STYLE, STRUCTURE, and TIME John F. Miller 1. Introductory

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

STYLE, STRUCTURE, and TIME John F. Miller 1. Introductory CHAPTER SIX THE FAST!: STYLE, STRUCTURE, AND TIME John F. Miller 1. Introductory Long neglected, Ovid's elegiac calendar-poem, the Fasti, has been voluminously recognized by recent scholarship as a literary master­ work.' The poet himself calls it "greater" (2.3, 4.3) than his earlier poetry, no doubt in reference to its grand scale as well as the august central topics-Rome's religious feasts, national legends, and the Emperor. The plan called for twelve books but we have only six­ January through June-totaling 4,972 verses (this outstrips the 4, 7 55 lines of Aeneid 1-6). Speaking to Augustus from his exile at Tomis, Ovid claims that he has written twelve books of Fasti (Tr. 2.549, scripsi), but most now agree that he is overstating the achievement for apologetic purposes. Although the calendrical narrator on three occasions explicitly anticipates sacra of the year's second half (3.5 7-58 and 199-200; 5.145-48), no trace of the last six books survives. Strong intratextuallinks between Books 1 and 6 (among other things) suggest to some that Ovid finally designed the calendrical fragment which we possess as an integrated work. 2 Even the poem's incom­ pleteness has been interpreted as part of its meaning, as Ovid's refusal to surrender his identity to the Emperor and the state3-just ahead lay the months of Julius and Augustus. However, Book 6 ends with straightforward praises of the imperial family (6.80 1-1 0), and the closely knit structures of the first six months hardly rule out a bal­ ancing final half. 1 Surveys of much recent work: Fantham (1995a) and (1995b); also Miller (1992a). 2 E.g., Newlands (1995) 124-45 and Holzberg (1995) 353-62. 3 Feeney (1992) 19, Newlands (1995) 26 ("[Ovid] resisted the subsuming of his poetic identity in the powerful, controlling myths of his age by leaving his poem unfinished"); cf. Barchiesi (1997b) 262. Fantham (1983) 210-15 concludes that Books 5 and 6 reflect that Ovid's available material "was drying up" (215). 168 JOHN F. MILLER In T ristia 2 Ovid notes that he dedicated the Fasti to the Princeps and that his exile (in A.D. 8) interrupted the poem (Tr. 2.552, tibi sacratum sors mea rupit opus). The work as we have it opens with an address to Germanicus, adopted son of Tiberius and grandson of Augustus (1.1-26). Nearly everyone takes this discrepancy to point to revision of the "interrupted" Fasti in exile: 4 after the death of Augustus in A.D. 14, Ovid changed the dedicatee to another member of the imperial house,5 added references to Tiberius and Germanicus in Book 1, and one direct allusion elsewhere (4.80-84) to his own sad T omitan plight. Recent scholarship has argued for additional revisions at Tomis,6 and Ovid's exile colors many contemporary read­ ings of the Fasti, whether the critic aims to demonstrate how the banished poet seeking recall updated his encomia7 or tries to uncover his subtle protests against the regime. 8 The poem's "political" stance has dominated recent criticism. By incorporating into the Jasti new firiae celebrating anniversaries of his achievements and honors, Augustus, like Julius Caesar before him, firmly fixed his mark on the calendar, as on everything else in Rome's public life. Many of these feasts Ovid scrupulously includes in his calendar, and he also weaves the imperial fa~nily into some tradi- 4 But see now Holzberg (1995) 351-53, who argues that the evidence would suit a poem begun shortly before exile and continued (rather than revised) at Tomis: nothing in Book 1 assumes the death of Augustus; tibi sacratum at Tr. 2.552 can be interpreted indirectly--compare Virgil's opening address to Octavian's intimate asso­ ciate Maecenas in the Georgics, a poem concerned in essential respects with Octavian himself. 5 Many have taken the proem to Book 2, addressed to Augustus, to be the whole work's original preface, but see below, n. 56. 6 Lefevre (1976), (1980) shows that the discussion of the origin of animal sacrifices (1.335-456) and the sections on the Fabii-from exile Ovid approached P. Fabius Maximus as a potential advocate for his recall to Rome--likely date from the later period. Fantham (1986) 266-73 argues that the proem to Book 5 reflects the atmos­ phere of the early Tiberian age; Fantham (l992b) considers how much of the Evander-Carmentis story in Books 1 and 6 was the product of the years at T omis (in both cases similarities with Ovid's exilic poems form an important part of the argument). Herbert-Brown (1994) 159-62 suggests that the whole section on Carmentis in Book 1 (1.461-542) was written after the death of Augustus. Courtney (1965) 63-64 identifies metrical grounds for Ovid's work on the Fasti in exile. 6.666, exilium quodam tempore Tibur erat calls Ovid's banishment to mind, even without ref­ erence to Pont. 1.3.82, exulibus tellus ultima Tibur erat. 7 Lefevre (1980), Fantham (1986), Herbert-Brown (1994). 8 Barchiesi (1997b) starts his analysis of the Fasti from the vantage point of the exilic elegies; Newlands (1995) prefaces her study by quoting Pont. 2.6.4, et si non liceat scribere, mutus ero. Cf. Feeney (1992) and Johnson (1978). .
Recommended publications
  • The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
    The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Female Suffering, Silence, and Men's Power in Ovid's Fasti
    Female Suffering, Silence, and Man’s Power in Ovid’s Fasti Ovid’s treatment of women in his poetry, particularly sexual violence against women, is a divisive subject among scholars. Richlin (1992) has examined how feminist scholars might approach these portrayals, addressing the question of whether he should even be in the canon. The impact of Ovid’s upsetting understanding of consent even plays a role in modern culture, as Donna Zuckerberg investigates in her 2018 book Not All Dead White Men. These conversations often center around how Ovid portrays the female suffering: does he delight in it or offer a sympathetic portrayal of rape and its consequences? This paper explores Ovid’s foregrounding of three aspects of stories of rape in the Fasti: female suffering, female silence, and the effect that each of these have on men’s power. Carol Newlands identifies three tensions present in Ovid’s calendrical work: male versus female, arma versus pax, and Roman versus Greek (1995: 212). As an elegist and as a Roman who was ultimately exiled for not aligning with Augustan morals, Ovid aligns himself primarily with the feminine, with elegy, and with Greek. Richard King argues that Ovid uses the Fasti to examine “his own identity in relation to a Roman national identity figured by the calendar” (2006: 5). The existing debate often delineates two potential positions for Ovid: a radical feminist for his time, supporting survivors and telling their stories, or a creep delighting in the gory details of violence against women. Given Ovid’s exploration of his identity within the Roman system and his alignment with the feminine, his foregrounding of female suffering and silence in the interest of male power offers a different approach to his portrayal of rape.
    [Show full text]
  • Graham Jones
    Ni{ i Vizantija XIV 629 Graham Jones SEEDS OF SANCTITY: CONSTANTINE’S CITY AND CIVIC HONOURING OF HIS MOTHER HELENA Of cities and citizens in the Byzantine world, Constantinople and its people stand preeminent. A recent remark that the latter ‘strove in everything to be worthy of the Mother of God, to Whom the city was dedicated by St Constantine the Great in 330’ follows a deeply embedded pious narrative in which state and church intertwine in the city’s foundation as well as its subse- quent fortunes. Sadly, it perpetuates a flawed reading of the emperor’s place in the political and religious landscape. For a more nuanced and considered view we have only to turn to Vasiliki Limberis’ masterly account of politico-religious civic transformation from the reign of Constantine to that of Justinian. In the concluding passage of Divine Heiress: The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christianity, Limberis reaffirms that ‘Constantinople had no strong sectarian Christian tradition. Christianity was new to the city, and it was introduced at the behest of the emperor.’ Not only did the civic ceremonies of the imperial cult remain ‘an integral part of life in the city, breaking up the monotony of everyday existence’. Hecate, Athena, Demeter and Persephone, and Isis had also enjoyed strong presences in the city, some of their duties and functions merging into those of two protector deities, Tyche Constantinopolis, tutelary guardian of the city and its fortune, and Rhea, Mother of the Gods. These two continued to be ‘deeply ingrained in the religious cultural fabric of Byzantium..
    [Show full text]
  • Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (Translated By, and Adapted Notes From, A
    Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (translated by, and adapted notes from, A. S. Kline) [Latin text; 8 CE] Book I: January 1: Kalends See how Janus1 appears first in my song To announce a happy year for you, Germanicus.2 Two-headed Janus, source of the silently gliding year, The only god who is able to see behind him, Be favourable to the leaders, whose labours win Peace for the fertile earth, peace for the seas: Be favourable to the senate and Roman people, And with a nod unbar the shining temples. A prosperous day dawns: favour our thoughts and speech! Let auspicious words be said on this auspicious day. Let our ears be free of lawsuits then, and banish Mad disputes now: you, malicious tongues, cease wagging! See how the air shines with fragrant fire, And Cilician3 grains crackle on lit hearths! The flame beats brightly on the temple’s gold, And spreads a flickering light on the shrine’s roof. Spotless garments make their way to Tarpeian Heights,4 And the crowd wear the colours of the festival: Now the new rods and axes lead, new purple glows, And the distinctive ivory chair feels fresh weight. Heifers that grazed the grass on Faliscan plains,5 Unbroken to the yoke, bow their necks to the axe. When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, Everything that he sees belongs to Rome. Hail, day of joy, and return forever, happier still, Worthy to be cherished by a race that rules the world. But two-formed Janus what god shall I say you are, Since Greece has no divinity to compare with you? Tell me the reason, too, why you alone of all the gods Look both at what’s behind you and what’s in front.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
    The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eternal Fire of Vesta
    2016 Ian McElroy All Rights Reserved THE ETERNAL FIRE OF VESTA Roman Cultural Identity and the Legitimacy of Augustus By Ian McElroy A thesis submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts Graduate Program in Classics Written under the direction of Dr. Serena Connolly And approved by ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ___________________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October 2016 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Eternal Fire of Vesta: Roman Cultural Identity and the Legitimacy of Augustus By Ian McElroy Thesis Director: Dr. Serena Connolly Vesta and the Vestal Virgins represented the very core of Roman cultural identity, and Augustus positioned his public image beside them to augment his political legitimacy. Through analysis of material culture, historiography, and poetry that originated during the principate of Augustus, it becomes clear that each of these sources of evidence contributes to the public image projected by the leader whom Ronald Syme considered to be the first Roman emperor. The Ara Pacis Augustae and the Res Gestae Divi Augustae embody the legacy the Emperor wished to establish, and each of these cultural works contain significant references to the Vestal Virgins. The study of history Livy undertook also emphasized the pathetic plight of Rhea Silvia as she was compelled to become a Vestal. Livy and his contemporary Dionysius of Halicarnassus explored the foundation of the Vestal Order and each writer had his own explanation about how Numa founded it. The Roman poets Virgil, Horace, Ovid, and Tibullus incorporated Vesta and the Vestals into their work in a way that offers further proof of the way Augustus insinuated himself into the fabric of Roman cultural identity by associating his public image with these honored priestesses.
    [Show full text]
  • Poetic Difficulty in the Gemini Myth of Fasti 5
    Poetic Difficulty in the Gemini Myth of Fasti 5 From the beginning of the Fasti (1.295-6), Ovid makes clear that the stars form an integral part of his calendrical poem. For some time, scholarship was disappointed in the inaccuracies of Ovid’s astronomy. He often confuses risings and settings, sometimes by a forgivable amount of days, sometimes by an inexplicably large number of months. Recently, scholars have tended to look more generously on these scientifically incorrect star placements and have sought to explain their presence thematically within the Fasti (Gee 2000; Newlands 1995; Robinson 2011). In light of this, this paper explores three thematic readings of the Gemini story (5.693-720): programmatic concerns, metapoetics, and political context. These readings help reveal the difficulty Ovid’s poetry faces and exemplifies the creative ways Ovid adheres to and adapts his project. I begin by examining the three Greek sources for the myth of the Gemini: Pindar, Apollodorus, and Theocritus. Although Ovid follows the basic narrative framework presented by these sources, he departs by emphasizing the story as an aetion of the constellation and love as the motivation of the brothers’ battle. Throughout the Fasti, Ovid tries to maintain his programmatic dichotomy of arma against sidera and amor (Hinds 1992). Ultimately, this dichotomy breaks down in Fasti 5 with the death of the peaceful poet Chiron and the entrance of Mars Ultor. The separation of stars and weapons collapses in this catasterism myth because of its graphic battle scene. To try to rehabilitate this myth and his poem, Ovid turns to his other programmatic concern, love.
    [Show full text]
  • The Vestal Virgins' Socio-Political Role and the Narrative of Roma
    Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 2021; 14 (2), s. 127–151 doi:10.4467/20844131KS.21.011.13519 www.ejournals.eu/Krakowskie-Studia-z-Historii-Panstwa-i-Prawa Zeszyt 2 Karolina WyrWińsKa http:/orcid.org/0000-0001-8937-6271 Jagiellonian University in Kraków The Vestal Virgins’ Socio-political Role and the Narrative of Roma Aeterna Abstract Roman women – priestesses, patrician women, mysterious guardians of the sacred flame of goddess Vesta, admired and respected, sometimes blamed for misfortune of the Eternal City. Vestals identified with the eternity of Rome, the priestesses having a specific, unavailable to other women power. That power gained at the moment of a ritual capture (captio) and responsibilities and privileges resulted from it are the subject matter of this paper. The special attention is paid to the importance of Vestals for Rome and Romans in various historic moments, and to the purifying rituals performed by Vestals on behalf of the Roman state’s fortune. The study presents probable dating and possible causes of the end of the College of the Vestals in Rome. Keywords: Vesta, vestals, priesthood, priestesses, rituals Słowa kluczowe: Westa, westalki, kapłaństwo, kapłanki, rytuały Vesta and her priestesses Plutarch was not certain to which of the Roman kings attribute the implementation of the cult of Vesta in Rome, for he indicated that it had been done either by the legendary king- priest Numa Pompilius or even Romulus, who himself being a son of a Vestal Virgin, according to the legend, transferred the cult of the goddess from Alba Longa,1 which was contradicted by Livy’s work that categorically attributes the establishment of the Vestal Virgins to Numa by removing the priesthood structure from Alba Longa and providing it with support from the state treasury as well as by granting the priestesses numerous privileges”.2 Vesta, the daughter of Saturn and Ops became one of the most important 1 Plut.
    [Show full text]
  • An Examination of the Fasti Praenestini Julia C
    The Roman Calendar as an Expression of Augustan Culture: An Examination of the Fasti Praenestini Julia C. Hernández Around the year 6 AD, the Roman grammarian Marcus Verrius Flaccus erected a calendar in the forum of his hometown of Praeneste. The fragments which remain of his work are unique among extant examples of Roman fasti, or calendars. They are remarkable not only because of their indication that Verrius Flaccus’ Fasti Praenestini was considerably larger in physical size than the average Roman fasti, but also because of the richly detailed entries for various days on the calendar, which are substantially longer and more informative than those found on any extant calendar inscriptions. The frequent mentions of Augutus in the entries of the Fasti Praenestini, in addition to Verrius Flaccus’ personal relationship with Augustus as related by Suetonius (Suet. Gram. 17), have led some scholars, most notably Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, to interpret the creation of the Fasti Praenestini as an act of propaganda supporting the new Augustan regime.1 However, this limited interpretation fails to take into account the implications of this calendar’s unique form and content. A careful examination of the Fasti Praenestini reveals that its unusual character reflects the creative experimentation of Marcus Verrius Flaccus, the individual who created it, and the broad interests of the Roman public, by whom it was to be viewed. The uniquness of the Fasti Praenestini among inscribed calendars is matched by Ovid’s literary expression of the calendar composed in elegiac couplets. This unprecedented literary approach to the calendar has garnered much more attention from scholars over the years than has the Fasti Praenestini.
    [Show full text]
  • OVID and the APOTHEOSIS of ROMULUS.* Anne Gosling
    ACTA CLASSICA XLV (2002) 51-(,9 ISSN0065-IUI SENDING UP THE FOUNDER: OVID AND THE APOTHEOSIS OF ROMULUS. * Anne Gosling University ofNatal, Durban ABSTRACT A comparative reading of Ovid's accounts of the apotheosis of Romulus (Mer. 14.805-28 and Fasti 2.481-512) reveals significant echoes and variatious. Striking divergences from other sources (Cicero, Livy and Dionysius ofHalicamassus) are also apparent. Ovid shows no (overt) interest in the political background, suppresses Romulus' military aspect, and is more concerned with fabulous elements. Yet his own stylistic emphases. and a nexus of resonances between the Metamorphoses and Fasti, with echoes ofAen. 6.851-53 and Aen. 1.292-93, pointedly siluate Romulus in the civil sphere as lawgiver, an interesting perspective in the light ofAugustan propaganda and the inescapable elements of fraternal strife and murder in Rome's foundation legend. By ellipsis and allusion Ovid constructs an image of Romulus which interrogates the AUguSUln ethos WId connects with the wider themes ofthe Fasti, particularly the rejection ofmilitarism and the celebration ofthe arts of peace. Recent readings of Ovid's later poetry - Metamorphoses, Fasli and the poems of exile - have concentrated on two aspects in particular: the situatiou ofhis work within the broader historical and cultural context of the Augustan age, and his intertextual resonances with earlier and • An earlier version of this paper was read at the conference on Augustan Poetry and the Traditions ofAncient Histariography beld at the University of Durham from 31 August 10 3 September 1999. I am grateful to the University of Nata! for l\mding to enable me to attend this conference, and to the conference participants in Durham and in the Classics Graduate Colloquium at the University ofNata! in Durban for stimulating and challenging discussion.
    [Show full text]
  • The Triumph of Flora
    Myths of Rome 01 repaged 23/9/04 1:53 PM Page 1 1 THE TRIUMPH OF FLORA 1.1 TIEPOLO IN CALIFORNIA Let’s begin in San Francisco, at the California Palace of the Legion of Honor in Lincoln Park. Through the great colonnaded court, past the Corinthian columns of the porch, we enter the gallery and go straight ahead to the huge Rodin group in the central apse that dominates the visitor’s view. Now look left. Along a sight line passing through two minor rooms, a patch of colour glows on the far wall. We walk through the Sichel Glass and the Louis Quinze furniture to investigate. The scene is some grand neo-classical park, where an avenue flanked at the Colour plate 1 entrance by heraldic sphinxes leads to a distant fountain. To the right is a marble balustrade adorned by three statues, conspicuous against the cypresses behind: a muscular young faun or satyr, carrying a lamb on his shoulder; a mature goddess with a heavy figure, who looks across at him; and an upright water-nymph in a belted tunic, carrying two urns from which no water flows. They form the static background to a riotous scene of flesh and drapery, colour and movement. Two Amorini wrestle with a dove in mid-air; four others, airborne at a lower level, are pulling a golden chariot or wheeled throne, decorated on the back with a grinning mask of Pan. On it sits a young woman wearing nothing but her sandals; she has flowers in her hair, and a ribboned garland of flowers across her thighs.
    [Show full text]
  • Nota Bene-- C:\USERS\GRAF.65\DESKTOP
    CHAPTER F IVE THE L UPERCALIA F ROM A UGUSTUS TO C ONSTANTINE P ORPHYROGENITUS LUPERCALIA AFTER A UGUSTUS Like many other festivals of the city of Rome, the Lupercalia became almost invisible during the first three centuries of the Imperial epoch. Only because of their special social cachet did the Luperci and their rites not entirely become invisible during the imperial centuries. Theirs was the only priestly sodalitas that Augustus reserved for the knights, whereas all other sodalitates became the privilege of the senatorial aristocracy. To be made a lupercus turned into a highly- coveted status symbol of “near-aristocracy” that was publicly marked with the statue of the new lupercus already in Julio-Claudian times – a new habit of this age, as the Elder Pliny tells us, himself of an equestrian background 1. Inscriptions from both Rome and the provinces show how to be adlected a lupercus in Rome was viewed as an important early step of an equestrian cursus honorum ; sacris ____________________________ 1Plin. Nat. 34.18: Among the Roman innovations in the iconography of statues Lupercorum habitu tam noviciae sunt quam quae nuper prodiere paenulis indutae ; see Veyne (1960), 105. – On the transformation of the Lupercalia between Caesar and Augustus see Ferriès (2009). -2- Festivals in the Greek East lupercalibus functo , “to have performed one’s duty as a lupercus” remained a major career step through most of the imperial age 2. The last lupercus whom we meet in inscriptions is L. Crepereius Rogatus, vir clarissimus , a member of the senatorial elite of the earlier fourth century, a young man when Diocletian came to power 3.
    [Show full text]