, family policy, social welfare and poverty, societal change and stress. 2. Presentations at the 12th and 13th World Congresses of Sociology; at the 3rd World Family Therapy Congress, at the 3rd European Congress of Psychology, and at many other conferences and seminars. CURRICULUM VITAE

DAGMAR KUTSAR

Kodakondsus: Eesti Sünniaeg: 15.12.1951 Perekonnaseis: Abielus, kaks last Aadress: Tartu Ülikooli sotsioloogiaosakonna perekonnauurimisrühm, Tiigi 78-230, EE2400 Tartu Telefon: 3727-430809(t); 3727-488382 (k) Fax: 3727-435440 e-mail: urmas @ psych.ut.ee

HARIDUS Lõpetanud Tartu Ülikooli psühholoogiaosakonna 1975

ERIALANE ENESETÄIENDUS Aspirantuur (sotsiaalpsühholoogia) Tartu Ülikoolis 1980-1983 Psühhoteraapia kursused Sankt Peterburis 1980 Kursus lahenduskesksest lühiteraapiast, Tartu-Tallinn 1991-1993 Kursus sotsiaaltööst ja sotsiaalpoliitikast, Kainuu (Soome) 1991 Kursus abielusuhete rikastamise treeningu juhtpaaride väljaõppest, Tartu-Pämu-Otepää 1990-1993 Enesetäiendamine uurimistöö alal Helsingis (Soome) 1990

ERIALANE TEENISTUSKÄIK Tartu Ülikooli perekonnauurimisrühma teadur 1977- Tartu perekonnanõuandla konsultant 1980-1982 TÜ sotsiaaltöö õppetooli lektor 1993 Loengukursused; Perekonnapsühholoogia Intervjueerimisstrateegiad Sotsiaaltöö ja perekond

TEADUSLIK TEGEVUS Peamised uurimisvaldkonnad: perekonna formeerumise, arengu ja purunemise sotsiaalpsühholoogilised seaduspärasused; perekondade majanduslik ja psüh­ holoogiline toimetulek sotsiaalse transformatsiooni ajal; perekonnapoliitika. Teaduslike publikatsioonide üldarv: 40, nendest viimase 5a jooksul 15. DISSERTATIONES PSYCHOLOGICAE UNIVERSITATIS TARTUENSIS

1. Jüri Kruusvall. Environmental and social influence on human activity. Tartu 1994.

44 ISSN 1024-3291 ISBN 9985-56-100-7