RESOLVED Japan Needs a Two-Party System
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Nishimura | Chasing the Conservative Dream Research Chasing the Conservative Dream: Why Shinzo Abe Failed to Revise the Constitution of Japan Rintaro Nishimura This paper examines the role of domestic actors in shaping Japan’s constitutional debate during Shinzo Abe’s time as prime minister. Based on a holistic analysis of the prevailing literature and the role of the public, leadership, and other political actors, this study finds that Abe was unable to garner enough support from the public or fellow lawmakers to push his version of proposed revisions to the Constitution of Japan. The paper identifies the wide spectrum of views that exist on the issue and how revising the constitution is viewed as a challenge against prevailing norms. Public opinion remains opposed to revision and the inability of lawmakers to build consensus on what to amend stymies the process further. Abe seems to have had a grasp on the political climate, opting to pursue constitutional revision largely for electoral purposes. Introduction Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced his decision to step down in August 2020.1 Japan’s longest-serving prime minister left behind a mixed legacy defined by electoral and foreign policy achievements, as well as a period of economic stagnation and string of political scandals.2 But what best defines Abe’s political career will undoubtedly be his desire, and ultimate failure, to revise the seventy-four-year-old Constitution of Japan (COJ). Although Abe’s failure to amend the COJ is often attributed to institutional hurdles, this paper argues that varying interests among domestic actors—from public resistance to militarism, to the prime minister’s agenda, and lawmakers’ scattered inter- ests regarding what exactly to amend—ultimately determined the fate of his political 1 Eric Johnston and Satoshi Sugiyama, “Abe to resign over health, ending era of political stability,” Japan Times, August 28, 2020, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2020/08/28/national/politics-di- plomacy/shinzo-abe-resign/. -
JAPAN: the Silence Defeated Suga, As Eyes Turn Now to Kono
Asia | September 3, 2021 JAPAN: The silence defeated Suga, as eyes turn now to Kono ● Strategic silence from Abe and Aso undermined Yoshihide Suga, but the prime minister’s own gambits hastened his departure. ● Taro Kono is set to enter the race as the favorite, and Kishida may now be joined by Ishiba and other candidates. ● The LDP’s prospects for the general election will now improve, as will the likelihood of another stimulus package The dominos all fell quickly at the end. Perhaps the chief factor in Yoshihide Suga’s decision to step down from his positions as party president and prime minister was the ongoing silence of two of the kingmakers, his boss of eight years and former PM Shinzo Abe, and his current deputy PM and Finance Minister Taro Aso. Their lack of public support created the space for doubts to fester in Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) circles about whether the factionally-unaligned premier would secure the votes to repeat his unlikely victory of 12 months ago. Suga also hastened his own departure with two consequential gambits this week – first floating the idea of a snap September election that resulted in blowback from jittery party colleagues, then presenting several prominent names with a back-me-or-I’ll-sack-myself ultimatum with his plan to reshuffle top posts only weeks before the party vote. Environment Minister Junichiro Koizumi and others ultimately seem to have concluded that Suga’s offers of promotion were akin to being given front-row deck chairs on the Titanic. The leadership race opens The incumbent’s withdrawal leaves the field open in the party leadership race. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
Mizuho Economic Outlook & Analysis
Mizuho Economic Outlook & Analysis Policy Issues facing the Abe Administration in the final stage of Abenomics - Looking beyond to “post-Abenomics” - October 10, 2018 Copyright Mizuho Research Institute Ltd. All Rights Reserved. Contents 1. Policy Issues of the Abe Administration [ Overview ] P 3 2. Key Policy Issues of the Abe Administration [ Details ] P 4 3. Future Points of Focus P 12 4. Shift in Priorities of Abenomics P 13 Conclusion P 14 1 Summary The Liberal Democratic Party leadership election held in September 2018 saw LDP President (Prime Minister) Shinzo Abe capture his third consecutive victory and party leadership for the next three years. During his last three-year term under the LDP constitution, the Abe administration needs to complete the final stage of Abenomics and draw up a roadmap for the post-Abenomics era. Over the past nearly six years, the Abe administration has promoted its economic policy featuring “three arrows” and “three new arrows,” and the policy has demonstrated certain achievements, for example, substantial progress made in overcoming deflation. But Japan’s full-fledged economic recovery is only halfway down the road. In the coming years, the government needs to advance its policy agenda below and address important medium- and long-term issues. This report examines (1) consumption tax increase, (2) fiscal consolidation, (3) monetary policy, (4) growth strategy, (5) social security, (6) employment, and (7) regional revitalization as the government’s key policy issues. Japan is facing numerous domestic and foreign affairs challenges, including changing the current Japanese era name, the Upper House election, chairing the G20 summit in 2019, and hosting the Tokyo 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games. -
2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe Wins a New Mandate
At a glance October 2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe wins a new mandate Shinzō Abe won the snap elections he called for the lower house on 22 October 2017. Despite her popularity, Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike failed to convince the electorate to oust a prime minister in charge since December 2012. The newly created Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan became the main opposition force in the House of Representatives. In coalition with Kōmeitō, Abe's Liberal Democratic Party holds a two-thirds majority enabling it to pass constitutional amendments. The outcome of the 22 October 2017 elections On 22 October 2017, elections for the lower chamber (House of Representatives) of Japan's Parliament took place. Turnout was 53.69 %, reversing a long-term declining trend (2014 had seen a record low of 52.66 %) despite a powerful typhoon that might have encouraged voters to stay at home. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was confirmed as the country's largest party, with 281 seats. Its partner Kōmeitō obtained 29 seats. With a combined 310 seats, they retain two thirds of the lower chamber, the majority needed to revise the Constitution, one of Abe's goals. The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ) became the main opposition party, obtaining 54 seats. The CDPJ is Japan’s smallest main opposition party since 1955. Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike's Kibō no Tō (Party of Hope) obtained 50 seats. Shinzō Abe won his fourth mandate. Grandson of Nobusuke Kishi, prime minister in the 1950s, his first mandate was from September 2006 to September 2007, when he became, at 52, Japan’s youngest post-War prime minister and the first to have been born after the war. -
Japan Covid-19 Update 28 May 2020 This Report Covers the Latest
Japan Covid-19 update 28 May 2020 This report covers the latest developments in Japan in relation to the Covid-19 crisis, including current restrictions, economic measures and the political impact. Latest figures As of 27 May, Japan has: • 17,396 confirmed cases (including 712 on the cruise ship Diamond Princess) • 878 deaths (including 14 on the Diamond Princess) • GDP decreased by 0.9% quarter-on-quarter, in Q2 2020 (3.4% annualised) • Private consumption down 0.7% quarter-on-quarter • 6.0% fall in exports • 4.9% fall in imports Nationwide end to state of emergency On 25 May, the government announced the end of the nationwide state of emergency, a week ahead of schedule. The state of emergency, introduced on 7 April, was gradually lifted during May, starting from prefectures with lower infection rates. The decision was made based on three criteria: an infection rate during the previous week of less than 0.5 per 100,000; sufficient healthcare capacity; and sufficient polymerase chain reaction (PCR) testing capability. Some restrictions remain in place (see Table 1), however, and will be reviewed every three weeks. Local variations are likely to continue, based on decisions made by local governors. Minister of State for Economic and Fiscal Policy, Yasutoshi Nishimura, in charge of Covid-19 countermeasures, stated that a state of emergency could be reintroduced if necessary, also depending on three factors: the rate of new infections during the preceding week; the time for the infection rate to double; and the proportion of infections occurring via unidentified routes. Although entry restrictions on foreign nationals remain in place, the government has begun planning to reopen the borders in phases. -
Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations
Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Arthur Alexander, Editor www.mansfieldfdn.org The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, Washington, D.C. ©2018 by The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation All rights reserved. Published in the United States of America Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942756 The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation or its funders. Contributors Amy Catalinac, Assistant Professor, New York University Yulia Frumer, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University Robert Hoppens, Associate Professor, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley Nori Katagiri, Assistant Professor, Saint Louis University Adam P. Liff, Assistant Professor, Indiana University Ko Maeda, Associate Professor, University of North Texas Reo Matsuzaki, Assistant Professor, Trinity College Matthew Poggi Michael Orlando Sharpe, Associate Professor, City University of New York Jolyon Thomas, Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Kristin Vekasi, Assistant Professor, University of Maine Joshua W. Walker, Managing Director for Japan and Head of Global Strategic Initiatives, Office of the President, Eurasia Group U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Advisory Committee Dr. Susan J. Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer Professor -
JAPAN: Suga's Cabinet Offers Bland Continuity but Honeymoon Is Still Likely
Asia | September 16, 2020 JAPAN: Suga’s cabinet offers bland continuity but honeymoon is still likely ● Yoshihide Suga was officially selected as Japan’s prime minister by the Diet on Wednesday, 16 September. ● Suga’s cabinet retains ten members from its predecessor, but the new members contain few politicians who will raise excitement about the government. ● The new government will still enjoy healthy approval ratings, which could tempt Suga to call a snap election. In his first press conference Wednesday, Suga stressed that combating the Covid-19 pandemic and helping the economy recover its consequences after a historic contraction will be his top priorities, signaling that he wants an orderly transition from the Abe administration. However, while Suga will likely enjoy a honeymoon period at the outset of his government, he faces a challenging policy environment and the new cabinet lineup, announced on Wednesday, could contain some potential liabilities. The most notable feature of the new cabinet is personnel continuity. Half of the cabinet – ten of 20 ministers – are holdovers from the Abe cabinet, with new Chief Cabinet Secretary Katsunobu Kato and new Administrative Reform Minister Taro Kono moving over from the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare (MHLW) and Ministry of Defense (MOD) respectively. Other notable holdovers included Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi, Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Taro Aso, Economy, Trade, and Industry Minister Hiroshi Kajiyama, Economic Revitalization Minister Yasutoshi Nishimura, and Environment Minister Shinjiro Koizumi. In other words, the top-tier posts – and the posts most relevant for managing the most urgent issues he faces – were mostly left unchanged. -
AISR 20202123 Sukeui Sohn.Hwp
Asian International Studies Review Sukeui Vol. 21 Sohn No.2 (December 2020): 55-77 55 Received September 15, 2020 Revised December 4, 2020 Accepted December 11, 2020 Examining Opposition Realignment and Japan’s Rightward Shift in the 2017 General Election* Sukeui Sohn** The purpose of this study to examine the degree of ‘rightward shift’ among Japanese politicians as well as voters by analyzing the result of the 2017 general election, particularly focusing on the split of Democratic Party (minshintō) and the consequent realignment of opposition bloc between moderate conservatives, represented by Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (rikken minshutō), and hardline conservatives who joined newly-established Party of Hope (kibō no tō). Particularly, the district-level analysis of eighty-five districts reveal that the moderate-hardline alignment among voters appears to be solidified, and there seems low level of vote mobilities between the two blocs. Instead, the electoral results indicate that political parties are competing one another within its respective blocs. While the overall tendency of new voters to support new rightwing party may serve as one of indicators to elucidate Japan’s rightward shift, given the ambiguity of candidates’ positions on constitutional revisions as well as poor performance of PoH candidates against CDPJ, it is questionable whether such trend can be accounted for permanent or holistic shift to the rightist ideology. Keywords: Rightward Shift (ukeika), Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), Party of Hope, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), The 2017 General Election, Opposition Realignment * This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2019S1A6A3A02102886). -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No. -
Japanese Swords As Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media
Volume 19 | Issue 7 | Number 1 | Article ID 5564 | Apr 01, 2021 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Japanese Swords as Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media Kohki Watabe Abstract: This essay analyses the Japanese revisionism, nationalism, symbolism of sword boom in popular media in the 21st Japanese swords, Touken Ranbu century, situating Touken Ranbu, an online video game franchise, within its wider political and historical context. In the first two decades of the 21st century, government, commercial, Introduction and semi-public institutions, such as museums, extensively deployed positive depictions of In the 2010s, Japan's media culture witnessed a Japanese swords in popular media, including phenomenon that could be termed a Japanese anime, manga, TV, and films in public relations sword boom, evident in forms from manga and campaigns. As a historical ideological icon, anime to video games and films. The swords have been used to signify class in the transmedia popularity of sword iconography Edo period (1603-1868) and to justify the has influenced public relations strategies of Japanese Empire’s expansion into Asia during companies and governments and encouraged the Asia-Pacific War (1931-1945). Bycollaborations among public and private emphasizing the object's symbolism andsectors. Arguably, the most notable example of aestheticism, the sword boom of the 21st this phenomenon is a video game called Touken century is following a similar trajectory. Ranbu and its transmedia franchise. Taken Popular representations of swords in media together, these trends represent a fascination culture selectively feature historical episodes with the trope of the sword: some that are deemed politically uncontroversial and representations are historically grounded while beneficial for promoting a sense of national others are radically decontextualized; some pride. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general.