The Triumph of Flora
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Female Suffering, Silence, and Men's Power in Ovid's Fasti
Female Suffering, Silence, and Man’s Power in Ovid’s Fasti Ovid’s treatment of women in his poetry, particularly sexual violence against women, is a divisive subject among scholars. Richlin (1992) has examined how feminist scholars might approach these portrayals, addressing the question of whether he should even be in the canon. The impact of Ovid’s upsetting understanding of consent even plays a role in modern culture, as Donna Zuckerberg investigates in her 2018 book Not All Dead White Men. These conversations often center around how Ovid portrays the female suffering: does he delight in it or offer a sympathetic portrayal of rape and its consequences? This paper explores Ovid’s foregrounding of three aspects of stories of rape in the Fasti: female suffering, female silence, and the effect that each of these have on men’s power. Carol Newlands identifies three tensions present in Ovid’s calendrical work: male versus female, arma versus pax, and Roman versus Greek (1995: 212). As an elegist and as a Roman who was ultimately exiled for not aligning with Augustan morals, Ovid aligns himself primarily with the feminine, with elegy, and with Greek. Richard King argues that Ovid uses the Fasti to examine “his own identity in relation to a Roman national identity figured by the calendar” (2006: 5). The existing debate often delineates two potential positions for Ovid: a radical feminist for his time, supporting survivors and telling their stories, or a creep delighting in the gory details of violence against women. Given Ovid’s exploration of his identity within the Roman system and his alignment with the feminine, his foregrounding of female suffering and silence in the interest of male power offers a different approach to his portrayal of rape. -
Graham Jones
Ni{ i Vizantija XIV 629 Graham Jones SEEDS OF SANCTITY: CONSTANTINE’S CITY AND CIVIC HONOURING OF HIS MOTHER HELENA Of cities and citizens in the Byzantine world, Constantinople and its people stand preeminent. A recent remark that the latter ‘strove in everything to be worthy of the Mother of God, to Whom the city was dedicated by St Constantine the Great in 330’ follows a deeply embedded pious narrative in which state and church intertwine in the city’s foundation as well as its subse- quent fortunes. Sadly, it perpetuates a flawed reading of the emperor’s place in the political and religious landscape. For a more nuanced and considered view we have only to turn to Vasiliki Limberis’ masterly account of politico-religious civic transformation from the reign of Constantine to that of Justinian. In the concluding passage of Divine Heiress: The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christianity, Limberis reaffirms that ‘Constantinople had no strong sectarian Christian tradition. Christianity was new to the city, and it was introduced at the behest of the emperor.’ Not only did the civic ceremonies of the imperial cult remain ‘an integral part of life in the city, breaking up the monotony of everyday existence’. Hecate, Athena, Demeter and Persephone, and Isis had also enjoyed strong presences in the city, some of their duties and functions merging into those of two protector deities, Tyche Constantinopolis, tutelary guardian of the city and its fortune, and Rhea, Mother of the Gods. These two continued to be ‘deeply ingrained in the religious cultural fabric of Byzantium.. -
Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (Translated By, and Adapted Notes From, A
Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (translated by, and adapted notes from, A. S. Kline) [Latin text; 8 CE] Book I: January 1: Kalends See how Janus1 appears first in my song To announce a happy year for you, Germanicus.2 Two-headed Janus, source of the silently gliding year, The only god who is able to see behind him, Be favourable to the leaders, whose labours win Peace for the fertile earth, peace for the seas: Be favourable to the senate and Roman people, And with a nod unbar the shining temples. A prosperous day dawns: favour our thoughts and speech! Let auspicious words be said on this auspicious day. Let our ears be free of lawsuits then, and banish Mad disputes now: you, malicious tongues, cease wagging! See how the air shines with fragrant fire, And Cilician3 grains crackle on lit hearths! The flame beats brightly on the temple’s gold, And spreads a flickering light on the shrine’s roof. Spotless garments make their way to Tarpeian Heights,4 And the crowd wear the colours of the festival: Now the new rods and axes lead, new purple glows, And the distinctive ivory chair feels fresh weight. Heifers that grazed the grass on Faliscan plains,5 Unbroken to the yoke, bow their necks to the axe. When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, Everything that he sees belongs to Rome. Hail, day of joy, and return forever, happier still, Worthy to be cherished by a race that rules the world. But two-formed Janus what god shall I say you are, Since Greece has no divinity to compare with you? Tell me the reason, too, why you alone of all the gods Look both at what’s behind you and what’s in front. -
STYLE, STRUCTURE, and TIME John F. Miller 1. Introductory
CHAPTER SIX THE FAST!: STYLE, STRUCTURE, AND TIME John F. Miller 1. Introductory Long neglected, Ovid's elegiac calendar-poem, the Fasti, has been voluminously recognized by recent scholarship as a literary master work.' The poet himself calls it "greater" (2.3, 4.3) than his earlier poetry, no doubt in reference to its grand scale as well as the august central topics-Rome's religious feasts, national legends, and the Emperor. The plan called for twelve books but we have only six January through June-totaling 4,972 verses (this outstrips the 4, 7 55 lines of Aeneid 1-6). Speaking to Augustus from his exile at Tomis, Ovid claims that he has written twelve books of Fasti (Tr. 2.549, scripsi), but most now agree that he is overstating the achievement for apologetic purposes. Although the calendrical narrator on three occasions explicitly anticipates sacra of the year's second half (3.5 7-58 and 199-200; 5.145-48), no trace of the last six books survives. Strong intratextuallinks between Books 1 and 6 (among other things) suggest to some that Ovid finally designed the calendrical fragment which we possess as an integrated work. 2 Even the poem's incom pleteness has been interpreted as part of its meaning, as Ovid's refusal to surrender his identity to the Emperor and the state3-just ahead lay the months of Julius and Augustus. However, Book 6 ends with straightforward praises of the imperial family (6.80 1-1 0), and the closely knit structures of the first six months hardly rule out a bal ancing final half. -
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March. -
Apollo 14 Press
NATIONAL AERONAUTICS AND SPACE ADMINISTRATION WO 2-4155 WASHINGT0N.D.C. 20546 lELS.wo 36925 RELEASE NO: 71-3K FOR RELEASE: THURSDAY A. M . January 21, 1971 P R E S S K I T -more - 1/11/71 2 -0- NATIONAL AERONAUTICS AND SPACE ADMINISTRATION (m2) 962-4155 N E w s WASHINGTON,D.C. 20546 mu: (202) 963-6925 FOR RELEASE: THURSDAY A..M. January 21:, 1971 RELEASE NO: 71-3 APOLLO 14 LAUNCH JAN. 31 Apollo 14, the sixth United States manned flight to the Moon and fourth Apollo mission with an objective of landing men on the Moon, is scheduled for launch Jan. 31 at 3:23 p.m. EST from Kennedy Space Center, Fla. The Apollo 14 lunar module is to land in the hilly upland region north of the Fra Mauro crater for a stay of about 33 hours, during whick, the landing crew will leave the spacecraft twice to set up scientific experiments on the lunar surface and to continue geological explorations. The two earlier Apollo lunar landings were Apollo 11 at Tranquillity Base and Apollo 12 at Surveyor 3 crater in the Ocean of Storms. Apollo 14 prime crewmen are Spacecraft Commander Alan B. Shepard, Jr., Command Module Pilot Stuart A. Roosa, and Lunar Module Pilot Edgar I). Mitchell. Shepard is a Navy car-sain Roosa an Air Force major and Mitchell a Navy commander. -more- 1/8/71 -2- Lunar materials brought- back from the Fra Mauro formation are expected to yield information on the early history of the Moon, the Earth and the solar system--perhaps as long ago as five billion years. -
Representing Roman Female Suicide. Phd Thesis
GUILT, REDEMPTION AND RECEPTION: REPRESENTING ROMAN FEMALE SUICIDE ELEANOR RUTH GLENDINNING, BA (Hons) MA Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy DECEMBER 2011 Abstract This thesis examines representations of Roman female suicide in a variety of genres and periods from the history and poetry of the Augustan age (especially Livy, Ovid, Horace, Propertius and Vergil), through the drama and history of the early Principate (particularly Seneca and Tacitus), to some of the Church fathers (Tertullian, Jerome and Augustine) and martyr acts of Late Antiquity. The thesis explores how the highly ambiguous and provocative act of female suicide was developed, adapted and reformulated in historical, poetic, dramatic and political narratives. The writers of antiquity continually appropriated this controversial motif in order to comment on and evoke debates about issues relating to the moral, social and political concerns of their day: the ethics of a voluntary death, attitudes towards female sexuality, the uses and abuses of power, and traditionally expected female behaviour. In different literary contexts, and in different periods of Roman history, writers and thinkers engaged in this same intellectual exercise by utilising the suicidal female figure in their works. ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank the Arts and Humanities Research Council for providing the financial assistance necessary for me to carry out this research. The Roman Society also awarded a bursary that allowed me to undertake research at the Fondation Hardt pour I'etude de I'antiquite classique, in Geneva, Switzerland (June 2009). I am also grateful for the CAS Gender Histories bursary award which aided me while making revisions to the original thesis. -
Names of Botanical Genera Inspired by Mythology
Names of botanical genera inspired by mythology Iliana Ilieva * University of Forestry, Sofia, Bulgaria. GSC Biological and Pharmaceutical Sciences, 2021, 14(03), 008–018 Publication history: Received on 16 January 2021; revised on 15 February 2021; accepted on 17 February 2021 Article DOI: https://doi.org/10.30574/gscbps.2021.14.3.0050 Abstract The present article is a part of the project "Linguistic structure of binomial botanical denominations". It explores the denominations of botanical genera that originate from the names of different mythological characters – deities, heroes as well as some gods’ attributes. The examined names are picked based on “Conspectus of the Bulgarian vascular flora”, Sofia, 2012. The names of the plants are arranged in alphabetical order. Beside each Latin name is indicated its English common name and the family that the particular genus belongs to. The article examines the etymology of each name, adding a short account of the myth based on which the name itself is created. An index of ancient authors at the end of the article includes the writers whose works have been used to clarify the etymology of botanical genera names. Keywords: Botanical genera names; Etymology; Mythology 1. Introduction The present research is a part of the larger project "Linguistic structure of binomial botanical denominations", based on “Conspectus of the Bulgarian vascular flora”, Sofia, 2012 [1]. The article deals with the botanical genera appellations that originate from the names of different mythological figures – deities, heroes as well as some gods’ attributes. According to ICBN (International Code of Botanical Nomenclature), "The name of a genus is a noun in the nominative singular, or a word treated as such, and is written with an initial capital letter (see Art. -
Lesson Two--Rep To
Lesson Two: Rome’s Shift From a Republic to an Empire (Important Note: This lesson might work better being taught in 2 days. Review the lesson carefully before teaching. Perhaps the Republic to Caesar to Empire Reading and Word Wall could be made longer with a longer discussion and then the primary source and monument analyses can be accomplished the next day.) Lesson overview: Briefly remind students of yesterday’s lesson, emphasizing the process of reviewing each of Rome’s historical paradigms through analyzing primary sources and monuments and symbols. Once again review the essential question and remind students of the upcoming final assessment project. Then briefly overview the activities for today’s lesson. Students will then complete a KWL chart on the Roman Republic and Roman Empire. They will then read and report to each other on the “Rome to Caesar to Empire” reading in groups. After this, students will stay in groups and analyze the primary sources and monuments reflecting the Roman Republic and Roman Empire. Finally, the lesson will close with students completing a word wall using the “Rome to Caesar to Empire” reading and their primary source readings. This lesson satisfies the following Common Core and Career Readiness Standards for grades 6-12: CCSS.ELA-LITERACY.RH.6-8.3 Identify key steps in a text's description of a process related to history/ social studies (e.g., how a bill becomes law, how interest rates are raised or lowered). CCSS.ELA-LITERACY.RH.6-8.6 Identify aspects of a text that reveal an author's point of view or purpose (e.g., loaded language, inclusion or avoidance of particular facts). -
Rape and Reconciliation: Flora in the Fasti
Rape and Reconciliation: Flora in the Fasti Although a number of supernatural transformations are effected by means of rape or other violence in the Fasti, Flora’s is unusual in the level of power to which she rises as a consequence of this violence. In this story (5.195-220), Flora begins as a nymph named Chloris, who is abducted and raped by Zephyrus. She is initially resistant to him, but he wins her over by formalizing their marriage and bestowing upon her a large garden, in addition to divine authority over flowers, transforming her into the Italian goddess Flora. As a rape narrative, Flora’s story is noteworthy for two reasons. First, although rape is an offense that categorically deprives the victim of power (Brownmiller 1975, Richlin 1992, Horvath 2009), Flora nevertheless gains a remarkable degree of power as a consequence of her rape (in this way her story closely models Raval’s analysis of Persephone in Ovid’s Metamorphoses): not only is she granted social acknowledgment as the wife of Zephyrus and the leverage that can be exercised as a god’s wife, she is accepted into the confraternity of gods, no longer a minor Greek nymph but a full Italian goddess, whose celebrations and worship are enshrined in the Roman calendar . She is given not only the property encompassed by her garden, but divine authority over flowers, to the extent that she can commemorate remarkable humans by transforming them to flowers, and even reveals to Juno the secret of parthenogenesis. The power she gains is even evidenced in the means by which her story is revealed in the Fasti: she narrates it unmediated to the reader; she herself is the authority guaranteeing the veracity of the story (Murgatroyd 2005). -
Body, Identity, and Narrative in Titian's Paintings
Winter i WITTENBERG UNIVERSITY BODY, IDENTITY, AND NARRATIVE IN TITIAN’S PAINTINGS AN UNDERGRADUATE THESIS SUBMITTED TO DR. ALEJANDRA GIMENEZ-BERGER BY LESLIE J. WINTER IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE DEGREE BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS IN ART HISTORY APRIL 2013 Winter ii Table of Contents Pages Abstract iii. 1. Introduction 1. 2. The Painted Parts of the Whole Individual 4. 3. Istoria and The Power of the Figure in Renaissance Art 16. 4. Titian’s Religious Paintings 29. 5. Titian’s Classicizing Paintings 38. 6. Conclusion 48. Endnotes 49. Figure List 55. Figures 57. Bibliography 70. Winter iii Abstract: In the Renaissance, the bodies of individuals were understood as guides to their internal identities, which influenced the public understanding of the figure represented in art—be it in terms of politics, personal life, or legacy. The classicizing and religious paintings by Titian (c. 1488/90-1576) show the subject’s state of being, at a particular moment in a story, through the use of body language. The body is a vehicle for narrative that demonstrates the sitter’s identity, relating the intricacies of the body to both the mind and the story. By exploring the humanist combination of philosophical theories regarding the relationship between the soul and the body, it is clear that Titian used these concepts to elevate the human figures in his narrative paintings. Formal analysis and Renaissance artistic theories by Alberti and others suggest that Renaissance artists operated under the assumption that how their sitters appeared was tantamount to representing their identities. Current scholarship has not yet considered this particular relationship in Titian’s works.