Bolivians in Buenos Aires: Human Rights, Immigration, and Democratic Participation by Eduardo J

lasaforum fall 2015 : volume xlvi : issue 4

DEBATES: GLOBAL LATIN(O) AMERICANOS

Bolivians in Buenos Aires: Human Rights, Immigration, and Democratic Participation by Eduardo J. Vior | University of Buenos Aires | [email protected]

Argentina’s population increased mainly who can “translate” the necessities and spontaneous market protection arose, through European and Arab immigration demands of subaltern peoples into the which allowed the reindustrialization of the between 1850 and 1950 (Australia, codes of the dominant culture with the aim country. The dominant garment enterprises, Canada, New Zealand, the United States of of negotiating for them (Manjuk, however, have retained control over design, America, and Uruguay are also included in Manolcheva and Vior 2004a, and 2004b; marketing, image, patterns, and tailoring, this group). However, over the past 60 Vior and Bosse 2005; Vior 2006, and 2012; while they outsource garment-making, years, people coming from neighboring and Dreidemie and Vior 2011). This ironing, and finishing to workshops and countries have taken the lead. Some of focalization pays special attention to the facilitators; these, in turn, subcontract to them have mixed with the local population, “contact zones” (Pratt 2011) between both home workers or to other workshops a few have become rich, but not one has cultures, where intercultural mediators act. (Adúriz 2009). Workshop owners, been recognized as equal by the distributors, and wholesalers keep 80 Argentinian society, unless they have According to the latest National Population percent of the sector’s entire earnings adopted the lifestyle of the Argentinian Census (2010), 345,272 Bolivians live in (Lieutier 2010, 49). Given this context, the elite.1 Argentina. However, considering those workers accept their exploitation, hoping community members who have taken to open their own sweatshop sometime in This is especially the case of Bolivian Argentinian citizenship, others who were the future. In the City of Buenos Aires there immigrants living in the country for the last not counted, and the children of Bolivian are approximately 5,000 garment 50 years. They often experience upward origin born in Argentina (who according to workshops, of which only 20 percent are social and economic mobility, but they get law are Argentinians), the census estimates licensed (Adúriz 2009).4 This production no recognition. Some of those who work in the actual size of this community to be 1.3 system relies on a network built by the city horticulture in suburban areas have gained million people. government, traffickers, the police, and the social acknowledgment in the communes numerous small radio stations regularly (comunas) where they live, but their Just over 55 percent of the Bolivian heard in the workshops and which compatriots working in the apparel population in Argentina lives in the AMBA contribute very decisively to the isolation of industry in the Metropolitan Area of (Castillo and Gurrieri 2012, 22), but the the community. Buenos Aires (AMBA in Spanish), get no better part of it is concentrated in a small public recognition. Most of the people territorial strip that originates in the In the last ten years the Bolivian working in this sector are brutally neighboring district of La Matanza, in the community in the City of Buenos Aires has exploited, and they are mostly ignored in west, which enters Buenos Aires City become considerably politicized. But this the public sphere.2 However, because through the west and southwest communes general political mobilization has not discrimination limits the development of and ends in the west quarters of Flores and resulted in better community articulation citizenship, my main concern here will be Floresta, where Argentina’s garment or greater or more effective participation of to clarify why Bolivian immigrants in the wholesaler trade is concentrated. The the community in Argentinian politics AMBA do not gain social and political population of Bolivian origin living in the (Caggiano 2014; Cantor 2013; Goldberg acknowledgment (Brubaker 1989; Herrera city can be thus estimated at around 2013; Modolo 2014; and Pizarro 2009). Carassou 2006; Koopmans 2003; 150,000 (Halperín Weisburd 2012). The patronage characteristics of the Koopmans, and Statham 2000; López Sala Argentinian political system and the 2006; Massey et al. 2008; and Zapata Hyperexploitation (including self- limitations of the migration policy are the Barrero 2001).3 exploitation) and slave labor emerged in main causes for this shortcoming on the Argentina’s garment industry at the end of state’s side.5 In addition, the irregular status In international migration research there the twentieth century under the influence of of many immigrants, the rivalry between exists a broad discussion about the cheap Chinese imports. The closure of community leaders, and an “obstructive” conditions for the access of immigrant many production facilities caused by these communitarian leadership hinder the communities to active citizenship. Some imports forced the transition to organization of the community. European studies and my own research “nonvertical” production methods. In underline the role of “intercultural 2002, after the collapse of the Argentinian The Federation of Bolivian Civic mediators,” those persons and/or groups economy, the peso was devalued and Associations in Argentina (FACBOL in

16 Spanish), founded in 1995, claims to the City of Buenos Aires, helping both the can then open the way to an emerging represent the community as a whole, but city elite and the community leadership to intercultural citizenship. the intertwining of its leaders with the avoid political and economic competition sweatshop owners has led in recent years to in their respective arenas. harsh clashes among them over money.6 Notes FACBOL is also the link between the Theoretical and empirical studies of the 1 “Recognition” was first introduced in the Bolivian community and the PRO political participation of immigrant social sciences by Charles Taylor (Taylor and (Propuesta Republicana) party led by the communities distinguish three types of Gutmann 1994) as a key category for the conservative city mayor Mauricio Macri.7 political mobilization and/or participation study of intercultural relations in pluricultural FACBOL’s president is Alfredo Ayala, who (Koopmans 2003; Koopmans and Statham societies. uses his connections in politics, business, 2000): 2 Due to the precarious working conditions in and policy for controlling the community’s some sweatshops in the garment industry, representation.8 He and his group aim to 1. Through individual ascent and there are often accidents. Most remain achieve a downward adjustment of the assimilation to the patterns of the host unnoticed by the media, but some particularly standards and norms for the operation of country’s political culture. This path is serious incidents attract public interest, like the 2006 fire in Luis Viale Street in the City of industrial premises, and to prevent the only open for middle classes, and it does Buenos Aires, where eight people died, and, workers from organizing themselves in not benefit the community as a whole. more recently (April 27, 2015) in Páez Street, unions. where two children lost their lives in a 2. Through communitarian mobilization basement fire. The way in which the media After having studied Alfredo Ayala and his for concrete demands. This type of cover such events, however, is extremely group, I modified somewhat my perception mobilization is only possible in political sensationalist, treating the workers in the garment industry exclusively as “victims” and of the role that intercultural mediators play systems with strong cultural cleavages. not as real people who have needs and in the contact zone between host societies demands and who are involved in the complex and immigrant communities (Dreidemie 3. Through the introduction of the social and cultural framework of the and Vior 2011). Two types of intercultural cleavages of the home country in the immigrant enclave. mediator can be proposed. “Enabling host nation. This type of mobilization 3 “Citizenship” here refers to the economic, mediators” (individuals or a group) mostly and participation responds mostly to social, and political conditions that influence belong to the subaltern community and regime crises in the home countries, but the ability of immigrants to participate in include its demands for rights and interests this type of political participation loses politics and government, as well as the in a coherent discourse that translates them importance as soon as democracy is ideological and psychological dispositions of into the language and codes of the stabilized back home. Thereafter, the immigrant people that determine their capacity to organize themselves and to put mainstream society, aiming to negotiate remaining immigrant communities often their demands before the state. their implementation. “Obstructive tend to adopt ghetto representations mediators,” in contrast, are persons or and conduct. 4 José Zambrano Torrico, president of the groups that monopolize the relations recently founded Confederation of Small and Mid-size Bolivian Enterprises in Argentina between the host society and the immigrant There are no intercultural political systems (Conamype Bol-Ar), in an interview with El minority. Presenting the immigrant group in Europe or North America, but some Visor Boliviano (August first fortnight, 2014, as opposed to the majority of the host successful local experiences suggest that it 11), estimated that in Argentina there are country, these people block the is possible to move beyond the limits of the 100,000 Bolivian workshops in the garment communication channels between both nation-state. If regional integration industry, and that almost 3.7 million people sides in order to confuse their own interests processes convert nation-states into are directly or indirectly employed in the with the community’s and to serve some pluricentric confederations based on the sector. As he did not show the data sources he used for his statement, it seems greatly groups in the host community interested in human right to free movement, immigrants exaggerated. keeping the immigrants outside. will no longer need to assimilate themselves to national values, norms, and symbols in This second type of mediation currently order to become recognized citizens. This prevails within the Bolivian community in

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5 In 2004, at the very beginning of Néstor important than the bajadas (the annual Goldberg, Alejandro Kirchner’s presidential term, the new morenadas parade at the central Mayo Migration Law 25.871-04 was enacted. Article Avenue) are the prior recepciones (receptions), 2013 “Trayectorias migratorias, itinerarios de 4 of this law recognizes the human right to i.e., luxury parties in closed halls, to which the salud y experiencias de participación política migrate. Since then, Argentinian migration organizers invite their business and political de mujeres migrantes bolivianas que policy has considerably simplified the entrance contacts. trabajaron y vivieron en talleres textiles and settlement of migrants (mainly South clandestinos del Área Metropolitana de American) in Argentina, but the authorities Buenos Aires, Argentina.” Anuario have done very little to organize the References Americanista Europeo 11: 199–216. Sección coexistence of the immigrant communities Tema central, https://halshs.archives-ouvertes. with mainstream Argentinian society. Adúriz, Isidro fr/halshs-00957413/document. 6 I confirmed this scenario through interviews 2009 La industria textil en Argentina: Su Halperín Weisburd, Leopoldo, ed. with members of the Alameda Foundation, a evolución y sus condiciones de trabajo. Buenos 2012 Heterogeneidad y precariedad del trabajo deputy inspector of the Trafficking Squad of Aires: Instituto para la Participación y el en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires. Documento de the Argentinian Federal Police, and H. Zunini, Desarrollo (INPADE). Trabajo no. 17. Buenos Aires: Universidad de technical advisor at the Centro Demostrativo Buenos Aires, Centro de Estudios sobre de la Indumentaria (CDI, Experimental Center Brubaker, William Rogers, ed. 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