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Politics, Socioeconomc Status, and Indigenous Identity in Latin America

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Politics, Socioeconomc Status, and Indigenous Identity in Latin America POLITICS, SOCIOECONOMC STATUS, AND INDIGENOUS IDENTITY IN LATIN AMERICA: THE BOLIVIAN CASE A paper to be presented at the 2006 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, San Juan, Puerto Rico. Raúl Madrid Dept. of Government, Univ. of Texas at Austin Austin, TX 78712 Tel: (512) 232-7246 e-mail: [email protected] Abstract: This paper uses survey data to explore why some speakers of indigenous languages (or people of indigenous ancestry) in Bolivia identify as indigenous, while others do not. It examines three main theoretical approaches to understanding ethnic identification: the assimilation/enclosure model, which would expect that indigenous identification would be inversely related to socio-economic status and residential and linguistic integration; the ethnic competition model, which would make the opposite predictions; and a more explicitly political approach, which would link indigenous identification to the political socialization of individuals. The study finds some support for the assimilation/enclosure model and the politicization hypothesis, but it finds no support for the ethnic competition approach to understanding ethnic identification. 2 Scholars traditionally treated ethnicity as singular, deeply-rooted, and fixed (Geertz 1973; Horowitz 1985; Van Evera 2001). That is, they assumed, implicitly or explicitly, that individuals have only one ethnic identity and that this identity does not change over time. In recent decades, however, this approach to understanding ethnicity, known as primordialism, has been largely supplanted by a different approach, which argues that ethnic or racial identity is socially constructed. Constructivists maintain that individuals have multiple ethnic identities and that these identities often change over time (Chandra 2001; de la Cadena 2000; Nobles 2000; Portes 1984). Individuals will, for example, assume different identities in different social, political, or economic contexts. The fluid nature of racial and ethnic identity in Latin America clearly provides support for the constructivist model. Numerous studies have documented how conceptions of race and identity have shifted over time in the region (Nobles 2000; Telles 2004; Degregori et al 1998; Yashar 2005). Since the colonial era, for example, Latin American countries have suppressed and devalued indigenous cultures and peoples.1 During the mid-20th century, many Latin American governments sought to reshape their indigenous populations around their class identities, organizing indigenous people into peasant associations that were closely linked to the state (Yashar 2005; Degregori et al 1998). The last few decades, however, have witnessed the reemergence of indigenous identities (Albó 1991; Van Cott 2004; Yashar 2005). Powerful indigenous movements have emerged that have sought to restore indigenous traditions and identities. These 1 The term mestizo typically refers to people of mixed European and indigenous descent, but at times it includes people who have other racial or ethnic mixtures as well. 3 movements have put pressure on Latin American governments to recognize indigenous traditions, grant autonomy to indigenous areas, and create state institutions and programs to cater to the needs of the indigenous population. Although various studies have shown us how conceptions of race and ethnicity in Latin America have changed over time, they have not typically explored the determinants of ethnic identity at the individual level. We still know relatively little about why some people identify as indigenous, while others with relatively similar ascriptive characteristics do not. These questions are important not only because they will help us understand how ethnicity and race is constructed in the region, but also because they will contribute to broader theories of the determinants of race and ethnicity. Latin America has long been viewed as an outlier because of the relatively low political salience of race and ethnicity in the region. Deepening our understanding of the determinants of ethnic identification in the region will help us build better theories about when and why race or ethnicity matters. This paper focuses on the construction of indigenous identities in Bolivia. Bolivia represents an interesting case because the number of people who self-identify as indigenous in the country is considerably below what one would predict. There are a number of reasons to expect that a large percentage of the Bolivian population would self-identify as indigenous. First, a large percentage of the Bolivian population has indigenous phenotypes. Indeed, outside estimates have suggested that 60 to 80 percent of the population is indigenous, although these sources typically do not reveal how 4 indigenous status is measured or spell out the methodology used to come up with such estimates (Deruyttere 1999; Hopenhayn and Bello 2001; Yashar 2005). Second, a large proportion of the Bolivian population speaks indigenous languages. According to the 2001 census, 49.5 percent of the Bolivian population above 5 years of age reported that they were raised in a home where an indigenous language was spoken, often in addition to Spanish (INE 2003: 142). This represents a decline from 55.6 percent of the population in 1992 and 65.6 percent in 1976, but still constitutes a larger proportion of the population than in any other Latin American country. Third and finally, Bolivia has an increasingly powerful indigenous movement, which has sought to promote indigenous identities. Bolivia’s indigenous movement has succeeded in forcing the resignation of two presidents in the last few years and it also recently helped elect an indigenous person, Evo Morales, as president for the first time. Although the prevalence of indigenous languages and phenotypes as well as the strength of the indigenous movement in Bolivia would suggest that the country has a large indigenous presence, recent surveys have found that only a small percentage of the population self-identifies as indigenous. Indeed, surveys by the Ministry of Human Development (Rojas Ortuste and Verdesoto Custode 1997), the United Nations Development Program (PNUD 2004), and the Latin American Public Opinion Project (Seligson 1998, 2000 and 2002) found that less than 16 percent of the population self- identifies as indigenous. These surveys all found that approximately 60 percent of the Bolivian population self-identifies as mestizo and between 20 and 25 percent of the population self-identifies as white. Moreover, even among the population that speaks 5 indigenous languages, a relatively small percentage self-identifies as indigenous. According to the 2002 LAPOP survey, for example, only 20 percent of the population that speaks indigenous languages self-identifies as indigenous. The 2001 census did report that a much larger percentage of the population self- identifies as indigenous--62 percent of the population above 15 years of age--but the question used by the Bolivian census to ascertain indigenous self-identification has been widely criticized on several grounds. First, the question did not specifically ask if people self-identify as indigenous, but rather if they identified as Quechua, Aymara, Guaraní, Chiquitano, Mojeño, another native group, or none of these groups. It may be that people are more willing to identify themselves as belonging to certain indigenous linguistic communities, such as Quechua or Aymara, than as indigenous per se. Second, the question did not provide the option of identifying as mestizo, or mixed, and numerous surveys have shown that the majority of Bolivians will identify as mestizo if given this option. Third, the nature of the census question, which obliged people who did not identify with one of the indigenous categories listed to choose the option “none,” may also have encouraged people to choose one of the indigenous categories. The large difference between the number of people willing to self-identify as indigenous in various surveys and outside estimates of the size of the indigenous population suggests that many people who are perceived as indigenous may not self- identify as indigenous or at least may not do so consistently.2 Many of the people who 2 Studies of race in Brazil have also noted significant differences in racial self-perception and the way in which interviewers classify people by race (Telles 2002). 6 self-identify as mestizo, for example, have indigenous phenotypes and may be mostly of indigenous ancestry, which leads them to be perceived as indigenous.3 Some of the people who self-identify as mestizo also speak indigenous languages or wear indigenous dress, which may also lead them to be identified by others as indigenous. In the 2002 LAPOP survey, for example, 37 percent of the population that self-identified as mestizo was raised in a home where an indigenous language was spoken and seven percent of the population that identified as mestizo used indigenous dress.4 Recent anthropological studies have proposed a new ethnic category of indigenous mestizos, because, they argue, that many people identify as both mestizo and indigenous (de la Cadena 2000; UNDP 2004). What leads people to choose one identity over another? Who is likely to identify with a subordinate ethnic or racial category, and why might they do so? More specifically, what factors have led some people of indigenous descent in Bolivia to identify as indigenous, while other people have not? This paper uses survey data to explore why some people in Bolivia identify as indigenous,
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