Video Game Localisation of Japanese Gender Role Language: Analysing multilingual role-playing game Bravely Default.
By: Beau Altenaar 10466932
University of Amsterdam
Supervisor: dhr. dr. E.R.G. (Eric) Metz Second reader: prof. dr. I.B. Smits
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Table of Contents 1. Transcription Notes and Abbreviations ...... 4 2. Theoretical Framework ...... 7 2.1. Game Localisation ...... 8 2.2. Gender ...... 11 2.3. Japanese Gender Role Language ...... 12 2.4. English Gender Role Language ...... 18 2.5. Politeness and Formality ...... 26 2.5. Neomedievalism ...... 27 3. Methodology ...... 28 3.1. Material ...... 28 3.1.1. The Video Game: Bravely Default ...... 28 3.1.2. Extracted Data ...... 29 3.1.3. Characters of Interest ...... 31 3.2. Analysis Method ...... 34 3.2.1. Source Text Analysis: Applying Tokens of Japanese Gender Role Language ...... 35 3.2.1.1. Japanese Gender Role Language: Person Deixis ...... 37 3.2.1.2. Japanese Gender Role Language: Grammar Tokens ...... 51 3.2.2. Target Text Analysis: Determining Tokens of English Gender Role Language ...... 75 3.2.2.1. AntConc ...... 75 3.2.2.2. English Gender Speech Style Characteristics ...... 77 4. Analysis and Results ...... 79 4.1. ST Analysis: JGRL Usage Profiles ...... 79 4.2. Pre-TT Analysis Notes: Compromising Issues ...... 88 4.3. TT Analysis: AntConc Findings...... 90 4.4 Qualitative Analysis: Results ...... 94 5. Conclusion ...... 97 Bibliography ...... 99 Appendix A: Characters of Interest ...... 108 Appendix B: Transcript Bravely Default ...... Separate file Appendix C: AntConc Results and Keyword Lists ...... 112
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Language, translation, and video games have an interesting, interactional relation. For example, while Lee (1976, 995) spoke of the then-new loan word waifu, used to refer to one’s female spouse back in 1976; today, when one performs a YouTube search of ‘waifu’, the query results list countless English Western-made videos showcasing the uploader’s beloved, who originates from an anime, manga or video game. Indeed, English has loaned the loan word waifu which originates from English. Naturally, a global market necessitates translation of products, in this case video games. During the last couple of decades, various problems have arisen related to translation of this interactive new-media text source. This has resulted in the concept of video game localisation—a name which deliberately avoids the word ‘translation’, as
O’Hagan and Mangiron (2013, 106:100) have stated. O’Hagan and Mangiron (2013, 106:149) prefer to label the process of video game localisation as transcreation, which celebrates the creativity involved more than a label such as translation.
The video game industry is currently enjoying an unforeseen prosperous growth, generating $116.0 billion in video game revenues globally (Newzoo 2017). For example, while
AppLift (2014) in 2014 had predicted the total revenue of the mobile games market to double in
2017 to $35.4 billion, Newzoo (2017) has recently reported that the global mobile games market will have generated $50.04 billion by the end of 2017. One of the reasons mobile gaming is seeing such astonishing success, is undoubtedly the lucrative release of the mobile game
Pokémon GO which generated $470 million in its first 80 days, with one in every four smartphones downloading the mobile game (Newzoo 2016). This economic overview should help to make clear the immense amount of texts involved, and therefore the necessitated translation or localisation work.
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Localisation of video games from Japanese into English seemingly predominates the game localisation industry. The Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry has detailed
that the Japanese export market of video games is more than 80 times as big as the import
market (O’Hagan 2007, 242). However, Japanese is rich with many unique—or rather, not-in-
English-occurring—features such as its Kanji ‘Chinese Characters’ writing which enables
considerably more information than Western writing to be displayed using the space of only a
few characters. Many properties of Japanese have complicated the video game localisation
process this way. Japanese is, for example: a pro-drop language; abundant with homophones,
which allows for many plays on words; heavily reliant on implied and often unspoken
contextual information; etc. These examples result in space shortage due to Western languages
simply needing more characters or context to transfer equivalent meaning.
The present thesis, however, analyses yet another Japanese linguistic idiosyncrasy and
translation thereof: Japanese gender role language—the Japanese language usage segmented
according to linguistic gender ideology. The video game analysed as case study is Bravely
Default (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2013a, 2013b), of which the first three chapters form the
data of the present thesis. Concretely formulated, the present thesis attempts to analyse and
draw conclusions from the research question: How has Bravely Default translated Japanese
gender role language?
By analysing issues further complicating the video game localisation process, the
present thesis attempts to contribute meaningfully to current discussions regarding role
language, Japanese women’s language, language and gender, and equivalence in translation.
These issues include female usage of male Japanese gender role language (hereafter: JGRL),
censorship in localised video games, and lack of a prominently gendered English usage system.
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1. Transcription Notes and Abbreviations
The romanization of the data extracted for analysis largely abides by the Modified
Hepburn romanization system which the Library of Congress has adopted as the ALA-LC romanization system for Japanese.1 However, the transcription of the Japanese data in the
present thesis does differ from Modified Hepburn on the following five points.
Accusative marker を is transcribed as ‘wo’, and both the hiragana づ and its katakana
counterpart ヅ are transcribed as ‘dzu’ and ‘DZU’, respectively. を is transcribed as ‘wo’ to
enable differentiation between を ‘wo’ and お ‘o’. づ and ヅ are transcribed as ‘dzu’ and ‘DZU’ to distinguish them from ず ‘zu’ and ズ ’ZU’.
Prefixes and suffixes are hyphenated to the compound word to which they are affixed.
The types of these compound words are abundant, of which some common examples are:
o Counters: 九番 kyuu-ban ‘number nine’, 一人 hito-ri ‘one person’, 一度 ichi-do ‘once’;
o Address suffixes (least to most intimate): さん -san, 君 -kun, ちゃん -chan;
o Honorific pre- and suffixes: 御父君 o-chichi-gimi ‘your father’, 様 -sama ‘Lord’;
o Regular pre- and suffixes: 大 dai- ‘large’, べき -beki ‘should’; and,
o Auxiliaries: くれる -kureru ‘to do something for me’, 始める -hajimeru ‘to begin doing’;
o Auxiliary suffixes: らしい -rashii ‘seemingly’, づらい -dzurai ‘hard to’;
1. ALA-LC Romanization Tables: Transliteration Schemes for Non-Roman Scripts. Compiled and edited by Randall K. Barry. Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1997. Also available at: http://www.loc.gov/catdir/cpso/roman.html.
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Furthermore, the object and multipurpose verb suru ‘to do’ of morphologically incorporated verbal nouns are transcribed separately, i.e. nouns are transcribed separately from the succeeding verb suru when they form a verbal noun (Miyamoto 1999, 4–6). For example, 操縦する ‘to fly; to pilot’ is transcribed as soujuu suru.
Of both the hiragana and the katakana syllabaries, long vowel combinations are transcribed separately—without macrons. For example, お父様 (おとうさま) ： o- + to + u + -
sama = o-tou-sama ‘Father’.2 The only exception is in case of specific reference to the Japanese
original of the video game: BUREIBURĪ DEFORUTO: FŌZA SHĪKUWERU [Japanese katakana-title: 『ブレイ
ブリーデフォルトフォーザ・シークウェル』; English title: Bravely Default: For the Sequel].
Finally, all text originally rendered in katakana is transcribed using small caps in the main body of the present thesis—see, for example, the Japanese original title of Bravely Default
in the previous sentence—and using capital letters in the data. Table 1 below clarifies all
abbreviations used for glossing as well as those used in the main text.
2. Note that the kanji writing makes up most of the Japanese written language and is severely more intricate than the syllabaries. For example, 父 ‘father’ in above example is such a kanji or ‘Chinese character’. While in the example its pronunciation is tou, should the character occur independently of an address suffix (which in above example is -sama), its pronunciation is chichi which also denotes ‘father’. The present thesis uses identical formatting for transcription of hiragana and kanji text.
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Table 1. List of Abbreviations
3 Abbreviations Unabbreviated form; details ACC Accusative ADV Adverbial particle
ATT Attributive conjugation or suffix COM Comitative CONN Connective; continuative conjugation COP (POL.COP) Copula (Polite Copula) DAT Dative EMPH Emphatic particle GEN Genitive HON Honorific pre- or suffix HORT Hortative; ‘Let’s [V]’ i -A i-adjective; adjectival; verbal adjective; true adjective INT Interrogative [particle]; sentence- or embedded clause-final INTJ Interjection, usually sentence-initial IMP; PROH Imperative and Prohibitive conjugation or construction NA Nominal Adjective; na- adjective; pseudonominal NEG Negative conjugation NMLZ Nominaliser; Nominalising particle NOM Nominative NP Noun Phrase NPST Present or Future Tense; Non-Past Tense PL Plural suffix PR Phonological Reduction PRED; PRED.COP Predicate; Predicative Copula POT Potential conjugation PST Past Tense QP Quantifier Particle QUOT Quotative SFP Sentence-Final Particle TOP Topic particle TSU Glottal stop used for emphasis or sudden halt in speaking[3] V Verb stem; or collectively refers to all V types/inflections iØ Zero-copula or Zero-interrogative Abbreviations used in main text JGRL Japanese Gender Role Language N / M / F Gendered language: Neutral, Male, Female ST / TT Source Tekst / Target Tekst V / i-A S Verbal or Adjectival Sentence
3. This usage is transcribed as ‘TSU’ and appears in this manner in the data semi-frequently. TSU ending a sentence or phrase indicates a sudden halt in pronunciation of the preceding mora/syllable. However, occasionally it is preceded by ‘…’, in which case it usually denotes a gasp, shriek, sigh, etc.
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2. Theoretical Framework
The present thesis combines knowledge of research done in several fields of study.
These fields of study are translation studies, Japanese studies, linguistics, as well as game studies. Similarly, the transcreation process, generally labelled game localisation, unites translation, video games, and, oftentimes, Japanese and English (O’Hagan and Mangiron 2013,
106:326). Game localisation differs, as the term implies, from traditional translation. Therefore,
O’Hagan and Mangiron have described this process as transcreation rather than translation; it involves several factors not or rarely encountered with translation. The following subsection discusses these factors.
The present thesis draws knowledge from several sub-domains of linguistics: sociolinguistics, discourse analysis, grammar, and ‘language, gender and sexuality’. Here, however, ‘sociolinguistics’ refers not to ‘actual language use’ per se, but rather to linguistic- ideological language usage which influences specific language patterns used by speakers, in this case based on the gender(s) speakers identify with.
Different from English, Japanese includes specific lexicon and grammar which are meant to be used either by male or female speakers. These linguistic-ideological language patterns are distributed through, among others, fictional characters in media—including video games. Kinsui (2003, 33) has named this language patterning phenomenon yakuwarigo or ‘role language’; the language ascribed to specific roles of characters based on social extralinguistic elements such as gender and age. Note that this lexicon includes synonyms, such as different words with the meaning ‘I’ or ‘you’, as well as semantically vacant grammatical particles. The present thesis discusses both types in section 3.2.
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2.1. Game Localisation
O’Hagan and Mangiron (2013, 106:17–18) have explained that abovementioned
difference between game localisation and translation is their goals. The goal of translation is to
transfer text as perfectly as possible from one language to another—either by direct or by
semantic translation. (Usually, however. the latter is the preferred method of translation.) By
contrast, the goal of game localisation is to recreate the ‘player experience’ using the ST as
adaptable source. Mandiberg (2015, 242–43) has interpreted the means to meet this end as
preventing any out-of-place elements due to conflicting cultural elements or references.
O’Hagan and Mangiron’s interpretation of game localisation as transcreation seems affirmed
by game localisation and development company DeNA in a recent event which had the
customer service of DeNA state that the original and global versions of the mobile game Final
Fantasy Record Keeper are to be considered as two different games (SquallLeonhartVIII 2016).
This is an exceptional case, however, but it does show a certain freedom translators exercise during game localisation.
Issues arising during game localisation are typically related to culture-specific content
and cultural references, synchronisation, word jokes, and censorship (Mandiberg 2009, sec. 5.
Impossibility of Translation). Listed below are examples of several solutions to such issues and,
regarding the video game Kingdom Hearts (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2002), issues caused
by game localisation. Case studies of research regarding game localisation have mentioned and
analysed these examples. Some of these issues arise during literary and audio-visual
translation as well, while others are more exclusive to game localisation. However, they are all
indicative of abovementioned freedom exercised by translators during game localisation.
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Final Fantasy X (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2001) in Mangiron (2004, sec. Constraints in Video Games Localization). o Main female protagonist Yuna’s final valediction to main male protagonist Tidus was localised from arigatou ‘thank you’ into ‘I love you’. Mangiron has noted that this localisation decision had generated controversy among the users of the English version. The users expressed dissatisfaction regarding this phrase, arguing the translated phrase was—in Vinay and Darbelnet’s (1995) terms—explicitation of an element that had remained implied throughout the whole story, and—in Reiss and Vermeer’s (1984) terms—lack of coherence with the feeling of the Final Fantasy series.
Final Fantasy X-2 (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2003) in O’Hagan (2005, 80–82, 2009, 159). o Yuna performs two songs in the sequel to Final Fantasy X. During localisation, translators decided to not use a translated version of a song provided by the artist of its Japanese original.4 Instead, they opted instead for a version sung by an American singer with its lyrics rewritten. The lyrics of these two versions differed considerably; for example, the provided lyrics included the chorus line: ‘Those thousand words, have never been spoken’. In the International version of the video game, this line appears as: ‘‘Cause a thousand words, call out through the ages’. To make matters worse, for the re-release of the game, which includes only English voice acting, the lyrics of the original song are the subtitles of the American-made version, effectively disregarding any translational changes made during localisation
o For the sake of ‘text and image synchrony’ (O’Hagan and Mangiron 2004, 59), in one scene the motion of Yuna’s head was altered from nodding in response to shaking her head. This results from the linguistic difference in negative answers to negative questions. Take, for example, the negative question: ‘That is not the case?’. ‘In Japanese, one replies with ‘yes, that is not the case’; as opposed to English, where one replies with ‘no, that is not the case’.
4. The song referred to is entitled “1000 の言葉” [Sen no Kotoba, ‘A Thousand Words’] released by Japanese music artist Koda Kumi (2003).
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Kingdom Hearts (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2002) in Mandiberg (2009, sec. 6. Localization’s Failure; and sec. 2. The Games).
o Peculiar, yet intentional and systematic, usage of Japanese kanji and katakana writings for, respectively, ‘Magic’ and ‘Item’ vocabulary, as well as the connotative notions tied to these writing systems are lost in the TT. These notions are, as Mandiberg has stated, transnational; kanji—as well as hiragana—characters chiefly serve as characters of ‘indigenous’ language, while katakana characters spell language originating from foreign languages. Here ‘indigenous’ denotes Japanese and Chinese.
o Rhetoric regarding complex international political issues is lost in the TT; as Mandiberg has stated, this loss results from alteration of part of the text’s content containing thematically recurrent elements of transnationalism (as well as extratextual elements and abovementioned dual writing system usage).
o Japanese re-release, the Final Mix version, which only includes English voice acting, deprives Japan of its authority over the video game by framing it as an English product with Japanese subtitles.
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2.2. Gender
At the heart of the present thesis lies the sociological concept ‘gender’. The present
thesis adopts the view of Lorber (1994) on gender, a view that is based on the pioneering
gender research of West and Zimmerman (1987). This view entails that gender is not based on
sex, rather it is a social construct, constructed by society’s constant performing of gender.
Gender-appropriate behaviour is applauded or, at the very least, not scolded or frowned upon.
On the other hand, gender-inappropriate behaviour is. Imagine a male high school student coming to class wearing a dress. The reactions he will receive are the essence of ‘performing gender’ or, in other words, gender appropriation. It is likely his classmates will laugh at him, call him names, perhaps even physically assault him. By indoctrinating one another, like in above hypothetical scenario, individuals of society shape gender norms—norms dictating what each gender should do and how to do it appropriately.
Lorber (1994, 62) has added the notion of gender inequality. This inequality, according to
Lorber, has ingrained itself deep into society. Performing gender, then, systematically worsens the conditions of the socially weaker or weakest gender of a society, reinforcing social stratification with that disadvantaged gender occupying the stratum subordinate to the socially stronger gender or genders. This applies disturbingly well to Japanese women’s language (discussed below), which multiple research studies have noted to be soft, polite and devoid of assertiveness (Reynolds 1990, 136; Takano 2005, 634; Okamoto 1995, 1997; Ohara
2000). Japanese gendered language, then, is the ‘script’ of gender performers, metaphorically speaking. These Japanese gender performers are readily observable, especially in media such as video games, manga and anime series; in other words, linguistic ideology permeates the text fictional characters speak.
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2.3. Japanese Gender Role Language
Kinsui (2000, later republished in Kinsui, 2007) coined the term yakuwarigo ‘role
language’, explicating a linguistic ideology which segregates usage of Japanese into various
patterns strongly evoking specific social stereotypes. Kinsui (2000, 2003, 2007) has originally
described role language as specific language usage which connotes specific characters or
personae, as well as language usage perceived as natural to be used by these specific personae.
These personae include stereotypes based on, among others, gender, age, social class,
personality, etc.; furthermore, ‘language usage’ denotes both lexicon and grammar (2003, 205).
Thus, for instance, by reading a scripted line of spoken Japanese text, one is able—assuming it
contains role language—to deduce from its vocabulary and grammatical construction whether
the character who is supposed to speak that line is male or female, senior or teenager or child,
meek or assertive, etc.
More recently, Kinsui and Yamakido (2015) have elucidated this concept of JGRL as
being linguistic stereotypes based on society and culture and being a subset of ‘character
language’, which constitutes speech patterns used to create the identities of the myriad of
fictional characters in popular media. In other words, character language is the language usage
of specific characters which include role language. Though, possibly a variety of different, or
even contradictory, types of role language. Through such role language combinations,
characters are given identity. For example, Hiramoto (2013) in her study of translation of JGRL in popular media, has stated that female villains often use male-gendered role language.
Furthermore, Hiramoto has stated that characters who do not embody social ideals, for example, older or unattractive female characters, tend to use male-gendered role language.
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Hiramoto and Park (Hiramoto 2012, 6) have defined Kinsui’s concept of yakuwarigo ‘role language’ as fundamental in creating identities for fictional characters in mass media. In addition, Hiramoto and Park (ibid.) have stated that this attributing of role language to
‘appropriate’ characters is reinforcing stereotypes through ‘iconisation’ and ‘erasure’.
‘Iconisation’ denotes the process of naturalisation (Hiramoto 2012, 59), the forming of social norms which are perceived as natural or self-evident. Furthermore, Hiramoto (2012, 2–3) and
Park (2009, 548) have identified ‘linguistic regimentation’ in mediatised texts—e.g., video games, anime, etc.—as part of the cause of this self-enhancing naturalisation process.
Regulating language usage according to linguistic ideals through assignment of JGRL to
‘appropriate’ personae is done in order to linguistically satisfy an as large as possible audience
(Hiramoto 2012, 2-3). Subsequently, this leads to ‘erasure’; to deviations of the norm disappearing from mediatised texts (Hiramoto 2012, 3). Put differently, behavioural and speech patterns not conforming to social (linguistic) ideology are not utilised to create identity of characters; unless these characters are either rendered unattractive or antagonists, such as female antagonists consistently using male-gendered language.
Conversely, there is an exception to this rigid separation of male and female JGRL.
Sakata (1991, 121–22) has deduced from her study that when mothers speak regarding ‘male activities’ to their male children, male JGRL is used frequently. These ‘male activities’ include playing catch, playing with miniature cars, etc.; while ‘female activities’ include playing with kitchen set toys, playing with accessories (for example, earrings), cooking, etc. (ibid., 124).
Sakata further notes that gender-neutral activities too are permeated with gender; for example, stuffed animals contain gendered items, such as a Pooh bear being male-gendered
(ibid., 125).
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In addition, Sakata has concluded that, possibly due to the content of the mothers’ examples using female JGRL not necessarily being interrelated, female JGRL is not copied by children completely (ibid., 123-124). Thus, it is assumable that, despite defying general ideology, when speaking regarding activities associated with masculinity, female characters may use male JGRL; as well as vice versa, male characters may use female JGRL in utterances related to female activities or attributes.
However, in real life situations, female speakers of Japanese do suffer from this ultimately rigid linguistic gender division. One part of such women being, as Reynolds (1990,
135–37) has pointed out, women who have a superior position in their professional environment—for example, teachers, principals, CEOs, etc. Japanese female-gendered language is generally associated with softness, politeness and negation of assertiveness (Reynolds 1990,
136; Takano 2005, 634; Okamoto 1995, 1997; Ohara 2000). This inevitably collides with authoritative language, which is expected of one who has to exert control over a group of inferiors. Reynolds (1990, 135–36) has stated that Japanese females lack the linguistic means to realise such control. This social disadvantage of women is, however, firmly rooted into
Japanese culture and a salient feature of its language. Momoko Nakamura has identified the
Japanese linguistic ideology regarding the female gender as:
[the] three major normative ideologies are 1) women should not speak, 2) if they do, they should speak politely, and 3) they should speak indirectly. (M. Nakamura 2002, 10) Seemingly agreeing with Momoko Nakamura’s findings, Reynolds (2000, 42) has stated the
following two rules to capture the essence of Japanese female-gendered language. One being,
‘use a polite manner of speaking’; the other being, ‘use a manner of speaking which negates self-assertion’. The latter dictates female speakers to convey their lacking of assertiveness either implicitly, explicitly, or by combining those strategies.
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Reynolds (2000, 44) has explicated this last rule using the transcribed speech sample
which is included in her article. The speech was uttered by a Japanese female speaker who
combined implicit and explicit strategies to convey her message while negating self-assertion.
The linguistic technique employed by the speaker is the usage of tteiuka, a conjunctive adverb
comparable to ‘or rather’. The function of tteiuka is to explicitly state the succeeding clause is a
correction of the preceding clause; therefore, it is explicit. By itself, this construction is not
necessarily related to negating self-assertion; however, the manner in which the speaker used
it definitely is related to this process. In the analysed speech, originally one and a half minute
in length, the speaker used tteiuka 11 times. In all these instances, the speaker first utters a
clause which partly expresses what she actually wants to say, then utters tteiuka ‘or rather’,
and finally corrects her preceding clause with an ‘appropriately’ toned-down version.
This implicitly communicates, as Reynolds (2000, 44) has put it, anxiety of the speaker
regarding her internal conflict between: on the one hand, expressing that which she wants to;
and, on the other hand, social norms or linguistic ideology depriving her of the freedom to
express herself or state her opinion clearly. Reynolds (ibid., 44) has interpreted this self-
assertion negating linguistic technique as saying: ‘I want to say that I strongly believe…, but I
do not know how I can properly voice my thoughts and ideas’.5
5. Original interpretation by Reynolds (2000, 44): ‘私は……を強く信じていると言いたいのですが， でも，この私の言い方が私の信念を正しく伝えることばかどうかよくわからないんです’ [watashi wa …… wo tsuyoku shinjiteiru to iitai no desu ga, demo, kono watashi no ii-kata ga watashi no shinnen wo tadashiku tsutaeru kotoba ka douka yoku wakaranai n desu] (in-text interpretation, translation mine).
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Thus, by both explicitly uttering part of the actual message, followed by conjunctive
adverb tteiuka ‘or rather’ and the corrected message, as well as implicitly stating not being able to equivalently voice her own ideas, self-assertion is negated by combining implicit and explicit linguistic strategies. This ties in with Lakoff’s pioneering work on women’s language
(1973), which is discussed in the following subsection.
Social consequences for female speakers of Japanese who break the ‘rules’ of gender ideology are stated by Ohara (2000, 90) to ‘be linked to presumably negative attributes such as stubborn, selfish, strong, and straightforward’. Furthermore, the lower the pitch in which
Japanese women speak, ‘the more a woman [is] perceived as being likely to remain single for life’. (Also, see note 6 below.) Evidently, this consensus puts rather severe social constraints on
Japanese women and their use of language.
Finally, to concretise on a more grammatical level; JGRL contains both lexicon and grammatical constructions. The lexicon largely consists of first-person and second-person deictics (Kinsui 2003, 67; Shibatani 1990, 371; Takahara 1992); the grammar can be divided into politeness and declarative formulation (Kinsui 2003, 67; Shibamoto-Smith 1992; Ide 1982), sentence-final particles and copula usage (K. Nakamura 1997; Sakata 1991; Kinsui 2000;
Teshigawara and Kinsui 2011), and interjections (Shibatani 1990, 371).6
6. One final component of female JGRL is prosody. In Japan, women are expected to speak in high pitch, preferably combined with a nasal tone. Prosody in relation to Japanese linguistic ideology concerning gender, almost invariably the female gender, has been subject to many research studies (Ohara 1992, 1999, 1993, 1997, 2004; Loveday 1981; Van Bezooijen 1995).
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Ordinarily, all gendered language items apply only to informal or intimate speech—
Okamoto (1997, 796) as well as Mizutani and Mizutani (1987, 72) have declared that formal or
impersonal language is unsuitable for JGRL analysis. Rather, at public gatherings formal language equals polite language and is a commonly-tapped source of gender-neutral alternatives, which—to an impersonal, distanced extent— allow for evasion of gendered speech. As for written formal language, it is simply devoid of any gendered language and written in plain form without honorifics.
Specific JGRL lexicon and grammatical constructions are discussed and explicated in section 3.3 of the present thesis. At this point, it is clear the various characters appearing in the Japanese ST can be analysed and categorised based on their JGRL usage; however, qualitative analysis is required due to the many contextual nuances being at influence such as, for example, female characters temporarily ‘borrowing’ a masculine role.
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2.4. English Gender Role Language
Exact research on the subject English gender role language (hereafter: EGRL) is still scarce; however, research on the closely related subject ‘women’s language’ is not and goes back to Lakoff (1973). Lakoff has primarily discussed the impact of women’s language on the social position of females, or rather, the reinforcing role of women’s language in what Lorber
(1994) later named ‘gender inequality’, as mentioned above. Lakoff (1973) has proposed a variety of gendered linguistic characteristics of English which are listed and categorised below.
o Specialised vocabulary: terminology related to certain ‘fields’ associated with women.
o Expletives: type of interjections used to convey the strength of the speaker’s emotions regarding what is said or has occurred (Lakoff 1973, 50).
o Adjectives: words used to express the speaker’s admiration for someone or something, rather than their original meaning (Lakoff 1973, 51).
o Requests: Tag questions and tag orders: statements or orders devoid of self-assertion or confidence, providing addressee with the option to disagree with the speaker. Tag questions and tag orders end in a tone typical of confirmation-seeking questions (Lakoff 1973, 54–56, 1972). Female-gendered. Imperatives: commanding something be done (Lakoff 1973, 56). Male-gendered.
o Intonation: One particular female-gendered intonation pattern combines a declarative answer with the rising inflexion of a yes-no question (Lakoff 1973, 55–56). o Hedging: female-gendered if done in conveying one’s own disposition (Lakoff 1973, 54 n). o Formality: more recently, Lakoff (Lakoff and Bucholtz 2004, 3:106–7) has supplemented the reissue of her original 1973 article with the statement that women’s language is primarily confined to informal language use.
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Among others, Hiramoto (2013) has implemented these characteristics into the methodology of her own study on hegemonic masculinity in popular media and translation thereof. The concrete examples given by Lakoff and Hiramoto are given in section 3.2.2.2.
Several of the English gendered language characteristics noted by Lakoff seem to
correspond to the Japanese women’s language ideology attributes stated by Reynolds (2000)
and Momoko Nakamura (2002), especially to the element of negating self-assertion which is
discussed in the previous subsection. Specifically, the aspect of seeking confirmation or
approval by using tag questions and tag orders rather than statements and direct requests is
an example of an implicit linguistic strategy of negating self-assertion. Indeed, as Lakoff (1973,
54–57, 1972) has pointed out, enabling the addressee to disagree with the statement made by the speaker and to disobey the command of the speaker is characteristic of English female- gendered language usage. In other words, relocation of linguistic authority over statements and commands or requests to the addressee by using confirmation- or approval-seeking intonation is perceived as female-gendered usage of English. Thus, this relocating of linguistic authority to the addressee away from the speaker is parallel to the act of negating self-assertion; two ideological precepts perceived as ‘appropriate’ female-gendered language usage in English and
Japanese, respectively.
Lakoff has stated one specific intonation pattern to be exceedingly female-gendered.
Namely, when providing a declarative answer using intonation typical of confirmation- or approval-seeking questions, rendering it devoid of any proclamation. This intonation pattern, especially, can lead to presumptions regarding female speakers, such as being insecure or lacking the ability to decide (Lakoff 1973, 56). This seems to be an interlingual female-gendered characteristic, corresponding to the backlash of the ‘rules’ stated by Reynolds (2000).
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However, there is one different aspect at play here. In Japanese, as mentioned previously, the communicating of this inability itself has been identified as one of the fundamental ‘rules’ of JGRL ideology dictating female language use. In other words, conveying this bereft condition is desirable; one could even say it is considered a virtue or value in contemporary Japan. Nonetheless, this virtue does inevitably lead to sexist stereotyping.
Another interlingual characteristic of female-gendered language usage listed above is found in hedging in statements regarding oneself or one’s own psychological state. This is an act of explicitly negating self-assertion through relocation of linguistic authority—or, perhaps,
‘linguistic power’ describes this case more correctly—to the addressee. Since it is to be expected that not one person knows this information as accurately as does the speaker, hedging in this context is, using the words of Lakoff (1973, 54n), ‘to seek to avoid making any strong statement’—the feature which is central to the linguistic technique tteiuka as well, as mentioned above.
Closely related to gender language is the concept of stereotypes, as Kinsui (e.g., 2003,
2007) has explicated as well in his definition of JGRL. Cameron (2014, 8, original publication
1988) has defined stereotyping as attributing characteristics of an individual to a group the individual might identify with and portraying this mass-ascription as common sense knowledge. Additionally, Cameron has stressed that this process involves overgeneralisation, as well as nullification of individuality or personality. Furthermore, Cameron (ibid., 35) has stated female-gendered language to have been perceived as disfluent—due to inability to converse in predominantly male-gendered heteronormative society—and that statements had the tendency of being uttered as confirmation-seeking questions; parallel to Lakoff (1973), as mentioned above.
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Another noted feature of stereotypical female-gendered English language use
(Cameron 2014) is the apparent tendency to be used in a cooperative manner in public, mixed- gender conversations, contrary to the tendency of male-gendered language to be used in a competitive manner in similar contexts. This female-gendered language element of confirmation-seeking, again, resembles abovementioned JGRL ideology.
Talbot (2008, 472) has detailed that gender stereotypes and gender ideologies are interconnected, and are reinforcing naturalised differences between genders by
overgeneralisation, diminution and further naturalisation. This sharply contrasts the process
of ‘socially typing’ people, the basis of getting to know someone (ibid. 2008, 472–73). According
to Talbot (ibid., 473), one acquaints oneself with somebody’s identity on a deep level through
amassed ‘social typing’. This entails utilisation of numerous classificatory schemata as
reference; for example, social position, communities identified with, characteristic features,
etc. Evidently, this is a heavily time-invested process.
On the other hand, stereotyping ‘reduces and simplifies’ (Talbot 2008, 473), whereby it reinforces present-day social hierarchy and divides people into the ‘normal’ and the
‘abnormal’. Take, for example, the presumption that women are unskilful drivers—this
conjecture is reified when a male or mixed-gender group of people sees a driver having trouble
with, for example, parallel parking, and notice the troubled driver is female. It does not seem
unlikely that one of the (likely male) spectators will utter something along the lines of: ‘Of
course, it’s a woman trying to park.’ Remarks of this kind—be it a joke or serious—actually reify
the conjecture that women are unskilful drivers, rendering it stereotypical or creating a
commonsensical air around the negative attribute.
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Thus, the simplifying and misdescribing of typical male and female behaviour, and proclaiming of deficits as gender differences (such as parallel parking) is maintaining present- day social supremacy favouring only normative, usually heterosexual (Kiesling 2006, 2005;
Hiramoto 2013), males, i.e. heterosexual normativity. This micro-levelled sustenance of heteronormative hegemony does undoubtedly more often occur subconsciously than deliberately; nonetheless, it does strengthen the construction of gender stereotypes.
Talbot (2008, 473) has, furthermore, stated that gender stereotypes operate as ideological role models which indoctrinate society in what sort of behaviour is supposedly good and what sort is unacceptable and undesirable. In addition, Talbot has elucidated one principle of English gender ideology, which echoes one of the abovementioned rules identified
by Reynolds (2000) and Momoko Nakamura (2002): ‘Ideally women should be saying nothing at all’ (Talbot 2008, 473). Therefore, to counter disobedience of this silent female ideal, a negative female stereotype is presented as faux universality: the misrepresentation of all women chatting and gossiping excessively.
However, despite the linguistic core of this latter stereotype, Talbot (2008, 474–80) has rephrased the view of Lakoff (1973), noting that female-gendered speech strongly connoted deficient language use; additionally, Talbot identified this analytical view to be the first analysis framework of language and gender. This ‘deficit framework’ has been succeeded by the dominance- and difference frameworks. Nonetheless, regardless of how women’s language
was approached in academics, it seems certain that some form of EGRL has been used over an
extended period of time—all the while creating its own peculiarities and specific language
usage conventions or pragmatics even.
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An indication of a general consensus regarding specific English female-gendered language use can be found in Hall (1995), a study in which Hall has affirmed female-gendered language is being applied in order to gain economic power and security, despite the deficit image of Women Language. Hall has concluded this from her interviews with phone sex operators, among whom a male bisexual operator posing as a woman (ibid., 1995, 202–4). Hall referred to this act as ‘verbal cross-expressing’, a purely vocal version of the more eminent act of ‘cross-dressing’. In other words, presenting oneself as the opposite sex through usage of strictly oral skills—due to the communication being limited to audio (Hall 1995, 201, 17n;
Barrett 1994, 1997).
The cross-expressing operator is remarkably aware of the significance the renditions of his linguistic personae hold, and mentioned that using a ‘soft and quiet’ voice while joining his own state of mind in harmony with the customer’s has proven especially effective (Hall 1995,
202). However, all personae had to voice stereotypical (mis)representations of women—usually as submissive or inferior to the male customer. Nevertheless, the interviewed operators have all stated to experience superiority over the customer and being in control of the intimate contrived ‘trips’ (ibid. 1995, 204). Therefore, it can be hypothesised there certainly exists EGRL.
The lexicon of which should include specific colour terms such as, as another interviewee has
stated, ‘peach, or apricot, or black lace- or charcoal-colored lace, not just black’ (ibid. 1995,
199–200). Indeed, this gendered lexicon strongly resembles JGRL lexicon in manner of
functioning as well as in shape, i.e. actual vocabulary used by women to express femininity.
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While this does indicate existence of EGRL, this dichotomous view of gender language itself is recently being problematised with increasing frequency (Bucholtz and Hall 2006) in linguistic research. Bucholtz and Hall (2006, 757) have partly ascribed this shift of research attention to poststructuralist gender theory and queer theory. Relevant for the present thesis is the clarification provided by Bucholtz and Hall (2006, 756) regarding the role of ‘indexicality’ in these academic views:
What was missing from such a perspective was the concept of ‘indexicality,’ the process whereby language ‘points to’ the social and discursive context of its own production. Seen in this way, many instances of perceived cross-gender language use might more accurately be understood as indexing interactional stances such as affect or force/mitigation, not gender identities. (Bucholtz and Hall 2006, 756)
Because ‘gender’ was not yet understood as being separate from ‘sex’ up to the 1990s, gender language was perceived as sex- or sexuality-determined. This led to further misinterpretations regarding gender- and sexuality language, such as cross-gender language usage equalling disobedience of sexuality, which rendered bisexual and flamboyant speakers marked as exceptions to the rules (2006, 756).
Among others, Barrett (1997, 190–92) has criticised this earlier, dichotomous view on gender language, clarifying such research is reinforcing heterosexual normativity due to it unjustly portraying speech communities as homogeneous and sharing linguistic usage norms.
Barrett has also criticised research methodologies which, in preventing problems regarding
linguistic variation, either ignore parts of a speech community or label parts as ‘sexual
minorities’. Therefore, in order to prevent this kind of exclusion, linguistic variation should
always be taken into account, and identities should be described carefully instead of
prescribed carelessly.
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Barrett (1997, 190–95) has also clarified that one can associate oneself with multiple speech communities. This means one can use multiple language patterns, including those which are associated with the gender of the opposite sex without fully taking on another gender identity, as Bucholtz and Hall have stated as well. Holly Whyte, a character analysed in the present thesis, exemplifies this fluidity of—at least Japanese—gender language and gendered identity, and the complexity thereof.
McIntyre and Walker (2010) have studied language use in thriller movies, juxtaposing lexicon employed and subject matter discussed by male characters to those employed and discussed by female characters. This corpus-based research led to various findings, of which some support several statements mentioned above, while other findings are more unexpected.
Politeness, for instance, is a key domain only of female characters (McIntyre and
Walker 2010, 526–27)—a characteristic ideologically ascribed to female speakers of Japanese as well. This has been stated by Momoko Nakamura (2002), Reynolds (2000) and Kinsui (2003), among others (see previous subsection). In addition, Lakoff (1973, 56–57) has stated that politeness is a linguistic female characteristic of English gender language as well. McIntyre and
Walker (ibid., 525-26) have interpreted the male-gendered usage of speech act lexicon as indicative of male dominance, which confirms the argument made by Kiesling (2006), Lakoff
(1973) and Hiramoto (2013) as well, among others.
More unexpected were the analysis results revealing that the subject ‘relationship: intimacy and sex’ is recurrent only in the analysed female characters’ text. McIntyre and
Walker (2010, 527) have interpreted this as portraying exclusively female characters as sensual and erotic. Furthermore, a relatively high number of ‘personal names’ lexicon uttered by female characters consists of first names.
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It has since long been stated (Erwin-Tripp 1972) that calling someone by their first name implies sharing a bond. In addition, endearment terms are also key terms occurring only in the female characters’ text, such as ‘honey’. McIntyre and Walker (2010, 527) have concluded that female characters cast in thrillers tend to be emotive and interpersonally oriented. This conclusion does, however, align with abovementioned statement made by
Cameron (2014) regarding female-gendered language being used cooperatively.
On the other hand, exclusively male key subjects are ‘in power’ and, more surprisingly,
‘people: male’. The ‘people: male’ lexicon include various vocatives, indicating respect for hierarchy. The data show reinforcement or naturalisation of gender role differences and male dominance, as well as indicate that—at least the analysed—conversation is male-oriented in general (McIntyre and Walker 2010, 526–28). McIntyre and Walker have mentioned, however, that their data include no movies featuring female lead characters, possibly sketching a somewhat distorted image regarding the entirety of contemporary thrillers.
2.5. Politeness and Formality
One final, commonly-stated note regarding both languages is exclusion of formal or
impersonal speech from gender language analysis. Formal language or formality should not be
confused with politeness—which, to a certain extent, connotes female-gendered language (see,
for example, Lakoff 1973, 56–57; Ide 1982; Shibamoto-Smith 1992). However, being and speaking polite is customary and expected in communal formal situations. In English, polite
language does not differ considerably in grammar or form from formal and informal language, save for a few modal auxiliaries such as ‘could’ (see Lakoff 1972). Rather, it is encoded or embedded in a deeper level than the superficial structures of sentences; another motivation to not disregard extralinguistic factors shaping the social context of the data (Lakoff 1972, 908).
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On the other hand, polite or honorific forms of Japanese (sonkeigo, kenjougo and teineigo;
‘respectful’, ‘humble’ and ‘polite language’, respectively) each include their own lexicon, grammatical structures, and morphemes. Thus, politeness in Japanese is immediately recognisable in any context and text. However, absence of gendered language is characteristic of polite Japanese as well as formal Japanese proper—the language one can find in academic reports, articles, etc. (Shibamoto-Smith 1987, 29; Shibatani 1990, 373). Therefore, in both
Japanese and English, informal or intimate language usage should be the primary subject of gender language analysis, factoring in politeness cautiously after qualitative analysis, and preferably dismissing formal language altogether.
2.5. Neomedievalism
Robinson and Clements (2012, 56) have defined neomedievalism as:
a new type of medievalism that is born of postmodernist, increasingly globalized values that include an appreciation for the absurd. Thus, it is not anti-romantic [. . .], but simply non- romantic in an anti-nostalgic and decreasingly Euro-centric, and clearly anti-historical sort of way. Put differently, neomedievalism is a category of practices which place contemporary values
within a medieval setting in a self-conscious and a-historical manner. Such practices include
modern issues and ideas which involve appreciation for the absurd, without a concern for
historical facts or reality. Recurrent themes include: ‘the self’ versus ‘the Other’; government
and society; and—or so the present thesis proposes—contemporary linguistic ideology.
However, linguistic ideology differs from the former themes in that it recurs not as subject but
as means of personality expression characters employ or as identity creation tool game
designers utilise. Viewed differently, neomedievalism is the clarification as to why modern
language, or elements thereof, appear so saliently in fictional texts with a medieval setting.
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3. Methodology
This chapter consists of two sections. The first introduces the case study video game
Bravely Default by briefly reviewing key aspects of its content and context. After which it specifies the extracted data and documentation; detailing how Appendix B orders the data and
tags token occurrences, as well as the scope of the data. Furthermore, characters of interest
are described to make the context of the data is as clear as possible. The second section
consists of two subsections; the first describes the method of analysing the Japanese ST data,
the second describes the analysis approach of the English TT data.
3.1. Material
3.1.1. The Video Game: Bravely Default
Bravely Default is a role-playing game (RPG), released on the Nintendo 3DS console. This genre of video games is known to be excessively text-heavy, and Bravely Default is no exception.
The story is carried through voiced dialogic events—scenes depicting characters engaging in conversation. Two options are available to the player for language configuration: one, the language in which characters speak—Japanese or English; and two, the language in which text is rendered on-screen—Japanese, English, French, Spanish or German. Here, ‘text’ denotes all visualised text of Bravely Default; i.e., the video game’s subtitles, user interface (also known as
‘UI’), tutorial and in-battle messages, in-game encyclopaedia, etc.
Bravely Default features a medieval setting, as is typical of RPGs. The main cast consists of two male and two female characters. These are, respectively, Tiz Arrior, Ringabel, Agnès
Oblige and Edea Lee. Furthermore, Bravely Default includes a multitude of minor characters, each using JGRL on a frequent basis. Section 3.1.3 briefly describes characters of particular interest, while Appendix A includes a more comprehensive list of analysed characters.
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3.1.2. Extracted Data
The data of the present thesis comprise the bilingually transcribed events which form the Prologue (including the opening video), Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 of Bravely Default. The scope of the present study includes these first three of the in total nine chapters, which include a varied cast of characters. There are two event types; the mandatory Main Events, and the
optional Sub-Scenario Events. Appendix B groups the events according to these types per
chapter. The transcript shows the data per speaking turn bilingually; a character’s name
follows the event title and precedes their uttered text in Japanese along with its corresponding
English localisation, followed by the succeeding character’s name and uttered text, etc. This
enables quick comparison of ST and TT regarding translation of JGRL tokens—for example,
gendered lexicon. Tagging styles marking occurrences of JGRL tokens further streamline this
process. A list preceding the data in Appendix B explains what the different tagging styles
indicate, such as gender-conforming and gender-contradicting JGRL usage.
In total, the data contain: 185 events, 9.357 lines of text, and 27.993 English words. The
Japanese word count is too ambiguous to state an exact number here, especially due to the
ambiguity of what defines a word. However, with the applied manner of transcription the
Japanese data amount to approximately 28.000 words. The English data of text uttered by male
characters consist of 13.991 words and 2.342 lines of text, the English data of text uttered by
female characters consist of 14.002 words and 2.468 lines of text. The transcript displays the
data per ‘line of text’ as the game renders the text on screen (see figure 1, below).7
7. While the video game utilises dialogue boxes for one or two lines of Japanese text (as is the case in the captured image shown in figure 1); if set to English, these boxes contain up to three lines of text.
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Figure 1. Captured from Bravely Default, Event #42.
The data consist of the text uttered by all characters, including dialogue with or between miscellaneous characters. Dialogue with or between miscellaneous characters should not be disregarded as superfluous data. On the contrary, it is necessary in representing or recreating the context as accurately possible. Lakoff (1972, 922, 926) has stated that the correlation between linguistic and extralinguistic context—including gender and social status—is vital to analysing translation because meaning is not immediately deducible from a sentence’s superficial structure. Thus, the data include all text uttered by main characters, minor characters, and miscellaneous characters, reproducing as completely as possible the social context in which the characters act; in other words, the settings of the events in which they each converse, react and respond with and to each other. Furthermore, having as much data as possible heightens the probability of attaining reliable results by using the text analysis software AntConc (Anthony 2018).
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Appendix B has numbered all transcribed events for reference functionality. Note that
there are several sets of events in Chapter 2 which consist of mutually exclusive events. The titles of these events are identical, save for a majuscule designating the events as precluding
each other. Various gameplay aspects trigger the occurrence of these events. Concise notes
directly succeeding the event title specify these triggers in the data, and usually concern order
of initiation. Furthermore, in case of merely partially differing events, the alternate speaking
turns only make up the transcript of their event (see, for example, Event #150 and #151: ‘How to
Make a Hairpin – A/B’).
3.1.3. Characters of Interest
The present thesis analyses numerous characters individually as well as collectively.
These characters include, in addition to abovementioned four main characters, several non- player or non-playable characters (NPCs) and are relevant due to their frequent usage of JGRL, as Teshigawara and Kinsui (2011, 38) have stated regarding minor characters in Japanese media in general. They have explained that this frequent JGRL usage by minor characters has as goal seamless recognition of any minor character’s role or relation with the main characters. Therefore, the extracted data consist of all text uttered throughout the first three chapters by the characters listed below and in Appendix A, as well as by unnamed NPCs.
Directly following below character names are the descriptions provided by the in-game encyclopaedia D’s Journal (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2013b, vol. Remake, International, sec.
Notes-People). These descriptions serve to reconstruct the social context of the data, allowing for more accurate qualitative analysis. Therefore, to sketch these characters’ personalities as objectively as possible, these descriptions are quoted directly from Bravely Default and can thus be considered canon.
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Main characters: o Tiz Arrior: ‘A nineteen-year-old boy from Norende. A simple and honest soul, he has a gentle and amiable demeanor that makes him well-liked. He acts as a mediator between friends, and often ends up with a lot on his plate’ (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2013b, vol. Remake, International, sec. D’s Journal-Notes-People-No.002, 2).
o Agnès Oblige: ‘A twenty-year-old girl from Ancheim. As a vestal, she has devoted her life to the crystals’ (ibid., sec. D’s Journal - Notes - People - No.003, 2).
o Ringabel: ‘A man of unknown age, currently experiencing amnesia’ (ibid., sec. D’s Journal - Notes - People - No.001, 2).
o Edea Lee: ‘A [sic] eighteen-year-old girl hailing from Eternia. On first impression, she appears to be a spoiled princess type. However, while strong-willed and opinionated, she is also kind and filled with a sense of justice. She never shies away from a conflict’ (ibid., sec. D’s Journal - Notes - People - No.004, 2).
Minor characters (partly; see Appendix A for a more comprehensive list): o Airy: ‘A female of unknown age. This self-proclaimed cryst-fairy seems to know much about the crystals and the path the vestal should take. With regard to anything else, however, she tends to act like a precocious, fussy crybaby’ (ibid., sec. D’s Journal - Notes - People - No.005, 2).
o Holly Whyte the White Mage: ‘A 26-year-old woman from Eternia. [. . .] Though a healer of great skill, she is sadistic to the core. Hedonistic and capricious, she has a wanton personality’ (ibid., sec. No.010, 2).
o Jackal the Thief: ‘A 16-year-old boy hailing from Ancheim. His real name is not known. [. . .] He was taken in by thieves as a young boy, gradually rising up the ranks through his accomplished thievery and sheer recklessness’ (ibid., sec. No.019, 2).
o Mephilia Venus the Summoner: ‘A twenty-four-year-old woman from Eternia. [. . .] Her mind is broken, and she delights in seeing the destruction of beauty’ (ibid., sec. No.027, 2).
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Note that the ages of the following seven characters have been increased by three years
(artificially) during the process of localisation: Tiz Arrior, Agnès Oblige, Edea Lee, Alternis Dim,
Artemia Venus, Mephilia Venus, and Einheria Venus. These modifications have rendered them characters of age, except for Artemia Venus. Interestingly, all modified ages are written using spelled-out numbers, as opposed to all other mentionings of ages. This possibly indicates that these alterations have been made in a near-final stage of the localisation process, which would explain how the grammar mistake in the description of Edea has remained unnoticed by the localisation team.
The character descriptions listed above include several points which affect part of the analysis. The first is the portrayal of Edea as convention-challenging, as character who is not afraid to ask the hard questions. This relatively assertive personality expresses itself in her language usage by incorporating male and female JGRL. This verbalised personality trait could, then, also manifest itself in the TT—shaped as, for example, lexicon, tonal attitude, etc.
Therefore, when analysing female characters’ TT data, this cross-gender indexicality should be kept in mind.
More gender-contradictively in their language usage are the analysed female antagonists—except for Mephilia Venus—who use male JGRL as basis for their language usage, aside from first-person and second-person pronominals (the following section explicates the
JGRL pronominals). Taking Holly Whyte as representative female antagonist, creating her identity, described above as ‘hedonistic’ and ‘capricious’, surely necessitated her regular usage of male JGRL, rendering her a linguistic-ideological negative stereotype.
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The first two subsections of section 3.2.1 explicate the specific JGRL deictics, and section 4.1 discusses the female antagonists’ JGRL profile into more detail. In addition, section
3.2.1.2 explicates further relevant gendered Japanese grammar, concretising these grammatical constructions using examples taken from the data of the present thesis. Section
3.2 clarifies how the present thesis analyses the TT data, as well as how the corpus analysis software AntConc (Anthony 2018) is configured and utilised.
3.2. Analysis Method
The present thesis analyses the ST and TT data using multi-method corpus analysis;
first, quantifying the ST data, then quantitatively analysing the TT data utilising corpus
analysis software, and finally qualitatively analysing suggested patterns and compromising
issues. Based on the results, the present thesis draws conclusions regarding the translation of
JGRL employed in Bravely Default (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2013a). The expected result is
identification of a correlation between gendered role language tokens occurring in the ST and
tokens occurring in the TT. The two subsections 3.2.1 and 3.2.2 serve to display in detail the
methodology applied to analyse the data of the ST and TT, respectively.
The ST data are analysed according to JGRL tokens which indicate or index a specific
gender. Section 3.2.1 discusses these tokens, sectioned into two distinctive categories: deixis
and grammar. The JGRL grammar tokens include the following specific construction types:
copula usage, confirmation-seeking, question formulation, sentence-final particle (hereafter:
SFP) usage, request formulation, and interjections. Each JGRL token occurring in the data is
tagged as gender-conforming or gender-contradicting, specifying whether the gender indexed
by the JGRL token aligns with the sex of the character uttering it. Appendix B includes the
complete and tagged data, preceded by a complete overview clarifying the used tagging styles.
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The TT data are analysed, however, by utilising the comparison capabilities of the
software AntConc (Anthony 2018), aimed at uncovering key tokens in the TT. Furthermore, the
concordancing function assists with qualitatively analysing such key tokens regarding
syntactic and lexical context. More specifically, AntConc can display selected key terms in
context, revealing directly preceding and succeeding vocabulary as they appear in the data.
Section 3.2.2 discusses the relevant AntConc functions and configurations, references two
corpus analysis research on English gender language (EGRL) which the present thesis
compares results with, and includes an overview which recaps the EGRL characteristics
discussed in section 2.4.
3.2.1. Source Text Analysis: Applying Tokens of Japanese Gender Role Language
This subsection explicates all JGRL tokens using various examples taken from the data
extracted from the case study video game of the present thesis: Bravely Default. These tokens
are used to quantify the ST data, allowing for swift recognition of gendered lexicon and
grammatical constructions. The tables throughout this section together with the explanations
aim to enable reapplication of the methodology to quantify other Japanese texts on gender
language as well, as well as to assist the reader.
This subsection consists of two parts. The first part includes relevant JGRL deictics,
focused mainly upon first-person and second-person pronominals. The second part consists of
the various abovementioned grammatical categories. This division is made due to the difference in sort and amount of explanation needed to present the JGRL tokens in a
comprehensible manner. Selection of JGRL tokens included has been based on numerous
research studies and literature on the subject, of which the authors are referenced alongside the tables listing their tokens.
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Before moving on to the JGRL tokens, however, several research articles are deserving of some brief, focused attention here due to the influence these papers have exerted on the methodology of the present thesis. In particular, the research conducted by Benediktsdottir
(2015) and Tompowsky (2013) is comparable in nature to the present thesis, as well as abovementioned study by Hiramoto (2013). The former two studies have examined JGRL in video games, the latter study scrutinised JGRL in popular media and its connection to heterosexual normativity. Furthermore, Benediktsdottir and Hiramoto have examined how
JGRL is translated to English, taking as case study video game Harvest Moon: A New Beginning
(Marvelous AQL 2012) and anime series Cowboy Bebop (Watanabe 1998), respectively. On the other hand, Tompowsky has analysed contemporary usage of JGRL in so-called ‘relationship simulation RPGs’, taking as case study two such ‘dating-sim games’, one aimed at the female- oriented market and one at the male-oriented market. Thus, the present thesis uses for its ST analysis a methodology comparable to the methodologies of these three studies.
Note, however, that these three studies—like many other studies on JGRL—have largely based their selection of JGRL tokens on work provided by only a select few authors. In addition to Kinsui (discussed and referenced in section 2.3), the authors of these often-consulted sources are: Okamoto (1995, 1997; Okamoto and Shibamoto-Smith 2004), Shibatani (1990),
Shibamoto-Smith (1985, 1981, 2003), Ide and McGloin (1990), and Inoue (2002, 2003). These articles—except for those by Kinsui—focus on Japanese women’s language; which, technically, is the sociolinguistic counterpart of essentially linguistic-ideological JGRL. Nevertheless, as discussed in section 2.4, society and mediatised linguistic ideology have a reciprocally fortifying relation in which JGRL can be perceived as the ideal from which actual language use inevitably deviates, which means they share one set of tokens or gender indices.
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3.2.1.1. Japanese Gender Role Language: Person Deixis
These gender-indexing tokens include various deictics, of which the first-person and second-person pronouns are displayed, respectively, in table 2 and table 3 below. Naturally, this means all Japanese tokens included in table 2 essentially mean ‘I’, and those included in table 3 express ‘you’. In case of pluralisation being possible of singular first-person pronouns, the deictics are displayed alongside their plural suffixes. Affixing these suffixes changes the first-person deictics’ meanings into ‘we’. The second-person pronouns, however, can always be pluralised and instead are displayed alongside conventionally used address suffixes. Plural suffix -tachi, or its honorific variant -gata, is affixed to the address suffix to express plural ‘you’.
For example, Satoshi-kun-tachi consists of first name Satoshi, informal address suffix -kun and plural suffix -tachi—this is effectively translated as plural ‘you’, in which case Satoshi is the addressee.
It should be noted that grammatically Japanese personal deictics differ from those found in Indo-European languages. Yamaguchi (2015, 123) has argued that Japanese personal deictics are open-class nominals; nouns which allow for direct modification, as well as affixation of various—and possibly consecutively multiple—suffixes. Some of these suffixes transform nouns, including personal deictics, into adverbs or adjectives. In other words, as
Yamaguchi has counterargued Heine and Song’s (2011) analysis of second-person deictic anata,
Japanese personal pronouns have not been subject to grammaticalization to the extent of losing their lexical property. For example, Japanese personal deictics are commonly modified by prepositional phrases. This contrasts sharply with the English quasi-nominal closed-class personal deictics which supposedly lack the ability to take modifiers (stated by Heine and Song
2011, 588–89; see also: Yamaguchi 2015, 122–23; Aikhenvald 2014, 181–82; Noguchi 1997, 771).
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However, the main function of Japanese deictics remains identical to that of English deictics: expressing deixis. In other words, the referring to and locating of the relevant grammatical person, place or time, from the speaker’s viewpoint (Levinson 2006, 112–18).
These references are made by using deictics which, in English, are pseudo-lexical items with context-dependent meanings (Noguchi 1997, 771). Common English examples include: personal deictics, such as ‘I’, ‘you’, ‘they’, etc.; and spatiotemporal deictics, such as ‘here’,
‘there’, ‘before’, ‘after’, ‘behind’, ‘now’, etc. Slightly less common English personal deictics also include vocatives, for example, ‘sir’, ‘Mr. President’ and ‘Mrs. President’ or ‘Ms. President’,
‘ma’am’, ‘Boss’, etc. Another naming of these deictics is provided by Noguchi (1997, 777–83) who names English personal pronouns ‘determiners’, and contrasts these with the lexical nouns of Japanese.
Japanese deictics contain, in addition to pronominal nouns, specific predicates
(hereafter: PREDs) which realise politeness and voice directions of giving and receiving verbal
action (Wetzel 1988, 7). The succeeding sub-subsection below discusses the relevant, gender- indexing constructions of these deictic expressions. Additionally, Japanese personal deictics, as
well as English vocatives and third-person pronouns, also express social deixis (Yamaguchi
2015, 118; Takahara 1992, 119). This expressing of social deixis means they concern ‘the
marking of social relationships in linguistic expressions, with direct or oblique reference to the
social status or role of participants in the speech event’ (Levinson 2006, 119). Indeed, gender is
included in social deixis and, as is discussed below, a large proportion of Japanese personal
deictics simultaneously index the genders of both the speaker and the addressee (Takahara
1992). Thus, various Japanese personal deictics express not only the genders of the speaker and
addressee, they also express their social positions as the speaker perceives them.
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All JGRL tokens of the Japanese first-person deictics are displayed in table 2, grouped per gender. The deictics have been sorted on formality, ranging from most to least formal, with formality-independent deictics at the bottom. Table 2.1 is comprised of the gender- neutral first-person deixis tokens, of which watakushi and watashi have been based on Okamoto and Shibamoto-Smith’s (2004, 120) model (also covered in: Shibamoto-Smith 1987, 29). Multi- deictical token kochira, which expresses first-person deixis ‘I’ or possibly ‘this person over here’ as well as space deixis meaning ‘this way’ or ‘over here’, and its colloquial variant kocchi have been added based on Shibasaki’s (2014, 138) analysis of referential shifting of Japanese person deictics as well as the Dictionary of Basic Japanese Grammar (Makino and Tsutsui 1989,
600). Addition of ware, onore and jibun is also based on Shibasaki’s model as well as De Cooman’s
(2014, 42) Classical Japanese: A Grammatical Compendium.
Table 2.2 displays the tokens of the female-gendered first-person deictics. Note that except for highly specific warawa, newly-created uchi (Miyazaki 2004) and first-person deictical usage of one’s own name (Lunsing and Maree 2004), all female-gendered first-person deictics either are derivatives of formal first-person deictics watashi and watakushi or an informal usage thereof (Reynolds 2000, 39; Miyazaki 2004, 271, n. 2). Usage of one’s own name to refer to oneself is conceived as ‘cute and childlike’ (Tompowsky 2013, 47; Lunsing and Maree 2004).
Note that atai is considerably vulgar and, at times, even associated with prostitution.
Table 2.3 lists the tokens of the male-gendered first-person deictics. Most tokens agree with models included in the sociolinguistic research of Shibamoto-Smith (2003, 209, 2004, 120,
1987, 29) and the linguistic-ideological research of Kinsui (2003, chap. 4). Additions include yo
(Sim 2014, 6), sessha (M. Nakamura 2007, 38; Kuroda 1965, 123) and chin (Sakurai 1984, 60), of which the latter two do not occur in the data of the present thesis.
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Table 2. First-Person Pronominal Tokens
(01) displayed below is extracted from the data of Bravely Default. Except for the characters’ names, sentences (01.a) through (01.c) are semantically identical; similarly- constructed self-introductions. However, as discussed in chapter 2, various first-person deictics each convey specific linguistic-ideological properties of the speaker, gender included.
The Examples and Usage Notes column in table 2 above lists these properties.
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(01) Usage of First-Person Deictics (a) ST N: watashi no namae wa, ANIESU OBURIIJU [desu]. N = Gender-Neutral (b) ST F-1: atashi no namae wa, IDEA RII [da]. F = Female-Gendered M = Male-Gendered (c) ST M-1: boku no namae wa TIZU OORIA [da]. watashi/atashi/boku=no namae=wa NAME i [desu]/[da] I=GEN name=TOP [Name] IPOL.COP/COP TT N: ‘I am Agnès Oblige.’ TT F-1: ‘My name is Edea Lee.’ TT M-1: ‘I’m Tiz Arrior.’
(d) ST M-2: RINGUABERU, sore ga, ore no namae [da]. RINGUABERU sore=ga ore=no namae i [da] Ringabel that=NOM I=GEN name ICOP TT M-2: ‘I’m Ringabel.’
(e) ST F-2: EARII wa KURISUTARU no seirei da mon. EARII =wa KURISUTARU =no seirei i da mon I=TOP crystal=GEN fairy ICOP because TT F-2: ‘I am a cryst-fairy!’
(f) ST F-3: warawa ga iku. warawa=ga ik-u I=NOM go-NPST TT F-3: ‘I will go.’
(g) ST M-3: WASHI no saikougessaku jaa! WASHI =no saikougessaku i jaa I=GEN supreme.masterpiece ICOP TT M-3: ‘My greatest masterpiece!’ (01.a) through (01.d) have been extracted from Event #1, (01.e) from Event #11, (01.f) from Event #95 uttered by Victoria the Witch, and (01.g) from Event #113 uttered by the Yulyana Sage. All events are included in Appendix B and originate from Bravely Default (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2013b).
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The semantic similarity fused with the linguistic-ideological differences that together characterise the Japanese first-person pronominal deictics are reflected in (01), especially in sentences (01.a) through (01.c), as well as (01.d), despite its construction differing slightly.
(Second-person pronominal deictics—which are discussed below—are characterised by these properties just as much, if not more so.) Therefore, in order to unveil these semantic relationships as clearly as possible, the first three example sentences are displayed and glossed
together. These sentences show gender-based segmentation of first-person pronominals; put
differently, validity and usability of first-person pronouns differs depending on one’s gender
as well as context-determined formality and politeness.
One note regarding copula da, in (01.g) instead of regular copula da, jaa is used which is
a lengthened form of copula ja. The only difference between da and ja, however, is that the
latter is primarily used by elderly characters, connoting somebody aged (Teshigawara and
Kinsui 2011, 42-45). Therefore, it is not uncommon to encounter copula ja together with first-
person deictics such as the male-gendered WASHI or the female-gendered archaic warawa.
Unsurprisingly, therefore, of all analysed characters, those who use ja are considerably old.
Such as, for example, the 1,900-years-old Yulyana Sage, the character who uttered (01.g).
Furthermore, in (01.e) EARII is used as first-person deictic, which is the ‘own name’
deictic in table 2.2. The only character in the analysed data of the present thesis to use this
first-person pronoun is Airy. As mentioned above, this creates an innocent and alluring
identity (Tompowsky 2013, 47; Lunsing and Maree 2004). Note that in (01.d) RINGUABERU is not used as self-reference deictic, rather a more direct translation of the sentence would be:
‘Ringabel, that is my name’.
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Moving on to the second-person pronominal deictics, all second-person deixis JGRL
tokens are displayed in table 3 below. Most tokens, therefore, can be translated as ‘you’.
However, the more formal deictics in table 3.1 should rather be translated as corresponding
deferentials rather than as ‘you’. In addition to abovementioned vocatives, English deferentials
include, for example, ‘Student Council Representative’, ‘Teacher’, ‘Your Majesty’, etc. The
Japanese deictics of these latter translations are what Takahara (1992, 119) has defined as
quasi-pronominal second-person deictics or lexical deferentials which are employed to cure a
‘paradigmatic gap created by the loss of deferential address forms’. Thus, except for the
archaic onushi and sochira-sama, the only true gender-neutral second-person pronominal item in table 3.1 is formal anata.
Perhaps contrary to one’s expectation, despite educational and academic literature institutionally misrepresenting formal anata as supposedly omnipurpose conventional second- person pronoun, actual usage of formal anata is exceptionally limited (Takahara 1992, 123;
Shibamoto-Smith 2004, 121; SturtzSreetharan 2009, 265; Yamaguchi 2015, 123, 127). Takahara has elucidated that present-day disuse of formal anata, which originates from distal demonstrative anata ‘over there’ (Yamaguchi 2015, 126–27), is caused by deterioration its deferential element has suffered. Categorising the usages of formal anata in accordance with
Brown and Gilman’s (1960) model for analysis of second-person deixis in relation to power and solidarity, it can be said two usage types exist: reciprocal and non-reciprocal. Of these two usages, reciprocal formal anata results from said semantic degradation suffered by former-deferential anata. Reciprocal formal anata now merely verbalises the speaker’s intention to maintain polite distance as social equal (Takahara 1992, 126). Therefore, it is used toward unfamiliar addressees only, free from social restrictions (Yonezawa 2016, 131–33; Takahara 1992, 123).
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Furthermore, abovementioned deterioration of deference has affected non-reciprocal formal anata as well. This semantical degradation has, in combination with anata’s extant distal properties, caused non-reciprocal formal anata to become increasingly impolite. Takahara
(1992, 118) has detailed representative usage contexts of non-reciprocal formal anata to be suspect questioning and formal condemnation such as reprimand and rebuke. This non- reciprocal formal anata explicitly specifies the addressee as having a lower social position. In
addition, the distal properties psychologically estrange the addressee in an overtly impersonal
manner. It is worth to note once more that formal anata is not to be regarded as regularly-used
second-person deictic, a point which is also stressed by, for example, Yonezawa (2016, 274), in
addition to sources referenced above.
To make matters more complex, there exists another second-person deictic anata:
female-gendered informal anata, which is displayed in table 3.2. In addition to being
homographic, female-gendered informal anata and gender-neutral formal anata share their
distal demonstrative origin anata ‘over there’ (Yamaguchi 2015, 119–20; Takahara 1992, 123–24;
Shibasaki 2014, 138) as well. However, informal anata synergises with its distal element to
strengthen solidarity with the addressee through polite social distance, rather than estrange
the addressee (Takahara 1992, 124). Takahara (1992, 121-22) has specified that reciprocal informal anata is used chiefly to address females of similar age and social position.
Furthermore, contrary to its formal homograph, there exists no non-reciprocal informal anata.
In fact, Takahara (ibid., 122) has stated that addressing subordinates with informal anata only obscures power relations and Ide and Yoshida (1999, 471) have even stated that female speech does not include any deprecatory address forms.
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Finally, numerous scholars (for example, Shibamoto-Smith 1987, 29, 2004, 120; M. Y. Lee
1976, 996) have listed one other, marital usage of anata to—variously as informally or formally or intimately—address one’s husband. However, Yonezawa (2016, 268, 270, 282) as well as
Inoue (2006) have shown that this usage has come to be perceived as archaic and late- nineteenth-century female language. Yonezawa (2016, 276) has provided another useful insight, through her analysis of anata she has stated its core property to be ‘absolute
specification’. This property refers to abovementioned social relation freedom; however, seen
this way, three more anata usages are clarified.
The first is the usage of anata in commercials to address the audience (2016, 276),
‘absolute specification’ entails rejecting relative social positions, hence it is effectively
employed in advertisements to address an as broad as possible audience. The second is the
usage of lawyers in courtrooms to address the accused and witnesses (2016, 277), Yonezawa
has clarified this usage by connecting ‘absolute specification’ with the obligation of lawyers to
address and question everyone as equal individuals in the presence of a judge. Therefore, anata
is employed to mimic the reciprocal formal anata. The third is the usage of anata in popular
music, here ‘absolute specification’ renders anata to overtly address a beloved directly as
human being, while also stating unconcern regarding social positions (2016, 280).
Returning to table 3.1, the greater part of gender-neutral deictics exists of an
addressee’s name in combination with a multitude of suffixes, including occupational titles
(Ide and Yoshida 1999, 449). Though, there seems to be a tendency for the suffix -san to be
translated with vocatives ‘Mr.’, ‘Mrs.’, ‘Ms.’ or ‘Miss’, this should prove difficult with the
slightly formal deictic ‘first name-san’. Lastly, archaic onushi is used to address equals or
inferiors (Barke and Uehara 2005, 307), and usage of it creates an elderly identity.
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The female-gendered second-person deictics in table 3.2 include in addition to informal anata, which is discussed above, its derived form: intimate anta. Takahara (1992, 120–22) has specified that female anta is chiefly used to reciprocally address female equals, as well as non- reciprocally address male and female inferiors, such as ‘a daughter and son, younger sister and brother, maid, store assistant, hair dresses, salesmen, and so on’ (ibid., 120). Furthermore,
Takahara (ibid., 120) has noted that ‘dominant males’ can also employ non-reciprocal female anta to address female inferiors; however, this is likely to have a demeaning effect on the addressee. Finally, goshujin-sama ‘your Master’ and danna-sama ‘my Master’ are noted by Lee
(1976, 997–98) to be marital deictics used to refer to someone else’s husband and address one’s own husband respectively, though the latter connotes ‘some sarcasm toward a husband’s male chauvinism in Japan’ (ibid., 998). Interestingly, however, in contemporary popular culture, goshujin-sama has come to be used as ‘my Master’ instead and is semi-frequently employed in anime as well as in maid cafés to address husbands and customers, respectively.
Table 3.3 displays the male-gendered second-person deictic tokens. Of table 3, only table 3.3 includes deprecatory deictics. This exclusivity is characteristic of male JGRL, a property which is also noted by Ide and Yoshida (1999, 472) as well as, for example, Lee (1976,
996, n. 14), Ishiyama (2008, 2), Ide (1990, 73) and Reynolds (1990, 135–37). This usage is classified by Takahara (1992, 119) in Brown and Gilman’s terms as non-reciprocal and non- solidarity or subordinate. Examples of deprecatory omae used to address ‘lower status males or females’ provided by Takahara are ‘one’s wife, one’s children, one’s employees, one’s servants, and younger persons’ (ibid., 120). In addition, omae is stated to be applicable as intimate address term to refer to equal status females as well, under the condition that ‘solidarity relationship supersedes the gender-based power generation’ (ibid., 120).
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Informal male-gendered second-person deictic kimi is described by Takahara (1992,
121-22) to be exclusively used by males to reciprocally address males of equal status and to non-reciprocally address inferior males and females. This latter usage of kimi is noted to be institutionalised and employed by male superiors to non-reciprocally address inferiors such as students, employees, younger executives, etc. One additional usage mentioned is the non- reciprocal usage of kimi to address equal females; however, this indicates romantic intent on behalf of the male speaker, for he ‘elevates’ the ‘female addressee to equal status of the male’
(ibid., 121).
The deprecatory male-gendered second-person deictics temee, onore, kisama and ‘vulgar terms’ all lower the addressee’s status considerably (Shibamoto-Smith 2004, 121; Ishiyama
2008, 3; Ide 1990, 73–74). Barke and Uehara (2005, 306) have compared temee to ‘you bastard’, noting that ‘you’ lacks the contempt of temee, and ‘bastard’ lacks deictic functionality. Finally, archaic kikou and kiden (included in Shibasaki 2014, 138; Barke and Uehara 2005, 305) are used, respectively, to address equal or inferior males, and equal or superior persons of either gender.
These latter two deictics are not used to construct an elderly identity in the data of the present thesis, despite being archaic address forms.
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Table 3. Second-Person Pronominal Tokens
The set of example sentences (02) displayed below is extracted from the data of Bravely
Default. (02.e), in particular, conveys considerable self-assertion by employing multiple male- gendered JGRL tokens which are covered in the final part of the JGRL Grammar Tokens section of the present thesis.
Altenaar 49
(02) Usage of Second-Person Deictics (a) ST N: anata ni wa, kankei nai koto na no ni. N = Gender-Neutral F = Female-Gendered anata=ni=wa kankei nai koto ina no.ni M = Male-Gendered you=DAT=TOP relation not matter ICOP despite TT N: ‘My task is not your concern.’
(b) ST F-1: anta wo tomeru kara. anta=wo tome-ru kara you=ACC stop-NPST because TT F-1: ‘I will stop you.’
(c) ST F-2: kishi HAINKERU, anata wa kishidouseishin ni afureta. kishi HAINKERU anata=wa kishidouseishin=ni afure-ta knight Heinkel you=TOP chivalry.spirit=DAT overflow-PST TT F-2: ‘Heinkel, you were a paragon of chivalry!’
(d) ST M-1: boku wa kimi to issho ni iku. boku=wa kimi=to issho.ni ik-u I=TOP you=COM together go-NPST TT M-1: ‘I’m staying with you.’
(e) ST M-2: TEMEE , ore no KUSO -oya ni atta kotto de mo a’n no ka yo … TEMEE ore=no KUSO -oya=ni at-ta koto=demo a―’n=no=ka=yo you I=GEN damned-parents=DAT meet-PST event=QP be-PR=NMLZ=INT=SFP TT M-2: ‘You don’t know a stinking thing about them.’
(02.a) has been extracted from Event #12 uttered by Agnès, (02.b) from Event #23 uttered by Edea, (02.c) from Event #36 also uttered by Edea, (02.d) from Event #42 uttered by Tiz, and (02.e) from Event #87 uttered by Jackal the Thief. All events are included in Appendix B and originate from Bravely Default (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2013b).
Altenaar 50
The above-discussed homomorphs reciprocal formal anata and female informal anata are used in (02.a) and (02.c), respectively. In (02.b) Edea uses anta to non-reciprocally address
Ominas Crowe, whom she outranks. In (02.d) Tiz addresses Agnès with kimi; however, contrary to abovementioned statement made by Takahara regarding kimi, Tiz is not romantically involved with Agnès at the time of uttering the sentence. This indicates that usage of male- gendered kimi has become more flexible as regards addressing females. Finally, in (02.e) Jackal addresses Tiz with TEMEE, a deprecatory address form, which indicates feelings of contempt toward the addressee, in this case Tiz. Note that in all of the examples above, the tokens have indiscriminately been translated as ‘you’, a process one could describe as ‘lexical simplification’, a translation universal suggested by Blum-Kulka and Levenston (1983).
Furthermore, as is observable in accompanying glossing, (02.e) has been subjected to censorship. The probability seems high for this case of censorship to have been motivated by adaptation of the text to suit its audience presumably better. Approached from a different viewpoint, the Western image of the publisher and console developer Nintendo had yet to shed its family-friendly skin at the time Bravely Default was released.8 Therefore, ST elements, such as the profane prefix KUSO- ‘damned’ of (02.e), have likely been excluded from the TT. This could also explain why the TT does not reflect abovementioned ‘bastard-factor’ of temee.
Another type of censored content is the character age alteration mentioned in section 3.1.3.
8. This family-friendly image is implicitly departed from in commercial advertisements promoting Nintendo’s newest hybrid console, the Nintendo Switch. See, for example: https://youtu.be/CdWd8fUC71g.
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3.2.1.2. Japanese Gender Role Language: Grammar Tokens
Before discussing the numerous JGRL grammar tokens, the present thesis discusses a succinct summary of Japanese grammar to aid the reader not familiar with Japanese ----.
Japanese is grammatically categorised as an agglutinative, head-final left-branching SOV- language, and is further characterised as pro-drop language (Dalrymple 2006, 84, 87). Thus, grammatical sentences in Japanese always end in a predicate (hereafter:). These PREDs can
consist of: verbs and auxiliaries, adjectivals, nominal adjectives inflected by a predicative copula
form, as well as regular nominals preceding an inflexion of a predicative copula form (Nakau 1971,
10–12). The pro-drop characterisation of Japanese refers to its grammatically salient
preference of omission of pronominals (or, in some cases, complete clauses). In fiction,
however, it appears this is not the case (Shibamoto-Smith 2004, 121).
In short, there are four lexical categories in Japanese: verbs (V), adjectivals (i-A), nouns
and nominal adjectives (NAs or na-adjectives) (Nakau 1971, 13). The present thesis collectively
refers to verbs and adjectivals as verbals. Adjectivals or i-adjectives conjugate similarly to
verbs, and they can take the sentence-final position as well. Nominal adjectives or na-
adjectives need to precede copula da in predication (Uehara 2003, 364–65). Furthermore, the
adjuncts of predicates precede postpositions or particles which mark their adjuncts’ syntactic
role (Henderson 2010, 5; Martin 1975, 34; Nakau 1971, 12; Shibatani 1990, 333; Sugisaki 2010,
17). For example, wa marks topic (TOP), wo marks accusative (ACC), ga marks nominative (NOM), de marks locative (LOC), etc. Finally, verbals can directly modify nominals, including complete
clauses. This creates Noun-Modifying Clause Constructions (NMCCs), as Matsumoto (2017, 24) has
termed this construction type. These NMCCs precede their own postpositions clarifying its
modified clause’s grammatical role in the main clause.
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Figure 2 schematically illustrates how to construct grammatical sentences in Japanese.
However, note that Japanese verbal sentences need no more than single predicates to constitute complete and grammatical sentences. Furthermore, figure 2 shows to which kind of construction, or elements thereof, the two sentence types COP-sentences and verbal sentences (in tables: ‘verb / i-adjective sentences’) refer in the tables listing the JGRL grammar tokens.
Note that, in the basic COP-sentence elements column, what comprises a ‘Noun Phrase’ can
range from a single nominal to a complete NMCC. However, ‘na-adjective’, in the same column,
can only consist of a single unmodified NA. Ultimately, this (basic) type of COP-sentence has the
root construction ‘A wa B da’. As Daniels (1973, 268) has stated, this construction generally has
one of two possible interpretations. The first is equivalent to the English ‘A is B’ construction;
consequently, the English ‘A is B’ can always be translated into Japanese as ‘A wa B da’. On the
other hand, the second interpretation is ‘as regards A, B is preferred’.
An example of the latter is ‘watashi wa WAIN da’ [I=TOP wine COP]. A sentence which is not
a statement of the speaker denouncing to be an alcoholic beverage, rather it conveys the meaning of: ‘As for me, I would like a glass of wine’; or, ‘As for me, I prefer wine [over beer]’.
(03) has been extracted from the data of the present thesis as example of the former, ‘A is B’
COP-sentence type. Agnès utters the sentence in Event #120. Here, A equals kono tegami and B
equals ORIBIA ga kaita mono.
(03) COP-sentence: ‘A is B’ type ST N: kono tegami, ORIBIA ga kaita mono desu.
kono tegami[=wa] ORIBIA= gakai-tamonodesu this letter[=TOP]Olivia=NOM write-PST object iPOL.COP TT N: ‘Olivia! She wrote me a letter!’ [Lit.: ‘This letter is something Olivia wrote.’]
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Figure 2. Grammatical Japanese sentence constructions: A schematic overview
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Turning to the JGRL grammar tokens, perhaps most swiftly identifiable are the sentence- final particles (SFPs). While lacking semantic value, SFPs modify the tone of sentences. The
generalisation can be made that male-gendered SFPs tend to intensify assertiveness of
statements, while female-gendered SFPs negate self-assertion and augment delicacy (Vranic
2013, 7–8). Table 4 below lists all SFP constructions which the present thesis employs as JGRL
grammar tokens. The SFPs listed are based on the models included in the research of
Shibamoto-Smith (2003, 211, 2004, 124), Hasegawa (2015, 363), Shibatani (1990, 373), Hiramoto
(2013, 59–61), Ide and Yoshida (1999, 465), Okamoto (1995, 301–2), Kinsui (2003, 135), Martin
(1975, 914–48, 968), Vranic (2013, 55–62) and Sakata (1991, 117).
Table 4. Grammar: Sentence-final Particle Tokens
Of the three gendered columns succeeding the V/i-A S, one row or SFP is applicable to a single sentence. Mid-cell slashes divide further alternatives; for example, male-gendered SFP yo naa is an alternative to yo na (where yo naa conveys slightly more assertiveness). Parentheses indicate supplemental alternatives; for example, wa yo (ne) denotes two SFPs: wa yo and wa yo ne. Listed SFPs are mutually exclusive; thus, for example, male-gendered ga and ze cannot combine. A female-gendered construction containing one of above tokens could be: [topic wa + locative de + V-NPST + wa yo].
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Table 4 includes two different na / naa SFPs, gender-neutral expressive na / naa and male- gendered persuasive na / naa. Ogi (2014, 79, 81–82) has analysed persuasive na / naa, describing the male-gendered SFP as camaraderie-toned. She has furthermore added that usage of persuasive na / naa is restricted to male interlocutors who are in a close friendship and to male speakers superior to their addressees. If approached from the perspective of reciprocal power and solidarity, persuasive na / naa can be interpreted as having two usages: reciprocal solidarity
usage, between male equals whose level of solidarity surpasses relative power relations; and
non-reciprocal solidarity usage, by male speakers toward subordinate addressees. Gender-neutral
SFP ne is similar to persuasive na / naa, the two SFPs share the function of feeble confirmation
requesting. Ogi (2014, 82) has added, however, that ne does so while maintaining social
distance—without the solidarity factor of persuasive na / naa. Therefore, ne covertly functions
as female-gendered alternative to persuasive na / naa; due to its conceptual synergy with
female-gendered behavioural code of supportiveness and politeness.
The gender-neutral expressive na / naa is uttered after emphatic statements expressing
emotions such as, for example, being joyful, miserable or captivated (Okamoto 1995, 302;
Martin 1975, 916; Vranic 2013, 58). Note that all SFPs defy the often-mentioned verb-final rule;
they succeed the ever-final PREDs of main clauses. (04) illustrates a gender-neutral SFP
construction using naa. Furthermore, (04) exemplifies grammatical SFP-incorporation into
commonly-structured verbal sentences. Tiz utters extract (04) in Event #83.
(04) Gender-neutral na / naa, preceded by emphatic expression ST N: haa, nodo ga kawaita naa . haa nodo=ga kawai-ta naa eagh throat=NOM be.thirsty-PST SFPI TT N: ‘Eagh…Feeling parched.’
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Two differentiation matters related to SFPs require attention here. The first is the
difference between female-gendered SFP wa and TOP postposition wa. While romanization renders them homomorphic, they are not in written Japanese, nor are they directly related.
TOP wa corresponds to は which actually is the hiragana mora of ha, while SFP wa corresponds to
わ which is the actual hiragana mora of wa. The second matter is the difference between gender-neutral SFP yo and male-gendered SFP yo. The SFP yo preceded by a verbal PRED is only male-gendered when used in statements referring to the speaker where it adds to the assertiveness of the utterance (Makino and Tsutsui 1989, 543).
In addition to the tokens displayed in table 4, archaic male-gendered SFP wai, and
dialectal SFP nou occur in the data analysed in the present thesis. The former is presently chiefly used to connote elder male speech (Kotobank.jp n.d.); however, it is not nearly as common as, for example, first-person pronominal male-gendered WASHI. The latter is a Kansai-
ben or Kansai-dialect variant of male-gendered SFP naa (Kotobank.jp n.d.), the dialect itself is
spoken in the south-western half of Japan. Furthermore, male-gendered SFP naa derives from
SFP nou—as does female-gendered SFP nee. Therefore, nou slightly connotes elderly speech,
similar to archaic SFP wai.
One final, slightly different, deviation occurring in the data is the male usage of SFP wa.
This, however, is yet another dialectal SFP. The character Chairman Profiteur employs SFP wa as
such as well as dialectal male-gendered SFP ne ya. Besides Profiteur, no other character speaks as thickly in dialect as he does. Furthermore, localisation has preserved Profiteur’s linguistic trait by rendering his dialect as a thick French accent in the TT. One could wonder whether domestic dialects equal foreign accents; however, in this case the French accent seems plausible.
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While table 4 includes only verbal sentence constructions, the SFP tokens can also
succeed sentences which have as head a form of the copula da (hereafter: COP; and COP- sentences). These instances of SFP tokens preceded by COP forms are labelled copula construction tokens (hereafter: COP tokens). Table 5 below lists the COP tokens of both regular or natural COP-
sentences and verbal sentences which have been nominalised with NMLZ no—or the
phonologically reduced n—preceded by COP da. Note that the SFP tokens listed in table 4 and in
the COP-sentence section of table 5 are not re-visualised in the columns regarding the COP
tokens of nominalised verbal sentences. They do, however, apply to both sentence types and
can succeed COP da of nominalised verbal sentences as well. There are no female-gendered COP
tokens in addition to those listed in table 5 (ne; yo; yo ne). (05) is such a nominalised verbal
sentence; Tiz utters extract (05) in Event#118.
(05) Nominalised V / i-A S COP construction ST M: ANIESU ni wa boku-tachi ga tsuiteiru n da kara ANIESU =ni=wa boku-tachi=ga tsui-te-i-ru n da kara Agnès=DAT=TOP I-PL=NOM be.attached-CONN-be-NPST iNMLZ iCOP because TT M: ‘And we’re here [for her], just in case.’
The main clause of (05) is ‘ANIESU ni wa boku-tachi ga tsuiteiru [kara]’,9 which bears the
same translation as the nominalised version. The difference lies, once more, in the male-
gendered assertiveness intensification augmented into the sentence. This effect caused by
nominalisation is analogous to the way male-gendered SFPs modify sentences. The gender-
neutral equivalent of this nominalisation is constructed the same way using POL.COP desu.
9. Due to syntactic equivocality, kara is bracketed. The lexicalisation dakara—often erroneously described as consequential conjunctive—possesses numerous functions and forms (Ono, Thompson, and Sasaki 2012, 269). Based on Ono et al. (2012, 255–70), da kara in (07) appears to function as ‘non-sequential dakara’ [‘so…’] with inverted cause-result order. This means result Y is mentioned before cause X; i.e., cause X explains result Y.
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Table 5. Grammar: Copula Construction Tokens
NMLZ no preceding COP da is regularly pronounced as n’. This phonological reduction (PR) does not index gender, however. The first columns of each gender type of verbal sentence construction are the PRED of those sentences; i.e., no PRED follows verbals directly in one sentence. There are no informal or intimate gender-neutral V / i-A S nominalisation constructions using strictly NMLZ no and COP da forms. A female-gendered alternative is constructible using NMLZ koto with zero- copula; however, this construction is also used as female-gendered request or command construction (Hasegawa 2015, 360). Moreover, the usage of koto as sentence-final item is syntactically identical to [COP-sentence elements (Noun Phrase) + zero-copula]. This is because koto technically creates Noun Phrases (NPs) in a way semantically equivalent to the English constructions: ‘the fact that…’; ‘the event of…’; ‘that…’; etc. [where ‘…’ = nominalised clause].
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Table 5 above lists the COP-constructions included as JGRL tokens in the present thesis.
The SFP-related content of table 5 is based on the same research as the sources of table 4
(Shibamoto-Smith 2003, 211, 2004, 124; Hasegawa 2015, 363; Shibatani 1990, 373; Hiramoto
2013, 59–61; Ide and Yoshida 1999, 465; Okamoto 1995, 301–2; Kinsui 2003, 135; Martin 1975,
914–48, 968; Vranic 2013, 55–62; Sakata 1991, 117). The COP-related content in table 5 is based
on the models included in the research of Abe (1998, 65–67), Ide (1979, 8–9), Ide and Yoshida
(1999, 465), Okamoto (1995, 301–2), Shibatani (1990, 373), SturtzSreetharan (2004, 86), Ueno
(2006, 25) and Vranic (2013, 55, 57–58, 60–62).
As regards male-gendered tokens, table 5 differs minimally from table 4.
Nominalisation of verbal sentences using no da has the function of intensifying assertiveness of
the sentence. It seems likely that this has led to the evasion of COP da found throughout the
female-gendered constructions. Another exclusively male-gendered token is ‘COP sa’, a token
which functions as NPST-COP. Some studies classify sa only as SFP, such as Narahara (2002, 157).
However, this narrowing classification has proven difficult to uphold. As Matsumoto (2004,
230–31) has remarked, this perceiving of sa as SFP has had Narahara strain and even contradict
her own ‘ignorative mode’ theory regarding rule-governed obligatory omission of COP da in some sentence types (for example, questions which are discussed below). Therefore, the present thesis considers sa to be an alternate form of da. Consequently, nominalised verbal sentences can also take sa as PRED.COP, as is the case in extract (06) which Ringabel utters in Event #31.
(06) Nominalised V / i-A S with PRED.COP sa ST N: kono techou ni sou kaite-aru no sa . kono techou=ni sou kai-te-ar-u no sa this note=LOC so write-CONN-be-NPST NMLZI COPI TT N: It’s all written in the book.
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An exclusively female-gendered COP token or, as Shibatani (1990, 373) has described it,
‘syntactic rule’ regarding COP usage is the COP-deletion rule or zero-copula which is triggered by
SFP yo. ∅ signifies zero-copula in table 5 which shows ∅ is mandatory in female-gendered speech when preceded directly by either yo, yo ne, or ne. Extract (07) exemplifies this usage. Airy utters (07) in Event #43.
(07) V / i-A S + NMLZ + + SFP ST F: mushiro fuiteinai hou ga okashii no yo . mushiro fui-te-i-nai hou=ga okashi-i no yo rather blow-CONN-be-NEG direction=NOM strange-NPST NMLZi SFPi TT F: ‘This stillness shouldn’t be possible.’ [Lit.: ‘It’s rather the fact that the wind is not blowing that is weird.’] Thus, while the construction of (07) is actually [adverb + NP=NOM + i-A + no + ∅ + yo], masculine speakers or characters would say: ‘mushiro fuiteinai hou ga okashii n da yo’ [adverb + NP=NOM + i-A
+ no (n’) + COP + yo]. Indeed, this latter construction augments considerably more self-assertion.
Contrary to abovementioned exclusiveness of the [V / i-A S + no + da] construction which supposedly bars female-gendered usage; the data of the present thesis show a possible work-around by employing female-gendered [da] mono ‘because’. Extract (08) shows this work- around which Airy utters in Event #43.
(08) V / i-A S + NMLZ + COP + mono ST F: kono kuni ni wa kaze no KURISUTARU ga aru n da mono . kono kuni=ni=wa kaze=no KURISUTARU =gaar-un da mono this country=LOC=TOP wind=GEN crystal=NOM be-NPST NMLZi COPi because TT F: ‘When they’re the site of the Wind Crystal, they are.’
It appears female-gendered da mono ‘COP because’ overrules male-gendered nominalisation n da in (08). This indicates a stronger-felt presence either of whichever JGRL token takes final position or of [da] mono. Exploring whether this, then, applies to only this specific combination or to [da] mono preceded by a variety of male-gendered JGRL tokens could offer new insights.
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Approached from a different perspective, a possible clarification of this paradoxical
construction may have already been partly provided by Lakoff (1972, 922–23, n. 11). Despite
Lakoff’s analysed construction differing from [da] mono, it seems to be applicable to above
sentence as well. In her comparison of Japanese and English, Lakoff—aided by Uyeno—has
interpreted the consecutively-occurring SFPs yo and ne as yo modifying ne. The complete
sentence included a confirmation-seeking construction: [TOP wa + NP + COP da + SFP wa + SFP yo + SFP ne]. This sentence is female-gendered due to SFP wa; however, the interpretation specifically regarded the essentially gender-neutral SFP duo yo ne. Lakoff first perceived this combination as paradoxical; assertive yo together with softening ne. This is analogous to (08), where n da
adds assertiveness and mono softens the sentence.
However, when considering yo as modifier of ne—which aligns with the head-final
overall structure of Japanese—it makes sense for ne to determine the ultimately conveyed
social disposition. This also seems to be the case in (08), where female-gendered mono absorbs
the male-gendered assertiveness of n da. In other words, the serialised SFPs are grammatically
similar to modified NPs in Japanese; the ‘head-final SFPs’ and nominals are, respectively,
ideologically, and syntactically determinative. Section 4.1, which discusses characters’ JGRL
profiles, will show Airy is reliable as source of female-gendered language use.
Table 6 below lists all confirmation-seeking JGRL tokens the present thesis employs. The tokens are based on the work of Abe (1998, 66–67), Makino and Tsutsui (1995, 90–92), Martin
(1975, 916), Maynard (2009, 71, 117–18, 259–60), Okamoto (1995, 301–2), Shibamoto-Smith
(2004, 124), SturtzSreetharan (2004, 86), Ueno (2006, 25) and Vranic (2013, 55, 57–62). All tokens
specify the gender of the column that lists them only if the speaker uses them to receive
confirmation from the addressee(s).
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Table 6. Grammar: Confirmation-seeking Tokens
The present thesis considers, in concordance with Maynard (2009, 71), Tompowsky (2013, 49) and Vranic (2013, 60), desho, the mildly formal hortative (HORT) form of COP da (COP.HORT), as neutral-gendered. It should be stressed that sentence-final ka na ‘I wonder’ is gender-neutral only when used to address oneself (Abe 1998, 67; Makino and Tsutsui 1995, 90–92; Okamoto 1995, 302; Ueno 2006, 25). Furthermore, daro or darou, the informal HORT forms of COP da (COP.HORT.M), are only male-gendered when used directly toward an addressee. Therefore, if daro(u) expresses the speaker’s uncertainty, it is gender-neutral (Maynard 2009, 259–60). The sentence-final construction darou ni / deshou ni, however, is gender-neutral and expresses regret of the speaker or sympathy for addressee(s) or the third person (Makino and Tsutsui 1995, 235–37). Unlike constructions of previously discussed tokens, confirmation-seeking constructions employing forms of COP da do not require nominalisation of verbal sentences, such as in (09) below. Pronunciation of COP.NEG is with rising intonation, both with and without (no). Sentence- final (no) is discussed as question token where it functions as interrogative particle.
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Extract (09) below exemplifies the relative freedom of confirmation-seeking tokens.
Where other COP-constructions need verbal sentences nominalised, confirmation-seeking
tokens directly follow the PRED of their V / i-A S. Edea utters (09) in Event #43. Note that V-PST dekita directly precedes desho without nominalisation of the main clause. However, NMLZ no (n’)
for verbal sentences and NMLZ na no (na n’) for COP-sentences are applicable, in which case they gender-neutrally increase emphasis.
(09) V / i-A S + COP.HORT ST N: hora, BACCHIRI sennyuu dekita desho ? hora BACCHIRI i sennyuu deki-ta desho look properly infiltration be.able-PST COP.HORTi TT N: ‘There, see? Inside without a hitch.’
The next subcategory of JGRL grammar tokens consists of question constructions. Table 7
below lists all tokens the present thesis employs. These tokens are based on the work of Abe
(1998, 66–67), Aizawa (2003, 94), Bloch (1946, 214–15), Hiraiwa and Ishihara (2012), Ide (1979, 8–
9), Ide and Yoshida (1999, 465), Kitagawa (2005, 303), Makino and Tsutsui (1989, 90–93, 166–68,
170–73), SturtzSreetharan (2004, 86), Vranic (2013, 60, 62) and Ueno (2006, 22).
The consensus on questions is that two sorts of questions exist: closed or polar questions,
which have the possible answers of yes and no; and open or non-polar questions, characterised by
interrogative words such as where, when, and how. Drawing from Makino and Tsutsui (1989, 90–
93, 166–68, 170–73) it can be said polite Japanese questions typically end in interrogative particle
(hereafter: INT) ka preceded by a conjugation of POL.COP desu or of polite suffix -masu. As is typical of polite Japanese, however, these constructions are gender-neutral. On the other hand, informal questions which end in INT ka—either preceded by a verbal PRED or zero-copula replacing COP da—are male-gendered (Abe 1998, 66; Ide and Yoshida 1999, 465; Makino and
Tsutsui 1989, 93; Sakata 1991, 117; SturtzSreetharan 2004, 86).
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As alternative to INT ka, male-gendered closed questions can take increasingly self- assertive INT kai, whereas male-gendered open questions can take INT dai which conveys
relatively less self-assertion than INT ka.10 Further intensification of self-assertion is possible by
adding NMLZ na no or NMLZ no to COP- or verbal sentences, respectively, directly preceding INT ka, kai, etc. On the other hand, traditionally female-gendered question constructions consist of zero-interrogative, possibly preceded by NMLZ na no or no in COP- or verbal sentences,
respectively. Zero-interrogative signifies omission of INT; however, occurrences of NMLZ na no or
NMLZ no preceding zero-interrogative are significantly common. Therefore, the present thesis—in
concordance with Abe (1998, 67), Ide and Yoshida (1999, 465), SturtzSreetharan (2004, 86), and
others—considers this no to be INT no.
Presumably due to the relatively intimidating character of INT ka, male speakers can
employ female-gendered question constructions as well, without social consequences (Makino
and Tsutsui 1989, 93; Abe 1998, 66–67; Aizawa 2003, 94; SturtzSreetharan 2004, 86; Vranic 2013,
55, 58, 62). Therefore, table 7 lists these tokens as neutral when uttered by male characters and
as female-gendered when uttered by female characters. The data are tagged in the same
manner; instances of male characters using female-gendered question tokens are not tagged as
gender-contradictory, while instances of female characters using these tokens are tagged as
gender-conforming.
10. Even though the present thesis specifies dai as INT, Makino and Tsutsui (1989, 92) have stated dai is a compound of COP da and ‘particle i’. ‘Particle i', however, remains unclarified by Makino and Tsutsui. Furthermore, Bloch (1946, 215, n. 25) contradicts their statement by stating INT kai and dai derive from ka ne and da ne, respectively. Nonetheless, because dai exclusively functions as INT, the present thesis glosses dai as such.
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Table 7. Grammar: Question Tokens
Table 7 classifies both INT da and INT no as INT rather than as COP and NMLZ. Only open questions employ INT da, while INT no is applicable as INT of both open and closed questions. Likewise, INT ka is applicable to open and closed as well; however, INT ka in informal speech is exceedingly masculine and perceived as forceful. The data of the present thesis include instances of INT sa exclusively in open questions constructed as: [V / i-A S elements + V-CONN-PR-n + no + sa]. Thus, INT sa seems rather specific and—at least in the analysed data of the present thesis—directly succeeds [V-te’n no]. Of [V-te’n no]: [V] is PRED; and [’n] signifies phonological reduction (hereafter: PR) which results in n. This PR is associated with male JGRL (listed in table 9) and derives from ‘aspectual auxiliary’ iru ‘exist’ of progressive construction [V-te + iru] (Ogihara 1998, 87). Open questions include interrogative words such as naze ‘why’, nande ‘why’ or ‘how’, dou
‘how’, nani ‘what’, dare ‘who’ and itsu ‘when’. In informal Japanese, these open questions
employ INT da, INT (na) no, INT ka, zero-copula, INT dai or, though rarely, INT sa. Finally, [other] in table 7 signifies a female-gendered question token that is unique in construction compared to the other question tokens. Due to the female-gendered linguistic-ideologically valued negation of self-assertion, it can be stated self-quotation is a female JGRL question token. Self-quotation, however, is discussed after (10) has exemplified several key question tokens below.
Altenaar 66
(10) Usage of Question Tokens Male-gendered Closed Questions (a) ST M-1:machi ga myou ni sawagashikunai ka? machi=ga myou=ni sawagashi-ku-nai ka town=NOM unusual-ADV noisy-ADV-NEG INTi TT M-1: ‘Do the streets seem noisy to anyone else?’
(b) ST M-2:kiken wa nai no ka ? kiken=wa na-i no ka danger=TOP not.exist-NPST NMLZi INTi TT M-2: ‘Is there any danger to Agnès?’
(c) ST M-3:omae …shouki na no ka !? omae shouki na.no ka you sanity ATT.NMLZi INTi TT M-3: ‘Have you lost your mind, girl?’
Male-gendered Open Questions (d) ST M-4:IDEA , kimi wa nanimono na n da ? IDEA i kimi=wa nanimono na.n da Edea you=TOP who ATT.NMLZi (INT-)COPi TT M-4: ‘Just who are you, Edea?’
(e) ST M-5:dou dai? dou dai how INTi TT M-5: [Omitted from translation; [meaning: ‘How about it?’]
(f) ST M-6:nani itte’n no sa . nani i-tte-’n no sa what say-CONN-PR NMLZi INTi TT M-6: [Omitted from translation; [meaning: ‘What are you talking about?’] (10.a) has been extracted from Event #70, (10.b) from Event #68, (10.c) from Event #76, (10.d) from Event #133, (10.e) from Event #138 and (10.f) from Event #10. All events are included in Appendix B and originate from Bravely Default (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2013b).
Altenaar 67
(10) Usage of Question Tokens Continued Female-gendered/Gender-neutral Questions (g) ST F/N-1: mite wakaranai no …? mi-te wakar-anai no see=CONN understand=NEG INTi TT F/N-1: ‘Isn’t it obvious?’
(h) ST F/N-2: onee-sama ga, shinda …? onee-sama=ga shin-da [Ø] big.sister-HON=NOM die-PST [INT]i TT F/N-2: ‘Dead...?’
(i) ST F/N-3: donna naiyou na no ? donna naiyou na no what.kind.of content ATT INTi TT F/N-3: ‘What sort of things do they say?’
(10.g) has been extracted from Event #150, (10.h) from Event #152 and (10.i) from Event #80. All events are included in Appendix B and originate from Bravely Default (Square Enix Holdings Co., Ltd. 2013b).
Questions (10.a) through (10.c) are male-gendered closed question. (10.a) and (10.b) are verbal sentences, while (10.c) is a COP-sentence which includes NMLZ na no preceding INT ka. In terms of
constructing questions, (10.a) and (10.b) are considerably similar; the question token of (10.b)
is the self-assertion intensified variant of (10.a). The main PREDs of the sentences are both
verbal— i-adjectival sawagashikunai ‘not noisy’ heads the main clause of (10.a); and the verb nai
‘not existing’ heads the main clause of (10.b)—and end in -i, indicating NPST. The only difference between the question constructions of (10.a) and (10.b) is the addition of NMLZ no between the PRED and INT ka in (10.b), intensifying the already-present self-assertion. (10.c)
does the same with a COP-sentence, showing the obligatory addition of na preceding no,
resulting in [NP + na no ka].
Altenaar 68
(10.d) through (10.f) are male-gendered open questions. All three examples are COP- sentences or, more precisely, not verbal sentences. Despite (10.f) having verbal PRED i-tteiru ‘to
be saying’ as head, the entire sentence is nominalised by no which precedes INT sa. The data
seem to indicate Japanese open questions prefer COP-sentences over verbal sentences, which
could explain the additional function of COP da and dai as INT of these questions.
Finally, (10.g) through (10.i) show the female-gendered/gender-neutral counterparts of above male-gendered question tokens. These counterparts are syntactically identical to the male-gendered tokens except for the female-gendered zero-interrogative which deletes INTs ka, kai, (na no +) da, dai, and sa. Zero-interrogative works similar to zero-copula in
However, as mentioned above, there exists another female-gendered question token, or so the present thesis argues. Maynard (1996) has studied the concept of self-quotation, describing it as facilitating ‘discourse functions such as dramatization and distancing.’
Additionally, self-quotation ‘serves to qualify speech acts as it mitigates, parodies and/or emphasizes the act of ‘saying’ itself’ (Maynard 1996, 208–9). The mitigation which Maynard has identified as a key function of self-quotation is relevant here. Furthermore, Maynard (1996,
215) has noted self-quotation enables speakers to use gendered SFP in a valid way regardless of
the speaker’s gender and sex. Finally, Maynard (1996, 220) has stated that self-quotative
devices serve to package messages while mitigating self-assertion. Thus, self-quotation allows
female speakers to use male-gendered question tokens in a way that ensures social safety.
(11) below is an example of the female Armory Clerk using a male-gendered question
token through self-quotation in Event #145. The Armory Clerk, perhaps contrary to what one
expects of an Armory saleswoman, uses female JGRL consistently. She shares this trait with the
other citizens of the town she lives in: the all-female Florem.
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(11) V / i-A S + NMLZ + COP.NEG + ka + tte + … iu ‘to say’ ST: nishi no hanazono ni nara, aru n janai ka tte futa-ri ni icchatta n desu. nishi=no hanazono=ni nara ar-u n janai ka tte west=GEN flower.garder=LOC if exist-NPST NMLZi COP.NEGi INTi QUOTi
futa-ri=ni i-ccha-tta n desu two-person=DAT say-accident-PST NMLZi POL.COPi TT: ‘I told them they might find some in the gardens.’
Note that the PRED of a main clause fully determines the politeness of a sentence in Japanese.
Therefore, even though janai ka [COP.NEG + INT] would be considered masculine, direct, and even
impolite, by utilising self-quotation the Armory Clerk fully mitigates the self-assertion
associated with janai ka and maintains politeness by ending the sentence with n desu [NMLZ +
POL.COP]. Naturally, a male speaker could utter the exact same sentence when, for example, speaking with his superior at work. Nonetheless, what Makino and Tsutsui (1989, 93) have stated as male usage of female-gendered question tokens being socially accepted, applies to this case as well. However, approached from the female perspective, self-quotation is a necessary means to utter a question constructed clearly and concisely, even if the speaker promptly mitigates the assertive force of the quoted question.
This self-quotative device is, at times, combined with ellipsis for further softening of the packaged question, statement, etc. This fortifies the female-gendered aspect of self- quotation, or so the present thesis argues. Ellipsis in combination with self-quotation echoes, though silently, the valued feminine negation of self-assertion, also discussed above. In case ellipsis is combined with self-quotation, the clause packaging the true message is omitted except for the quotative particle which usually introduces the mitigating clause. (12.a) below represents the structure of question constructed through regular self-quotation (or quotation),
(12.b) shows how self-quotation combines with ellipsis.
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(12) Question Packaged in Self-Quotation (a) Question Packaged in Self-Quotation Verbal sentence question: [V / i-A S + INT + QUOT + PRED] COP-sentence question: [COP-sentence elements + INT + QUOT + PRED]
(b) Question Packaged in Self-Quotation Combined with Ellipsis [Embedded question + INT + QUOT]
The most-commonly used quotative postpositions (hereafter: QUOT) are: to, tte, to iu or to
yuu, and tte iu or tte yuu. The latter combined QUOTs, however, are usually followed either by
NMLZ koto or mono, or by a nominal; they are not usually used in constructing self-quotative
sentences—except for, perhaps, koto. Typical verbal PREDs of (12.a) include iu ‘to say’, kiku ‘to
ask’, omou ‘to think’, and negau ‘to wish’. As (12.b) shows, these verbal PREDs are omitted when
self-quotation combines with ellipsis. In Event #131, Agnès utters extract (13) which exemplifies this type of ellipsis.
(13) Question Packaged in Self-Quotation Combined with Ellipsis ST F: mazu wa isogi, hi no KURISUTARU no moto e ikou ka to … mazu=wa isog-i hi=no KURISUTARU =no moto=e ik-ou ka to first=TOP hurry=V fire=GEN crystal=GEN side=DAT go-HORT INTi QUOTi TT F: ‘I must hurry to the Fire Crystal’s side.’ Agnès formulates a question as self-quotation, mitigating the male-gendered self-assertion associated with ikou ka, then further negates self-assertion by omitting the PRED which
supposedly would have succeeded QUOT to otherwise.
Table 8 below lists the JGRL request construction tokens the present thesis employs. The subcategory ‘requests’ includes polite requests, ‘please do X’, as well as imperative (hereafter:
IMP), ‘do X!’, and prohibitive constructions (hereafter: PROH), ‘don’t do X!’. The tokens are based
on the research of Abe (1998, 65), Hasegawa (2015, 360, n. 7), Kinsui (2003, 101), Momoko
Nakamura (2007, 40–41), Okamoto and Shibamoto-Smith (2007, 92), SturtzSreetharan (2004, 86)
and Takano (2005, 659–62).
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Table 8. Grammar: Requests
Upper half of table is as previous tables, except for male-gendered IMP ‘N seyo’. This construction succeeds ‘verbal nouns’ (Miyamoto 1999, 4–5) with the IMP-conjugation of suru ‘to do’. Lower half of table consists solely out of auxiliary verbs preceded by V-CONN, meaning ‘do X’, or V-NEG-CONN for the construction ‘do not X’. ‘As question’ means table 7 rules combine with token.
Altenaar 72
Request tokens are abundant; however, as table 8 makes clear, the majority is male- gendered. While this subcategory bears the name ‘requests’, what is understood as ‘request token’ includes numerous peremptory commands, such as (14) exemplifies below. Indeed, the female-gendered counterparts of these commands are considerably bereft of this peremptoriness. This again echoes the dichotomy of self-assertive male-gendered tokens
versus negated self-assertion and indirect female-gendered tokens. The [V-te + Ø (ne / yo)] construction is particularly illustrative of Momoko Nakamura’s (2002, 10) female linguistic ideology ‘rules’ dictating indirect and limited speech. Omission of the auxiliary, which overtly voices the request, negates most self-assertion associated with asking or demanding a favour.
Bandit Jackal, a character whose language use is replete with male-gendered tokens, utters (14) in Event #87, voicing his frustration and anger by using the forceful PROH hoe'n na
‘don’t bark!’. The PROH hoe'n na incorporates phonological reduction (PR), a token which table 9
lists; the phonetically unreduced correct phrase is hoe-ru na ‘bark-NPST PROH’.
(14) V / i-A S elements + V’n na [PROH] ST M: KYANKYAN hoe’n na BUSU ! KYANKYAN hoe-’n=na BUSU i yapping bark-PR=PROH extremely.ugly.woman TT M: ‘One of you muzzle this dog’s yapping, would you?’ [Lit.: ‘Stop barking, you ugly, ugly girl!’]
Note the toning down of the content in the TT, where ‘this dog’ replaces BUSU, which means
‘extremely ugly woman’. Furthermore. the PROH itself, originally aimed directly at Agnès, has
been translated as a—slightly polite—request toward the other present male characters Tiz
and Ringabel. The present thesis explores the Event of (14) more deeply in the analysis and results section. The syntactic role of BUSU is analogous to ‘John’ in the sentences: ‘Come here,
John!’ and ‘John, come here!’. Likewise, BUSU is also useable as sentence-initial element.
Altenaar 73
The final JGRL subcategory is miscellaneous tokens, which table 9 below lists. Primarily,
it consists of interjections, vulgarity, phonological reduction, and a few leftover verb conjugations
and lexical items. The interjection tokens (in table 9: ‘INTJ’) are based on the research of Hasegawa
(2015, 357–58), Kinsui (2003), Okamoto and Shibamoto-Smith (2007, 92), Saito (2005, 157, 279),
Shibamoto-Smith (1981, 273–78, 2003, 208), and Tompowsky (2013, 14, 53). Most articles on
JGRL the present thesis cites mention vulgarity and the tendency of female speakers to avoid
using vulgar language (e.g.: Ide and Yoshida 1999, 471–72; Okamoto 1995, 305; Okamoto and
Shibamoto-Smith 2007, 92; Shibamoto-Smith 1981, 259). Phonological reduction (PR) comes in
various forms and is in almost every case male-gendered (however, see table 9 for exceptions).
Addition of PR is based on the research of Hasegawa (2015, 357), Ide and Yoshida (1999, 472),
Imai (2010), Okamoto (1995, 302), Okamoto and Shibamoto-Smith (2007, 92), Tompowsky (2013,
14, 51–52) and Ueno (2006, 25). The leftover tokens are based on Hasegawa (2015, 357-60, 366),
Ide and Yoshida (1999, 471–72), Okamoto (1995, 305), Okamoto and Shibamoto-Smith (2007, 92) and Tompowsky (2013, 19).
Table 9 below lists the tokens occurring most commonly in the data. Especially the PR
tokens have a wide range of variety, perhaps due to the applicability of PR in Japanese (see, for
example: Imai 2010; Tompowsky 2013). Vulgarity is, in addition to the profanities table 9 lists,
more of a recurrent theme than a set of specific tokens. Immediately evident is the lack of
female-gendered miscellaneous tokens, except for interjections. Interjections are typically
sentence-initial; however, male- and female-gendered naa and nee also appear mid-sentence,
preceded by postpositions. This looks like, for example, [NP + TOP + nee + …], where TOP marker
wa precedes female-gendered INTJ nee mid-sentence. The data of the present thesis, moreover,
indicates an additional female-gendered intj: chotto chotto ‘wow, wow’ (see section 4.1.1).
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Table 9. Grammar: Miscellaneous Tokens
Male-gendered PR ‘-ee pronunciation’ occurs instead of the -ai and -oi endings of i-As. For example, sugoi ‘amazing’ pronounced as sugee is an example of this PR token. This extents to desiderative auxiliary -tai which attaches to V stems; for example, desiderative kiki-tai [‘I want to ask’; ‘I want to listen’] pronounced as kiki-tee. In rare cases, this PR token occurs with similarly- sounding NAs; such as, for example, suffix -mitai [‘like’; ‘resembling’] pronounced as -mitee; and nominals, such as derogatory second-person deictics temee (derived from temae) and omae pronounced as omee. Finally, male-gendered [V-nu] does not include the [V-nu] ATT form of the NEG V conjugation; only in sentence-final position does [V-nu] index masculinity.
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3.2.2. Target Text Analysis: Determining Tokens of English Gender Role Language
This section explains how the present thesis analyses the TT to uncover English gender
role language tokens (EGRL tokens). The present thesis attempts to achieve this by combining
text analysis software AntConc (Anthony 2018) with the various gendered characteristics of
English language usage discussed in section 2.4. The first subsection clarifies how the present
thesis applies AntConc to analyse the TT. The second subsection lists abovementioned gendered characteristics of English language usage alongside Hiramoto’s (2013) concrete examples thereof, and references two other research studies on EGRL used to compare results with.
3.2.2.1. AntConc
This subsection details the method the present thesis uses to determine possible
English gender role language (EGRL) lexicon or syntax; in other words, English vocabulary or grammar indexing gender of speaker, addressee, or both. The text analysis software the present thesis utilises is AntConc (Anthony 2018), a corpus analysis toolkit developed for linguistic research involving word frequency or usage. This subsection describes the way in which AntConc operates in general, the software’s relevant functions, the way in which the present thesis applies these functions to analyse the TT, as well as the reference corpora used.
The software AntConc generally fulfils the same needs as the more commercial software
WordSmith Tools (Scott 2017) does. The latter corpus analysis toolkit is covered in A Companion to Digital Humanities (Schreibman, Siemens, and Unsworth 2004, pt. IV, chap. 33). These toolkits analyse word frequencies occurring in corpora and simultaneously compare these frequencies with reference corpora. The user determines which texts comprise these corpora, allowing for various analysis approaches. Lee (2014, 42), following Carroll and Kowitz (1994), has used the term ‘computer concordancing’ to name this analysis process.
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The relevant functions of AntConc are the Concordance Tool, the Collocates Tool, Word List
and Keyword List. The Clusters/N-Grams Tool can also provide additional results by means of
user-specified cluster searching. The user can execute search commands via the Concordance
Tool to have AntConc display search results in a KeyWord in Context or KWIC layout. This KWIC
layout enables the user to examine all occurrences of a specified word in context. These KWIC
results are sortable by words preceding and words succeeding the occurrences.
Closely related is the Collocates Tool. This tool enables the user to swiftly examine the
word usages occurring with specified words or phrases throughout the corpus; in other words,
the tool enables analysis of non-sequential patterns. Contrary to the Concordance Tool, the
Collocates tool lists these co-occurring words isolated from the context in which they occur.
By using the Word List function, the user can have AntConc list all words occurring in
the corpus text, sorting the results by frequency. This tool purely shows how often which
words occur. Through the settings regarding the Word List function, the user can configure a
so-called lemma list to instruct AntConc which differently spelled words are to be considered as
one word. For example, ‘time’ and ‘times’ are part of one lemma; and ‘force’, ‘forces’ and
‘forced’ of another. The generated Word List (and Keyword List) tallies the occurrences of
these words, showing both the lemma with frequency and its sub-words with frequencies.
Finally, the Keyword List function compares the frequencies of the Word List with the
user-defined reference corpus. In addition to complete text files, AntConc can also import word
frequency lists of texts as reference corpus. The present thesis has used the word frequency
list of the British National Corpus (written and spoken) as reference corpus. The texts comprising
this corpus originally contain over 100 million words, the University of Oxford (2015) has
stated; furthermore, they are selected from a wide range of subject matter and text types.
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The Keyword List function sorts the words occurring in the data corpus by keyness, an attribute determined by the number of occurrences in the data corpus compared to a calculated occurrence rate based on the reference corpus. The two conventional methods used for this calculation are Log-Likelihood and a Chi-Squared test (χ²). The present thesis has also intercompared the TT data divided into text uttered by male, female and female antagonistic characters. Section 4.3 specifies the used reference corpus when discussing the results.
Another function of the Keyword List is the Negative Keywords function which sorts the keywords occurring in the data corpus by unexpectedly low frequency. In other words, ranking
the keywords starting with the keyword which occurred the least despite having high keyness.
Further possible configuration includes loading or compiling a stoplist—a list of words
AntConc will ignore. The present thesis has not utilised this option; however, examples worth
considering are ‘the’, ‘to’, ‘er(m)’, ‘of’, etc. (This does, however, depend on each individual case
of corpus analysis and its goals.) The present thesis has appended the hyphen sign to the tokens
AntConc recognises as ‘letters’. The AntConc website has stated that, to have AntConc adequately
process the lemma list provided by Laurence Anthony for use with the British National Corpus as
reference corpus, appending of the hyphen and apostrophe signs is required. However, the
present thesis has not appended the apostrophe sign to have AntConc count [I] and [’m] as two
words—thereby not skewing the occurrence numbers of most pronominals.
3.2.2.2. English Gender Speech Style Characteristics
In her study regarding heterosexual normativity and translation thereof in an anime
series, Hiramoto (2013) has adopted, refined and concretised the gendered characteristics
stated by Lakoff (1973). Table 10 below lists these concrete terms alongside the characteristics
proposed by Lakoff.
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Table 10. English Language Usage Gendered Characteristics and Lexicon
Some of the characteristics table 10 lists have become considerably dated, such as female-gendered expletive ‘oh my fudge’ and adjective ‘divine’. However, utilising AntConc to analyse the male characters’ and female characters’ TT data may reveal more up-to-date keywords or tokens. Likewise, the present thesis will also attest the findings of McIntyre and
Walker (2010), and Carrol and Kowitz (1994) who have also examined language used by male and female characters, albeit of untranslated English in different genres.
Finally, the present thesis also examines translation of the various first-person and second-person pronominals of Japanese discussed above. It does so approaching the translations appearing in TT from the perspective of lexical simplification and explicitation.
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4. Analysis and Results
The first section of this chapter presents per analysed character or character group
their JGRL usage profile, also mentioning noteworthy language usage characteristics, and
interprets these data in terms of likelihood of the TT incorporating corresponding gendered
language. The second section of this chapter discusses two issues found through qualitative
analysis of the data. These issues have caused a discrepancy between the ST and TT, resulting
in (likely) less prominently gendered representations of some characters in the TT. These
issues concern Ringabel’s severely different TT personality, and censorship of ST content. The third section summarises the findings of several analyses made using AntConc, and compares the results with McIntyre and Walker’s (2010), Lakoff’s (1973), and Carrol and Kowitz’s (1994)
findings, and suggests several EGRL tokens based on those findings. The final section examines
translation of female gender-contradicting language usage, and lexical simplification and
explicitation of the various Japanese pronominals employed throughout the data.
4.1. ST Analysis: JGRL Usage Profiles
The characters described in section 3.1.3 and Appendix A are the subject of the primary analysis focus of the present thesis. Due to space constraints, the present thesis has grouped
most characters listed as minor characters in Appendix A together. However, the JGRL usage
patterns of the minor characters Jackal and Mephilia’s JGRL are too idiosyncratic for collective
analysis in their groups, which are, respectively, ‘Minor Male Characters’ and ‘Female
Antagonists’. Similarly, Airy qualifies for individual analysis because of her motivation to use
female-gendered language, which is to hide her own malicious nature and antagonistic role. In other words, she consciously speaks femininely to deceive those around her. Therefore, her
JGRL usage pattern should be a linguistic-ideological role model of female-gendered Japanese.
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First, all characters collectively analysed: Graph 1. Total Occurrences of JGRL Tokens 2000
1487 1500
1000
500 305 257 316 154 43 13 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting Graph 1 shows a rigorously conservative usage of first-person pronominals employed by all characters throughout the data. Furthermore, the usages of second-person pronominals and interjections are also relatively conservative, with, respectively, approximately 14% and 7,50% of the occurrences challenging the Japanese linguistic ideology. Grammar tokens occur most frequently and approximately 17,50% of these occurrences are gender-contradicting.
Graph 2. Total Occurrences of Grammar Tokens 400 296 304 300 239 252
200 166 162 145 85 100 63 74 5 12 0 Male Female Confirmation Copula usage Questions Requests Sentence-Final Particle Other Graph 2 specifies per subtype the occurrences of grammar tokens graph 1 displays collectively. Male-gendered ‘Other’ tokens chiefly consist of PR, sentence-final [V-NEG] form -nu, and vulgar auxiliaries -yaru and -yagaru. It also includes male-gendered lexicon such as kuu ‘to chow down’ and profane language. Female-gendered ‘Other’ tokens include sentence-final datte and tte, and miscellaneous female-gendered idiomatic expressions (for example, yoroshiku ne – a feminine self-introductory phrase equivalent to ‘nice to meet you’ (Moroheiya 2012))
Note: The characters’ JGRL usage profiles align with those found previously (Altenaar 2016), showing no noteworthy differences. The present thesis has revised these previous data, reapplying the present thesis’ methodology. These updated data form the transcript of the Prologue chapter of Bravely Default, included in Appendix B.
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Graph 1 shows that, in the data of the present thesis, grammar tokens include the most
occurrences of gender-contradicting usage. Graph 2 specifies that of these grammar tokens,
the COP-tokens occur most frequently, followed by SFP tokens and question tokens.
Furthermore, in the data of the present thesis, male-gendered tokens occur more often than
female-gendered tokens. This is especially the case with SFP tokens, of which 78% of the tokens
are male-gendered and only 22% of the occurrences are female-gendered.
However, it is more relevant to present the data of the employed JGRL usage patterns
per individually or collectively analysed character or character group. The collectively analysed characters are grouped together as ‘Minor Male Characters’, ‘Minor Female
Characters’ and ‘Female Antagonists’. Because female antagonists use substantially more gender-contradicting JGRL tokens, these characters (except for Mephilia) have been separated
from the other minor female characters. As Hiramoto (2013) has found as well, this gender-
contradicting JGRL usage, or linguistic negative gender stereotype, is typical of female
antagonists and accentuates their ill intent.
Minor Male Characters and Minor Female Characters both include the male and female
unnamed non-player characters encountered in the data. In-game, these characters bear
generic names such as, for example, ‘Man’ or ‘Woman’, ‘Duchy Gatekeeper’, and ‘Younger Girl
Seeking Hairpin’. In addition, the former also includes the various named minor male
characters, both benevolent and antagonistic characters.
The individually analysed characters include the four playable characters Tiz, Ringabel,
Edea and Agnès, and the minor characters Airy, Mephilia and Jackal. The present thesis does, nonetheless, record individual data on all characters listed in Appendix A. However, due to space constraints most of these minor characters are categorised into groups, as stated above.
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Individual analysis of Tiz:
Graph 3. Tiz Arrior: General JGRL Profile 140 118 120 100 80 60 40 31 33 15 20 7 6 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting The JGRL usage pattern of Tiz is typical of a mild main character. For instance, he uses the first-person deictic boku, the pronominal Kinsui (2003, 101) has specified as the more neutral
first-person deictic. The reason that this pronominal has become typical for mild or non-
aggressive main characters to use is that it leads to the player or media consumer to identify
with the main character more easily, thereby invoking immersion. It is worth to note that out
of the male characters, only Tiz uses INT no and uses the zero-interrogative the most. The relatively high number of employed female-gendered JGRL tokens could also have been motivated by the ludic aim of immersion. Therefore, this slightly bi-gendered usage could very well express itself in the TT as neutral language usage, or also as bi-gendered EGRL usage.
Individual analysis of Edea:
Graph 4. Edea Lee: General JGRL Profile 200 164 150 99 100 60 42 50 13 17 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections
Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting
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The JGRL usage of Edea is also bi-gendered; however, with Edea this has a different effect. As mentioned above, female usage of male-gendered JGRL can have an excessively negative effect on how the female speaker is perceived. In Edea's case, this frequent usage of male-gendered tokens helps create her identity which challenges two dominant ideologies. The first is the in- game ideology related to narratological aspects of the game, the second is the linguistic ideology dominant both in-game as in the world of the Japanese player. Noteworthy is that
Edea expresses frustration or anger in most cases of gender-contradicting JGRL usage. Section
4.4 addresses how Bravely Default’s TT reflects this usage.
Individual analysis of Ringabel: Graph 5. Ringabel: General JGRL Profile
200 171
150
100 44 50 31 2 6 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting
Compared to Tiz, Ringabel’s JGRL usage pattern is more conservatively masculine. This indicates that the TT includes male EGRL tokens. The first-person deictic Ringabel uses is ore, the more self-assertive first-person pronominal. His JGRL profile aligns with his flirtatious personality. This Casanova aspect of his personality is, however, lost in translation. The following section discusses this personality shift. Ringabel’s second-person pronominal of choice is kimi, regardless of the addressee’s gender. Alternis Dim, however, uses omae which is a slightly aggressive alternative. This contrast probably serves to conceal from the player that they are in fact the selfsame person, as well as to accentuate the latter’s antagonistic role.
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Individual analysis of Airy: Graph 6. Airy: General JGRL Profile 150 140
100
50 16 6 1 8 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections
Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting
The JGRL usage pattern of Airy is considerably conservative, with only one occurrence of a male-gendered JGRL token. Airy is the only character to use her own first name as first-person deictic, creating a ‘cute and childlike’ identity (Tompowsky 2013, 47). The in-game character description—quoted in section 3.1.3—confirms this by specifically describing her as to ‘act like a precocious, fussy crybaby’. As mentioned above, Airy consciously speaks in an exceedingly feminine way to conceal her antagonistic role and inhumane personality. Therefore, the TT of her text is likely to include female-gendered EGRL tokens or characteristics.
Individual analysis of Agnès:
Graph 7. Agnès Oblige: General JGRL Profile 40 37
30 20 20 10 10 5
0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections
Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting
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Agnès’ relatively low number of occurrences of JGRL tokens, despite uttering the most text out of all characters, results from her exceptionally polite language usage. As mentioned above, polite Japanese is gender-neutral; therefore, most of Agnès’ text is unsuitable for analysis. The only gendered notion regarding polite Japanese is its connotation of female-gendered speech, especially when used in informal setting. Whether this is the case here, however, is not easy to determine, because this partially depends on the speaker’s subjective perception of the situation.
Naturally, at some point Agnès surely accepts Tiz, Ringabel and Edea as friends, crossing into an informal context—in which she does continue to speak chiefly using polite language, even when engaged in a romantic relationship. Nonetheless, pinpointing an exact moment when this change occurs remains unrealistic. Thus, the TT of the text uttered by
Agnès seems likely to include frequently-occurring female EGRL characteristics. However, exact EGRL tokens are expected to be difficult to deduce solely from Agnès’s text, since the present thesis excludes polite language usage from analysis. On the other hand, Agnès’s TT should be viable to affirm EGRL tokens deduced from other female characters’ TT.
Individual analyses of Jackal and Mephilia, juxtaposed:
Graph 8. Mephilia and Jackal: General JGRL Profiles 100 81 80 63 60
40 17 12 15 20 7 6 5 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections Mephilia Jackal
Both characters’ data include exclusively gender-conforming usage of JGRL tokens.
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When juxtaposed, it immediately becomes clear that Jackal and Mephilia’s JGRL usage patterns are remarkably similar. Therefore, the TT data of Jackal and Mephilia are expected to include numerous male and female-gendered EGRL tokens, respectively. Out of all analysed female antagonists, only Mephilia solely employs female JGRL tokens, and she does so exceptionally consistently.
Collective analysis of female antagonists: Graph 9. Female Antagonists: General JGRL Profile 200 181
150
100
50 28 30 11 13 8 1 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting By analysing the female antagonists as their own group, excluding only Mephilia, immediately their JGRL usage pattern reveals an exceedingly high frequency of gender-contradicting JGRL tokens. Especially male-gendered grammar tokens, as well as second-person deictics, occur frequently throughout the data of these characters. Nonetheless, these characters, who embody linguistic negative female stereotypes, do employ exclusively female-gendered first- person pronominals and nearly exclusively female-gendered interjections. Therefore, based on their ST, it is expected that their TT includes a mixture of predominantly male- and female- gendered EGRL tokens. However, this applies only if these female antagonists are indeed translated as masculine villainous characters. This group of characters includes the named characters: Holly Whyte, Victoria, Einheria Venus, and Artemia Venus.
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What sets Holly Whyte apart from the other female antagonists is her pronominal usage; only Holly uses female second-person pronominal anta. However, rather than her choice of pronominals (atashi ‘I’, female; and anta ‘you’), it is interesting that the on-screen text rendering of Bravely Default unconventionally displays the pronominals Holly utters using katakana rather than hiragana writing.
Collective analysis of minor female characters:
Graph 10. Minor Female Characters: JGRL Usage 120 111
100
80
60
40 25 18 20 7 6 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting As graph 10 displays, the collective JGRL usage of the minor female characters is conservative, with gender-contradicting usage occurring rarely. A large part of the analysed female unnamed NPCs included in this character group are citizens of the various towns the player visits. Most noteworthy of these locations is Florem, a town inhabited exclusively by women.11
In the ST, the inhabitants’ language usage echoes Florem’s demographics; the data are abundant with female JGRL tokens. Therefore, the TT of, especially, the citizens of Florem is expected to contain a variety of female EGRL tokens. This group of characters includes two named characters: Water Vestal Olivia and the Matriarch of Florem.
11. One unnamed character, however, has been categorised as female antagonist. This character appears in-game as ‘Bloodrose Legion Member’ in Event #158.
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Collective analysis of minor male characters: Graph 11. Minor Male Characters: JGRL Usage 700 591 600 500 400 300 200 75 83 100 53 12 6 0 First-Person Deictics Second-Person Deictics Grammar Interjections Gender-conforming Gender-contradicting
The JGRL usage of the minor male characters is also conservative, with minimal occurrences of gender-contradicting JGRL tokens. This group includes the most characters of the three groups, including both benevolent and antagonistic characters. It is expected that the corresponding TT includes male EGRL tokens, especially the antagonists’ TT. The only character’s TT to be wary of is Fiore DeRosa’s, an antagonist who alone used nine gender- contradicting grammar tokens and two gender-contradicting interjection tokens. This group of characters includes the named characters: Nobutsuna Kamiizumi, Barras Lehr, Ominas
Crowe, Argent Heinkel, Caldisla's King, Grand Marshal, Ciggma Khint, Khamer VIII, Sage
Yulyana, Fiore DeRosa, Chairman Profiteur, Captain Owen, Karl the Innkeep and Alternis Dim.
4.2. Pre-TT Analysis Notes: Compromising Issues
This subsection addresses two touched-upon issues: localisation of Ringabel’s personality, and censorship of profane content. The present thesis discusses these issues due to their possibly hindering nature regarding AntConc analyses. These issues are examples of content changing during the process of localisation, rendering the TT different from the ST; in other words, a lack of equivalence with or fidelity to the ST. Seen through a different perspective, these issues are instances of O’Hagan and Mangiron’s (2013, 106:199; also, see
Munday 2016, 287) interpretation of transcreation.
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The first issue is Ringabel’s personality, or personalities. On the one hand, the ST
portrays Ringabel as flirtatious, yet successful and attractive, womaniser. Ringabel’s JGRL
usage pattern affirms this, consistently employing male JGRL. Additionally, a masculine voice
accompanies the character in the ST. On the other hand, the TT portrays Ringabel as zealous, yet utterly failing, womaniser. Rather than as Casanova, the TT portrays—and voices—Ringabel as an out-of-place gentleman; a gentleman endeavouring to conform to the customs of a younger, more modern generation. Occasionally, Bravely Default contradicts this image of the
TT Ringabel by having NPCs comment on (ST) Ringabel’s attractive demeanour, such as in
Event #140. This contrast in personality could lead to the TT data being devoid of male EGRL tokens and characteristics. Incidentally, this decrease in masculinity does not apply to Alternis
Dim—the character who is a pre-amnesiac Ringabel before he ends up in a parallel universe.
However, the data of the present thesis do not include sufficient text uttered by Alternis Dim for individual analysis.
The second issue concerns ST content subjected to censorship in localisation or transcreation. The localisation of Bravely Default has toned down the content of, especially, the text uttered by Jackal. An example of an event in which this censorship occurs is Event #87, the scene which results in the main characters battling Jackal, sealing the latter’s fate. In this scene, Jackal utters the profane prefix KUSO- ‘damn’ and interjection KUSO ‘shit’ seven times in
the ST. In the TT, however, these profanities have nearly completely disappeared. This aligns
with Hiramoto (2013, 65–66) who has noted that ‘[Cowboy Bebop’s] American English dub does
not contain any excessively strong profanity’, despite its ST including expletives, which is
analogous to Bravely Default. Another example is Holly Whyte describing, in Event #178, Tiz as
DOESU ‘sadist’, referencing S&M. This, however, is censored out of the translation.
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A few traces of the offensive content of Bravely Default’s ST in Event #87 do remain. One of these traces is the translation of ‘sonna KUSO-mite-e na koto wo iu’ [‘to say such shitty things’]
as ‘to vomit a few platitudes out on my floor’. In this case, ‘vomit’ conveys the hostility
originally voiced as KUSO-.12 Another trace is the translation of KUSO-oya [‘(my) shit parents’] as
‘worthless parents’. Here, ‘worthless’ expresses Jackal’s lack of respect for his parents. The
second uttering of KUSO-oya, which example sentence (02.e) included, remains largely
untranslated. The TT of this sentence does, however, include the trace ‘stinking thing’. Here,
‘stinking’ serves to express the hostility originally voiced as KUSO-(oya). However, Jackal directs this hostility toward Tiz in the TT, as opposed to toward his own parents in the ST. Finally, as mentioned above, the toned-down translation has BUSU ‘extremely ugly woman’, which Jackal
uses to address Agnès, appear as ‘this dog’ in the TT.
4.3. TT Analysis: AntConc Findings
By using AntConc, the present thesis has intercompared the TT and compared the TT
with the British National Corpus (The University of Oxford 2015; hereafter: BNC) in several ways,
and then compared the results with abovementioned EGRL tokens suggested by Lakoff (1973)
and refined by Hiramoto (2013), as well as with McIntyre and Walker’s (2010, 524–29), and
Carrol and Kowitz’s (1994) findings on gendered language patterns in English blockbuster movies and English learning textbooks, respectively. Appendix C includes all keyword analysis results and keyword lists exported from AntConc, in which EGRL tokens supporting results of
abovementioned research studies are boldfaced.
12. Furthermore, ‘platitudes’ refers to ‘gizen-butta taido’ [‘hypocritical attitude’], which Jackal utters in a following line in the ST. Perhaps due to the amount of censored content, the TT seems less in-sync with the ST than usual.
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Starting with the BNC as reference corpus, and grouping the TT data into the three categories of male, female and female antagonistic characters, one keyword AntConc finds in the data of all character groups is ‘vestal’—a narratological term. Moreover, the pronominals ‘I’ and ‘you’ are also key in all three groups. In the female TT data, ‘I’ is more key than ‘you’. This partially aligns with McIntyre and Walker’s (2010, 524-25) results, who have found ‘you’ to be key only in their female speech data, which they have interpreted as ‘other-directed facework’.
However, contrary to McIntyre and Walker’s (2010, 525) results, in the data of the present thesis, ‘you’ is also key in the male characters’ TT data, where ‘you’ is more key than ‘I’. This keyness ranking does, however, extent to the data of the female antagonists where ‘you’ is also more key than ‘I’. It seems the female antagonists share this linguistic trait with the male characters—which possibly is an example of the translation of Bravely Default attaining ST-TT gender speech equivalence (section 4.4 analyses the translation of pronominals).
On the other hand, the data regarding the word ‘sorry’ do fully align with the results found by McIntyre and Walker (2010, 525), who have stated that, based on their data, the frequent usage of ‘sorry’ by female characters may indicate female subservience resulting in a felt need to apologise, even for incidents they themselves are not responsible. Note that this statement also echoes Lakoff’s (1973) notion of women privileging their male addressees in terms of what the present thesis calls ‘linguistic authority’ (see chapter 2). The data of the present thesis include 17 instances of female characters using ‘sorry’, as opposed to 1 occurrence in the female antagonists’ data and 3 in the male characters’ data. Tiz utters all three instances of ‘sorry’ in the data, which perhaps reflects his slightly bi-gender JGRL usage in the ST. Thus, again the data show a correlation between the language usage of male and female antagonistic characters, contrasted by the female characters’ language usage.
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When intercomparing the TT of female versus female antagonistic characters, the only significant keywords found by AntConc consist of a series of enclitic auxiliary verbs, such as
[‘ve], [‘m], [‘ll], etc. These are key only in the female antagonists’ TT data, who—at least in the
ST, as chapter 2 discussed—embody linguistic-ideological ‘negative role models’. The data of the present thesis regarding these key enclitics appear to support Lakoff’s (1973, 44) statement about hypercorrection being a female-gendered linguistic characteristic. (Numerous variationist sociolinguistic research studies on language and gender have ever since analysed hypercorrection, such as: Romaine 2003, 102.) Another indication of female antagonists using male EGRL is the lack of keywords found by having AntConc intercompare their TT data;
AntConc finds none. The TT intercomparison of female versus male characters, with and without the female antagonists’ data added to the male characters’, reconfirms the keyness of
‘I’ in the female TT data. Another result found through this intercomparison is the negative
keyword ‘your’; AntConc shows that the female characters use ‘your’ significantly less
frequently compared to the other characters.
Intercomparing Mephilia, Airy and the minor female characters’ TT data and comparing their data with Edea and Agnès’s TT data as well as with the BNC has potentially
uncovered a few female EGRL tokens. The first is ‘girls’, this keyword is key in only the female
characters’ data; however, only the plural form shows this tendency. Rather, the singular form
‘girl’ is more key in the male character’s data. The three words ‘beautiful’, ‘filthy’ and ‘toying’
are also key in only the female character’s data. However, especially the latter two could be
idiosyncratic uses of Mephilia, as she is the only character uttering them. The former,
‘beautiful’, however, occurs no more than 3 times in the male characters’ data, out of which 1
is a quote from a beauty contest poster aimed at Florem’s female citizens.
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On the other hand, comparing Jackal and the minor male characters’ TT data with the
BNC shows that ‘me’, ‘my’, ‘this’ and ‘they’ are keywords in their speech. Concordancing of
‘this’ in Jackal’s data (see Appendix C) shows he uses the word aggressively, perhaps to better
match his ST and compensate for censored content. The results regarding ‘me’, ‘this’ and
‘these’, again, align with McIntyre and Walker’s (2010, 524) findings, who have noted the plural
forms in their data indicate group solidarity. This would therefore mean the frequent usage of
‘me’ and ‘my’ indicates individuality, which fits Jackal’s profile—a mostly secluded bandit,
abandoned by his parents. Furthermore, these possible EGRL tokens either do not show up as
keywords in the female characters’ data or do so with an increasingly low keyness (see
Appendix C).
Finally, having AntConc analyse the TT data for collocations with the word ‘I’, has led to
some noteworthy results. The female characters have two recurrent collocations with high
Log-Likelihood: ‘I fear’ and ‘I cannot’. The latter, again, supports Lakoff’s (1973, 44) notion
regarding hypercorrection—which entails overcorrect pronunciation; the former implies the
subservience of female characters mentioned by McIntyre and Walker (2010, 525). The male characters’ collocations of ‘I’ include ‘say’, ‘know’, ‘knew’, ‘want’, and ‘go’. These results supports Carroll and Kowitz’s (1994) findings, who have stated that, among others, ‘say’,
‘know’, ‘want’ and ‘go’ are verbs commonly associated with the male gender. Regarding verbs
associated with the female gender, Carroll and Kowitz have stated these to include ‘think’,
‘tell’, ‘bought’, ‘show’, ‘care’ and ‘got’. Of these verbs, only ‘think’ and ‘tell’ appear as
collocations in AntConc’s results, and ‘show’ occurs only twice throughout the female TT data
in co-occurrence with ‘I’. However, contradicting Carroll and Kowitz, is the collocation of ‘I’
with ‘go’ in the female TT data.
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4.4 Qualitative Analysis: Results
As discussed in chapter 2 of the present thesis, female speakers’ usage of male JGRL
results in negative perception of these speakers by addressees, auditors and overhears. This
negative perception is, however, rather subjective and depends on the vision or ideology of the
addressee or those present. Qualitative analysis of instances of female characters using male
JGRL tokens possibly reveals how this is translated, at least in the case of Bravely Default. As (15)
below serves to exemplify, a recurrent method applied to translate this gender-contradicting usage seems to be, or so the present thesis argues, attitudinal sarcasm. Edea utters (15) in Event
#86.
(15) Translation of male JGRL tokens employed by female characters: Edea
ST: goutou nante hiretsu na koui wa misugosenai yo! goutou nante hiretsu-na koui misugos-e-nai=yo robbery like cowardly-ATT act overlook-POT-NEG=SFP TT: ‘We couldn’t stand to watch you cowards just do as you pleased!’ ‘Attitudinal sarcasm’, in the present thesis, denotes the voicing and wording of
information in a way that makes it sound exceedingly self-evident, coupled with additional
emphasis. This creates a ‘duh-effect’, strengthening the sentence in a feminine way. In the case
of (15), Edea puts this additional emphasis on ‘pleased’. This creative translation manner is not
restricted to this one instance, nor to Edea. Victoria, for example, utters (16) in Event #122,
where the TT also implements this attitudinal sarcasm. Here, Victoria puts additional
emphasis on the verb ‘meant’.
(16) Translation of male JGRL tokens employed by female characters: Victoria ST: nan ja, futa-ri douji ni to omotta no ni …. tsumaran … nan=ja futa-ri douji-ni=to omo-tta no.ni tsumaran what=COP two-persons simultaneous-ADV=QUOT think-PST despite tedious TT: ‘It was meant for the both of you. How irritating.’
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While attitudinal sarcasm typically creates an air of superiority, it can also enable or
assist transcreation of humour—supplemental humour, added to the TT. For instance, after
being refused to accompany Agnès and Tiz on their journey by Agnès herself (Event #29), Edea
utters in Event #31: ‘matta—! atashi mo iku!’; ‘Wait! I’m going as well!’ (‘I’m coming with you’).
Where matta is a phonologically reduced imperative—a male JGRL token. In the TT, however,
Edea utters: ‘We’re all ready to go? Excellent!’ In other words, she blatantly rejects or overrules
Agnès’ earlier objection to her accompanying them, which is another implementation of attitudinal sarcasm—or at least its characteristic linguistic air of superiority. While in Japanese
this gender-contradicting JGRL usage possibly connotes audacity or enmity, in English
attitudinal sarcasm possibly connotes conceitedness or viciousness.
A different touched-upon issue entails the translation of the rich amount of
pronominals existing in Japanese. Translation of the various Japanese first-person and second-
person pronominals are generally subjected to lexical simplification, as also seen in section
3.2.1.1. However, occasionally interesting alternatives to ‘you’ appear in the data. An example
of such an alternative is ‘woman’ in Event #6, #8 and #17 uttered by Barras Lehr to address
Holly Whyte. This usage of ‘woman’ as second-person pronominal may be a gendered male-to-
female second-person pronominal. In other words, it is possible that mainly male or masculine speakers use ‘woman’ instead of ‘you’ to address female or feminine speakers. Substantiating this mini-hypothesis does, however, require further research, well beyond the scope of the
present thesis. In Event #116 of the ST, Victoria uses the male-gendered second-person
pronominal omae ‘you’ to address a female, albeit gender-contradictively. This occurrence
appears in the TT translated as: ‘You, woman’. This could also be an example of Bravely Default
attaining ST-TT equivalence in terms of gendered extralinguistic content.
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The Japanese derogatory second-person pronominal temee occurs 8 times throughout the analysed ST and features the most-varied translations. In addition to simply ‘you’, translations of temee in the analysed TT include: ‘boys’ (Barras Lehr, Event #9 and #16), ‘rats’
(Jackal, Event #87), ‘you smug, delusional, self-righteous little lambs’ (Jackal, Event #87).
Similarly, alternate translations of omae—which occurs 61 times in the ST data—include: ‘girl’
(Alternis Dim, Event #76); ‘[you. +] woman’ (Victoria, Event #116); albeit omae-san is used here,
‘my friend’, ‘the merry band’ and ‘lad’ (Fiore DeRosa, Event #166); ‘boy’ and, as translation of omae-san again, ‘dandy’ (Fiore DeRosa, Event #175); and ‘Whyte’ (Ominas Crowe, Event #182).
Here, explicitation renders visible the ST pronominals’ dual nature regarding solidarity.
The pronominal kimi occurs 55 times in the ST data. In addition to ‘you’, translations of kimi appearing in the analysed TT include: ‘she’ (Ringabel, Event #1); ‘miss’ (Tiz, Event #11);
‘my dear’ (Ringabel, Event#138); ‘my little dandy’ (Fiore DeRosa, Event #166); ‘lady’ (Ringabel,
Event #168). Indeed, in the TT, at times, explicitation renders visible the affectionate element of kimi. Of these alternately translated instances, ‘my little dandy’ is the only occurrence of a male character addressing another male character with kimi in the ST.
Finally, the pronominal anta occurs 40 times in the ST. The additional translations
include: ‘dawdlers’ (Holly Whyte, Event #7); ‘you lot’ (Holly Whyte, Event #8); ‘you dumb ox’
(Holly Whyte, Event #10); and ‘our little firebug’ (Holly Whyte, Event #170). Indeed, all
alternative translations of anta occur in Holly Whyte’s data. These translations are instances of
explicitation of the type of anta used—the non-reciprocal subordinating anta. However, Holly utters the last alternately translated instance of anta, ‘our little firebug’, to address Ominas
Crowe, her superior. The explicitation renders visible what is originally encoded in the intimidating usage of anta.
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5. Conclusion
The present thesis has analysed Bravely Default primarily from a Translation Studies perspective, analysing its ST and TT on translation of various elements generally thought to be
Japanese-specific, especially Japanese gender role language (JGRL). This has revealed several points either viable for further research or supporting previous research. Bravely Default has shown to value ST-TT equivalence also in relation to gendered language, an example thereof is the similarity of several linguistic characteristics found between male characters and female antagonists.
On the other hand, the various Japanese pronominals which carry many context- dependent meanings do largely see lexical simplification negate their diversity. This is especially the case with all first-person pronominals which appear in TT either simply as ‘I’ or disappear altogether. However, the second-person pronominals do see explicitation taking their diverse meanings into consideration. For example, kimi ‘you’ appears in the TT such that, at times, its affectionate properties become visible. Derogatory uses of several pronominals also see their pejorative meaning rendered explicit in the TT, such as temee ‘you’ appearing as
‘you smug, delusional, self-righteous little lambs’.
The present thesis has noted a characteristic recurring when female usage of male JGRL is translated: ‘attitudinal sarcasm’. This does need further exploration, using various STs. It is possible that this attitudinal and strongly-opinionated linguistic characteristic is the English counterpart of female usage of male JGRL. In both languages, female speakers use self- assertion at risk; either of being perceived as rude or hostile in Japanese, or as a ‘bitch’ in
English. This issue, however, requires further and more focused research, which is not within the scope of the present thesis.
Altenaar 98
What sets Holly Whyte apart from the other female antagonists in the ST is the
rendering of most first-person and second-person pronominals she utters in katakana instead
of the conventional hiragana writing; ATASHI and ANTA rather than atashi and anta. However, this is most likely due to either stressed emphasis (ATASHI) or, perhaps, indicating the non- reciprocal subordinating usage of anta. Later events in the data indicate this by not rendering these same pronominals in katakana when Holly utters them in company of friends and superiors—excluding that instance of ‘our little firebug’ in Event #170. It could be worth looking into ANTA denoting the non-reciprocal subordinating anta in future research with different STs as case study.
Lakoff’s (1973) then-revolutionary study on gendered language usage of English seems to still be relevant today. For example, the usage of ‘sorry’ in the TT is used the most by far by female characters (who are not antagonists). This seems related to the gendered tendency of female characters to transfer what the present thesis calls ‘linguistic authority’ away from themselves toward male addressees, resulting in recurrent apologising by female characters for matters beyond their control. On the other hand, male characters and female antagonists appear to use the word ‘sorry’ far less frequently.
Finally, there is a need for more, comparable corpora. The present thesis suggests as option the Fire Emblem series. The Fire Emblem Fates (Intelligent Systems, Nintendo SPD 2016a,
2016b, 2016c) trilogy, for example, includes a multitude of characters and pairings thereof, enabling multiple support conversations. Particularly interesting is the character Charlotte who has two distinctive personalities; one exceedingly feminine, which she deliberately performs when in the company of male characters, and one which is the opposite of the performed personality and shows her ‘true nature’, possibly a linguistic negative stereotype.
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Appendix A: Characters of Interest
Minor characters: Supporters o Airy: ‘A female of unknown age. This self-proclaimed cryst-fairy seems to know much about the crystals and the path the vestal should take. With regard to anything else, however, she tends to act like a precocious, fussy crybaby’ (ibid., sec. D’s Journal - Notes - People - No.005, 2).
o Captain Owen: ‘A brave young man who serves as captain of the guard in Caldisla. [. . .] He is the son of Karl the Innkeep’ (ibid., sec. D’s Journal - Notes - People - No.006, 1).
o Karl the Innkeep: ‘The owner of the inn in Caldisla. He has a gentle and sincere personality, [. . .]. His son is Owen’ (ibid., sec. No.007, 1).
o Caldisla’s King: ‘The elderly king who governs Caldisla’ (ibid., sec. No.008, 1).
o Sage Yulyana: ‘A man who has lived about 1,900 years. He hails from ancient Eternia [. . .]. He climbed to the upper ranks of the Orthodoxy, and attained eternal life. For centuries he has watched over the Orthodoxy, the crystals, and the vestals’ (ibid., sec. No.014, 17).
Eternian Sky Knights
o Barras Lehr the Monk: ‘A 24-year-old man of unknown origin. [. . .] A typical brawler, he is rude and violent’ (ibid., sec. No.009, 2),
o Holly Whyte the White Mage: ‘A 26-year-old woman from Eternia. [. . .] Though a healer of great skill, she is sadistic to the core. Hedonistic and capricious, she has a wanton personality’ (ibid., sec. No.010, 2).
o Ominas Crowe the Black Mage: ‘A 32-year-old man from Eternia. [. . .] Though serving as lieutenant commander of the Sky Knights, he is deeply unpopular, and often alone due to his antisocial attitude’ (ibid., sec. No.011, 2).
o Argent Heinkel the Knight: ‘A 42-year-old man from Hartschild, [. . .] head of the Eternian Sky Knights. A commander who is both ferocious and meticulous with detail’ (ibid., sec. No.012, 2).
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Khamer & Profiteur Merchantry o Jackal the Thief: ‘A 16-year-old boy hailing from Ancheim. His real name is not known. [. . .] He was taken in by thieves as a young boy, gradually rising up the ranks through his accomplished thievery and sheer recklessness’ (ibid., sec. No.019, 2). o Erutus Profiteur, Merchant of Death: ‘A 44-year-old man from Ancheim. [. . .] He would do anything for money. He willingly earns scorn and enmity, and thinks nothing of betraying trust and friendship for gain’ (ibid., sec. No.020, 2). o Ciggma Khint the Spell Fencer: ‘A 37-year-old man from Eternia. [. . .] He turned his back on his old life to learn sword magic several years ago. Since then, none have seen him smile’ (ibid., sec. No.021, 2). o King Khamer VIII the Time Mage: ‘A 57-year-old man who was born in Ancheim. [. . .] He was made an honorary partner in the Merchantry due to his royal position and cooperation with the duchy. However, he has no actual say in the business’ (ibid., sec. No.022, 2).
Bloodrose Legion o Artemia Venus the Ranger: ‘A seventeen-year-old girl from Eternia. [. . .] She is the youngest of the Venus sisters, and worships her eldest sister to the point of neglecting all other relationships’ (ibid., sec. No.026, 2). o Mephilia Venus the Summoner: ‘A twenty-four-year-old woman from Eternia. [. . .] Her mind is broken, and she delights in seeing the destruction of beauty’ (ibid., sec. No.027, 2). o Einheria Venus the Valkyrie: ‘A twenty-eight-year-old woman from Eternia. [. . .] She is a serious, dedicated warrior who believes in the ideals of Anticrystalism. She cares for her sisters deeply, and worries about them a great deal’ (ibid., sec. No.028, 2). o Fiore DeRosa the Red Mage: ‘A 38-year-old man of unknown origin. [. . .] He is slowly but surely corrupting the devout nation of Florem from within with his meticulous schemes’ (ibid., sec. No.029, 2).
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The Council of Six o Alternis Dim the Dark Knight: ‘A twenty-three-year-old man of unknown origin. [. . .] He is a solemn warrior who takes his duties very seriously’ (ibid., sec. No.018, 2). o Victoria F. Stein the Arcanist: ‘A woman of unknown age hailing from Florem. [. . .] Despite her infantile looks, she has a viciously cruel personality. She despises the Orthodoxy and the vestals’ (ibid., sec. No.024, 2). o Victor S. Court the Spiritmaster: ‘A 25-year-old man from Ancheim. [. . .] He has been well- versed in white magic since his youth, earning him great respect. He is in charge of the arcanist Victoria’s treatment’ (ibid., sec. No.025, 2). o Braev Lee the Templar: ‘A 45-year-old man from Eternia. [. . .] He is valiant, judicious, and stern. A staunch supporter of Anticrystalism, the future of the duchy and the world around it are never far from his mind’ (ibid., sec. No.048, 2).
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Appendix B: Transcript Bravely Default
See separate file ‘Appendix B: Transcript of Bravely Default.pdf’.
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Appendix C: AntConc Results and Keyword Lists
Collective TT AntConc Analyses: Comparison with the BNC and Group Intercomparison Target Corpus Reference Corpus Keywords of interest preceded by Keyness Ranking # 1 Male Characters BNC #2 you #4 I #7 your #18 me #9 my 2 Female Characters BNC #3 you #2 I #66 sorry #62 beauty #64 dye #65 color 3 Female Antagonists BNC #3 you #6 I #17 your #31 me #35 girl 4 Female Antagonists Female Characters Enclitic contractions: 's, 've, [V-n] 't, 're, 'll, 'm, don['t], 'd 5 Female Antagonists Male Characters --‐ ‐‐‐ 6 Female Characters Male Characters Female Antagonists - #3 I #-1 your 7 Female Characters Male Characters - #3 I #-1 your
Individual TT AntConc Analyses: Intercomparison and Comparison with the BNC Target Corpus Reference Corpus Keywords of interest preceded by Keyness Ranking # 1 Mephilia Edea Agnès Airy #8 beautiful #3 filthy #7 toying 2 Mephilia Female Minor Edea Agnès Airy #4 girls #5 filthy 3 Mephilia Female Minor BNC #6 you #5 I #18 girls #29 beautiful #13 filthy #23 toying 4 Mephilia BNC #8 you #28 I #9 beautiful #5 filthy #6 toying 5 Mephilia Female Minor Airy BNC #6 you #8 I #25 girls #49 beautiful #19 filthy #26 toying 6 Female Minor Airy BNC #7 you #6 I #38 girls 7 Mephilia Airy BNC #6 you #20 I #28 beautiful #10 filthy #13 toying 8 Airy BNC #7 you #18 I 9 Airy Edea Agnès #-1 I 10 Mephilia Airy Edea Agnès #-1 I #4 filthy 11 Mephilia Female Minor Airy Edea Agnès #-1 I 12 Female Minor Airy Edea Agnès ------13 Mephilia Female Minor Edea Agnès #3 girls #5 filthy 14 Female Minor Edea Agnès #5 girls 15 Female Minor BNC #6 you #4 I #19 girls 16 Jackal BNC #22 you #4 me #5 this #12 they 17 Jackal Male Minor BNC #2 you #6 I #9 my #65 this #5 your 18 Jackal Tiz Ringabel Male Minor #3 this 19 Jackal Tiz Ringabel ------20 Jackal Male Minor Tiz Ringabel ------
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Keyword List 1 - Group Keyword List 2 - Group Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 82 + 1339.93 0.0111 vestal 1 62 + 1018.91 0.0098 vestal 2 490 + 958.74 0.0019 you 2 535 + 1003.37 0.0016 i 3 56 + 953.27 0.0076 agnès 3 390 + 716.11 0.0015 you 4 434 + 557.43 0.0013 i 4 39 + 670.99 0.0062 agnès 5 34 + 475.73 0.0046 ze 5 29 + 514.99 0.0046 florem 6 27 + 470.99 0.0037 edea 6 55 + 508.64 0.0078 ha 7 161 + 409.02 0.0025 your 7 57 + 491.76 0.0078 crystal 8 44 + 373.89 0.0054 ha 8 36 + 467.73 0.0056 olivia 9 155 + 349.55 0.0021 my 9 23 + 400.12 0.0036 tiz 10 19 + 323.49 0.0026 tiz 10 19 + 329.45 0.003 vestals 11 18 + 313.98 0.0024 ancheim 11 16 + 284.12 0.0025 edea 12 23 + 298.34 0.0031 heh 12 24 + 225.56 0.0036 crystals 13 20 + 297.83 0.0027 ahh 13 108 + 205.95 0.0015 my 14 83 + 245.75 0.0027 ll 14 11 + 195.33 0.0017 ringabel 15 28 + 241.06 0.0036 ho 15 69 + 178.3 0.002 ve 16 15 + 234.13 0.002 zis 16 92 + 175.18 0.0015 me 17 13 + 226.76 0.0018 eternian 17 9 + 159.81 0.0014 einheria 18 109 + 209.85 0.0017 me 18 32 + 157.42 0.0032 wind 19 81 + 209.8 0.0023 ve 19 112 + 152.31 0.0011 what 20 11 + 191.87 0.0015 profiteur 20 8 + 142.05 0.0013 ancheim 21 11 + 191.87 0.0015 ringabel 21 8 + 142.05 0.0013 bloodrose 22 11 + 184.99 0.0015 vestals 22 10 + 139.38 0.0016 matriarch 23 10 + 174.43 0.0014 norende 23 234 + 138.99 0.0007 s 24 10 + 167.73 0.0014 merchantry 24 55 + 137.73 0.0019 ll 25 9 + 156.99 0.0012 caldisla 25 67 + 129.75 0.0015 m 26 117 + 139.16 0.0011 what 26 7 + 124.3 0.0011 mephilia 27 64 + 138.96 0.0018 here 27 22 + 120.97 0.0027 ah 28 68 + 137.04 0.0017 re 28 54 + 116.05 0.0016 here 29 7 + 122.1 0.0009 florem 29 10 + 111.75 0.0016 awaken 30 28 + 122.09 0.0025 wind 30 8 + 110.72 0.0013 ahh 31 248 + 119.36 0.0007 s 31 8 + 109.24 0.0013 heinkel 32 43 + 114.86 0.002 let 32 6 + 106.54 0.001 eternian 33 7 + 112.57 0.0009 zey 33 6 + 106.54 0.001 mrgrgr 34 12 + 106.4 0.0016 hmm 34 94 + 106.01 0.0009 no 35 118 + 105.26 0.0009 t 35 107 + 104.11 0.0009 t 36 6 + 104.66 0.0008 khamer 36 8 + 102.95 0.0013 hairpins 37 6 + 104.66 0.0008 khint 37 25 + 102.06 0.0023 thank 38 16 + 100.58 0.002 eh 38 146 + 94.1 0.0007 this 39 9 + 96.89 0.0012 garb 39 244 + 93.63 0.0005 it 40 19 + 93.28 0.002 ah 40 17 + 91.24 0.0022 darkness 213 602 - 144.83 0.0002 the 62 14 + 63.7 0.0017 beauty 214 137 - 113.29 0.0001 in 63 10 + 62.45 0.0015 unacceptable 215 270 - 108.06 0.0002 of 64 8 + 62.42 0.0012 dye 216 212 - 107.1 0.0002 and 65 6 + 60.45 0.0009 color 217 2 - 97.2 0 which 66 17 + 59.63 0.0016 sorry 218 28 - 63.47 0.0001 he 179 93 - 140.59 0.0001 in 219 54 - 58.67 0.0001 was 180 169 - 108.09 0.0001 and 220 14 - 56.7 0.0001 had 181 263 - 59.42 0.0002 of 221 28 - 46.71 0.0001 by 182 9 - 59.21 0 his 222 23 - 35.14 0.0001 his 183 7 - 56.72 0 which 223 57 - 31.36 0.0002 on 184 35 - 49.28 0.0001 on 224 53 - 28.15 0.0002 with 185 625 - 44.17 0.0002 the 225 22 - 27.68 0.0001 or 186 24 - 39.79 0.0001 by 226 2 - 25.66 0 also 187 32 - 37.23 0.0001 he 227 1 - 21.23 0 between 188 192 - 34.17 0.0002 a 228 6 - 20.04 0.0001 into 189 18 - 32.84 0.0001 had
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Keyword List 3 - Group Keyword List 4 - Group Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 22 + 241.11 0.0122 ha 1 27 + 101.63 0.0246 s 2 12 + 216.04 0.0109 vestal 2 21 + 78.99 0.0192 ve 3 91 + 215.08 0.0004 you 320+75.220.0183t 4 10 + 212.8 0.0092 edea 4 17 + 63.92 0.0156 re 5 10 + 189.77 0.0092 artemia 511+41.330.0101victor 6 86 + 151.47 0.0003 i 6 10 + 37.57 0.0092 ll 7 11 + 111.48 0.0068 victor 7 10 + 37.57 0.0092 m 84+80.10.0037vestals 8 7 + 26.29 0.0064 don 9 21 + 76.24 0.0007 ve 9 6 + 22.53 0.0055 commander 10 4 + 64.66 0.0037 ahh 10 6 + 22.53 0.0055 d 11 5 + 54.83 0.004 hmm 11 6 + 22.53 0.0055 hunt 12 4 + 54.22 0.0036 heh 12 10 + 22.15 0.0092 artemia 13 17 + 50.15 0.0005 re 13 5 + 18.78 0.0046 live 14 7 + 46.98 0.0023 ah 14 5 + 18.78 0.0046 prey 15 8 + 46.36 0.0018 sister 15 65 - 21.85 0.0455 the 16 6 + 45.73 0.0028 commander 17 20 + 44.89 0.0003 your Keyword List 5 - Group 18 6 + 43.04 0.0025 hunt Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 19 2 + 42.55 0.0018 alternis 111+45.230.0101victor 20 2 + 42.55 0.0018 ancheim 210+41.120.0092artemia 21 2 + 42.55 0.0018 einheria 3 8 + 32.89 0.0074 sister 22 2 + 42.55 0.0018 florem 4 5 + 20.55 0.0046 prey 23 2 + 42.55 0.0018 khint 5 6 + 19.19 0.0055 commander 24 2 + 42.55 0.0018 kikyo 6 6 + 19.19 0.0055 hunt 25 2 + 42.55 0.0018 medic-in-training 7 22 + 18.52 0.0197 ha 26 2 + 42.55 0.0018 nhh 27 4 + 39.64 0.0031 hm 28 3 + 39.52 0.0027 templar Keyword List 6 - Group 29 2 + 38.73 0.0018 swordmaster Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 57 + 42.2 0.009 crystal 30 5 + 38.64 0.0026 prey 31 18 + 38.19 0.0003 me 2 36 + 39.77 0.0057 olivia 32 3 + 38.17 0.0027 hah 3 535 + 28.39 0.0784 i 4 17 + 18.39 0.0027 darkness 33 3 + 37.6 0.0027 ugh 34 2 + 37.01 0.0018 eternia 5 63 - 30.32 0.0098 your 35 8 + 36.36 0.001 girl 36 4 + 36.11 0.0028 marshal Keyword List 7 - Group 37 2 + 35.82 0.0018 hmph Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 38 2 + 34.91 0.0018 barras 1 57 + 35.2 0.009 crystal 39 4 + 33.91 0.0026 holly 2 36 + 34.76 0.0057 olivia 40 3 + 31.69 0.0025 traitor 3 535 + 33.54 0.0789 i 88 65 - 50.42 0 the 4 14 + 21.7 0.0022 sister 89 28 - 33.4 0 of 5 29 + 18.13 0.0046 florem 90 13 - 30.98 0 in 6 63 - 30.6 0.0098 your 91 29 - 18.72 0 and 7 3 - 19.55 0.0005 ho
Altenaar 115
Keyword List 1 Keyword List 3 Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 25 + 80.97 0.0774 ha 1 46 + 541.63 0.0207 ha 211+53.240.0364sister 2 17 + 350.77 0.0113 florem 3 7 + 42.91 0.0234 filthy 3 16 + 284.41 0.0106 vestal 410+40.750.0329edea 4 10 + 206.31 0.0067 edea 511+38.040.0359ah 5 108 + 173.14 0.0003 i 6 6 + 31.13 0.0201 wings 6 87 + 150.48 0.0003 you 7 4 + 24.5 0.0134 toying 7 8 + 125.93 0.0053 hairpins 8 5 + 17.25 0.0166 beautiful 8 16 + 123.3 0.0047 ah 9 5 + 103.15 0.0033 florie Keyword List 2 10 6 + 97.38 0.004 ahh 11 7 + 96.05 0.0045 hairpin Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 12 4 + 72.96 0.0027 agnès 1 46 + 88.45 0.0301 ha 13 7 + 68.57 0.0039 filthy 2 16 + 23.48 0.0106 ah 14 11 + 63.63 0.0022 sister 3 8 + 22.99 0.0053 hairpins 15 3 + 61.89 0.002 petalhue 4 10 + 22.58 0.0066 girls 16 78 + 56.35 0.0002 it 5 7 + 20.12 0.0047 filthy 17 19 + 54.1 0.0006 ve 6 7 + 20.12 0.0047 hairpin 18 10 + 52.6 0.0018 girls 7 7 + 20.12 0.0047 spirit 19 26 + 50.11 0.0004 my 8 7 + 20.12 0.0047 wings 20 8 + 50.08 0.0023 beauty 9 11 + 18.7 0.0073 sister 21 7 + 49.4 0.0026 wings 22 4 + 48.61 0.0026 color 23 4 + 48.31 0.0026 toying 24 3 + 44.08 0.002 matriarch 25 4 + 42.26 0.0025 unnamed 26 2 + 41.26 0.0013 bloodrose 27 2 + 41.26 0.0013 ringabel 28 2 + 41.26 0.0013 yulyana 29 8 + 39.59 0.0015 beautiful 30 59 + 39.2 0.0002 s 31 4 + 37.16 0.0023 dye 32 3 + 37.03 0.002 heh 33 7 + 35.76 0.0015 spirit 34 26 + 34.39 0.0003 what 35 2 + 31.72 0.0013 artemia 36 10 + 30.36 0.0007 am 37 4 + 28.88 0.0019 forgive 38 3 + 27.92 0.0018 hmm 39 15 + 27.54 0.0004 m 40 5 + 27.46 0.0015 characters 41 26 + 26.07 0.0002 t 42 2 + 25.81 0.0013 sullied 43 6 + 25.52 0.0011 sorry 94 21 - 35.82 0 in 95 37 - 30.55 0 and 96 130 - 22.88 0 the 97 57 - 19.63 0 of 98 1 - 16.4 0 which
Altenaar 116
Keyword List 4 Keyword List 5 Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 25 + 346.07 0.0247 ha 1 46 + 508.05 0.016 ha 2 10 + 238.92 0.0333 edea 2 24 + 458.94 0.0111 agnès 3 11 + 112.28 0.005 ah 3 23 + 403.31 0.0106 vestal 4 11 + 99.14 0.0029 sister 4 17 + 338.39 0.0079 florem 5 7 + 91.34 0.0119 filthy 5 11 + 218.95 0.0051 edea 6 4 + 61.31 0.0114 toying 6 124 + 212.68 0.0005 you 7 6 + 59.93 0.0041 wings 7 23 + 206.4 0.0073 crystal 8 20 + 39.75 0.0001 you 8 138 + 195.22 0.0004 i 9 5 + 36.09 0.0012 beautiful 9 8 + 120.12 0.0037 hairpins 10 2 + 32.31 0.0064 sullied 10 16 + 111.77 0.0039 ah 11 10 + 31.1 0.0002 my 11 5 + 99.51 0.0023 florie 12 2 + 30.36 0.0062 platitudes 12 6 + 93.02 0.0028 ahh 13 2 + 29.59 0.0061 heh 13 7 + 90.97 0.0032 hairpin 14 2 + 25.99 0.0052 fairies 14 7 + 88.46 0.0032 awaken 15 2 + 25.69 0.0052 mmm 15 94 + 74.73 0.0003 s 16 5 + 23.96 0.0004 thing 16 4 + 74.61 0.0019 vestals 17 1 + 23.88 0.0034 mephilia 17 7 + 73.29 0.003 rite 18 2 + 23.48 0.0044 hmm 18 108 + 72.91 0.0002 it 19 4 + 22.73 0.0006 heart 19 7 + 63.5 0.0029 filthy 20 6 + 22.32 0.0002 little 20 3 + 59.71 0.0014 petalhue 21 2 + 19.24 0.0026 glow 21 23 + 58.4 0.0008 ve 22 19 + 19.15 0 it 22 11 + 55.83 0.002 sister 23 2 + 18.58 0.0024 counting 23 41 + 46.53 0.0003 t 24 1 + 17.85 0.0033 artemia 24 4 + 45.71 0.0018 color 25 1 + 17.17 0.0033 dulls 25 10 + 45.56 0.0016 girls 26 1 + 16.83 0.0033 summoner 26 4 + 45.4 0.0018 toying 27 1 + 16.15 0.0033 vestal 27 16 + 44.51 0.0008 water 28 15 + 15.96 0 i 28 8 + 44.38 0.0019 beauty 29 3 + 15.66 0.0004 inside 48 4 + 34.27 0.0017 dye 30 2 + 15.55 0.0014 dirty 49 8 + 34 0.0013 beautiful 31 1 +15.04 0.0032 hairpins 50 12 + 32.5 0.0008 am 32 1 + 14.85 0.0032 feign 51 3 + 31.22 0.0014 olivia 52 7 + 30.85 0.0013 spirit 53 2 + 30.27 0.0009 artemia 54 15 + 27 0.0005 here 55 7 + 27 0.0011 sorry 112 24 - 66.26 0 in 113 54 - 42.66 0 and 114 85 - 25.03 0.0001 of 115 2 - 24.59 0 his 116 2 - 21.01 0 which 117 4 - 16.86 0 had
Altenaar 117
Keyword List 6 Keyword List 7 Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 24 + 466.04 0.0128 agnès 1 20 + 413.12 0.0208 agnès 2 22 + 391.03 0.0117 vestal 2 25 + 286.9 0.015 ha 3 17 + 343.42 0.0091 florem 3 11 + 236.96 0.0115 edea 4 23 + 213.18 0.008 crystal 4 20 + 206.63 0.0102 crystal 5 21 + 205.51 0.0082 ha 5 8 + 140.98 0.0083 vestal 6 123 + 180.3 0.0004 i 6 57 + 101.55 0.0002 you 7 104 + 173.54 0.0004 you 7 11 + 86.52 0.0039 ah 8 7 + 105.5 0.0037 hairpins 8 7 + 84.73 0.0064 rite 9 5 + 100.99 0.0027 florie 9 4 + 81.15 0.0042 vestals 10 6 + 94.79 0.0032 ahh 10 7 + 74.93 0.0056 filthy 11 7 + 93.03 0.0037 hairpin 11 11 + 73.47 0.0025 sister 12 7 + 90.52 0.0037 awaken 12 5 + 68.1 0.005 awaken 13 4 + 75.79 0.0021 vestals 13 4 + 51.94 0.004 toying 14 7 + 75.35 0.0035 rite 14 5 + 50.36 0.004 crystals 15 80 + 62.17 0.0002 s 15 49 + 50.09 0.0001 s 16 3 + 60.59 0.0016 petalhue 16 8 + 47.25 0.0017 wind 17 89 + 55.07 0.0002 it 17 4 + 46.1 0.0038 awakening 18 16 + 48.79 0.0008 water 18 6 + 45.92 0.0028 wings 19 18 + 48.4 0.0007 ll 19 9 + 45.08 0.0012 stop 20 38 + 47.15 0.0003 t 20 45 + 43.36 0.0001 i 21 4 + 46.89 0.0021 color 21 2 + 43.07 0.0021 cryst-fairy 22 19 + 46.78 0.0006 ve 22 2 + 43.07 0.0021 rusulka 23 5 + 43.68 0.0023 crystals 23 49 + 34.74 0.0001 it 24 6 + 43.62 0.0023 hurry 24 4 + 31.19 0.0024 hurry 25 3 + 42.78 0.0016 matriarch 25 2 + 27.63 0.0021 sullied 26 4 + 40.75 0.002 awakening 26 2 + 25.68 0.002 platitudes 27 4 + 40.54 0.002 unnamed 27 2 + 24.91 0.002 heh 28 2 + 40.39 0.0011 ancheim 28 5 + 24.59 0.001 beautiful 29 2 + 40.39 0.0011 bloodrose 29 9 + 23.82 0.0004 ll 30 2 + 40.39 0.0011 cryst-fairy 30 3 + 22.96 0.002 shield 31 2 + 40.39 0.0011 ringabel 31 3 + 22.65 0.0019 monster 32 2 + 40.39 0.0011 rusulka 32 2 + 22.48 0.002 olivia 33 2 + 40.39 0.0011 yulyana 33 21 + 21.96 0.0001 we 34 10 + 39.25 0.0012 stop 34 1 + 21.54 0.0011 ancheim 35 20 + 39.12 0.0005 m 35 1 + 21.54 0.0011 mephilia 36 30 + 36.41 0.0003 what 36 1 + 21.54 0.0011 orthros 37 4 + 35.44 0.0019 dye 37 1 + 21.54 0.0011 uh-huh 38 8 + 35.29 0.0013 girls 38 2 + 21.31 0.0019 fairies 39 37 + 33.37 0.0002 we 39 2 + 21.02 0.0019 mmm 40 7 + 32.83 0.0014 spirit 40 18 + 20.28 0.0002 t 41 3 + 32.11 0.0016 olivia 41 7 + 19.36 0.0004 water 42 6 + 31.65 0.0016 beauty 42 4 + 19.33 0.001 release 43 7 + 30.42 0.0013 wind 43 5 + 19.27 0.0007 heart 44 7 + 28.96 0.0012 sorry 44 2 + 18.81 0.0018 hmm 45 4 + 27.58 0.0016 shield 45 13 + 18.78 0.0002 only 98 20 - 59.06 0 in 46 1 + 18.76 0.001 augh 99 46 - 37.74 0 and 47 4 + 18.68 0.0009 begin 100 2 - 20.03 0 his 48 8 + 16.99 0.0003 ve 101 76 - 19.02 0.0001 of 49 2 + 16.96 0.0017 praying 102 2 - 17 0 which 50 12 + 16.94 0.0002 my 51 15 + 15.75 0.0001 can 52 9 + 15.69 0.0002 m 53 12 + 15.62 0.0002 do 54 1 + 15.51 0.001 artemia 55 7 - 40.1 0 in 56 3 - 17.55 0 was
Altenaar 118
Keyword List 8 Keyword List 10 Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 20 + 428.09 0.03 agnès 1 25 + 48.56 0.0258 ha 2 20 + 221.57 0.012 crystal 2 20 + 25.64 0.0206 agnès 3 7 + 127.02 0.0105 vestal 3 11 + 23.66 0.0115 sister 4 7 + 89.94 0.0087 rite 4 7 + 23.52 0.0073 filthy 5 4 + 84.13 0.0061 vestals 5 6 + 20.15 0.0063 wings 6 5 + 71.82 0.0071 awaken 6 11 + 19.15 0.0115 edea 7 37 + 62.24 0.0001 you 7 11 + 17.37 0.0115 ah 8 5 + 54.08 0.0053 crystals 845-25.210.0384i 9 4 + 49.08 0.0052 awakening 10 7 + 44.63 0.0016 wind 11 2 + 44.56 0.003 cryst-fairy Keyword List 11 12 2 + 44.56 0.003 rusulka Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 13 8 + 44.03 0.0011 stop 146+57.480.0211ha 14 35 + 37.55 0.0001 s 2 8 + 17.18 0.0037 hairpins 15 4 + 34.15 0.0029 hurry 3 138 - 18.36 0.057 i 16 21 + 33.85 0.0001 we 17 9 + 29.92 0.0004 ll 18 30 + 27.51 0.0001 i 19 3 + 25.18 0.0024 shield Keyword List 12 20 3 + 24.87 0.0024 monster Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 21 7 + 24.13 0.0004 water 121+19.310.0112ha 22 2 + 23.96 0.0028 olivia 2 7 + 16.42 0.0038 hairpin 23 1 + 22.28 0.0015 ancheim 3 7 + 16.42 0.0038 hairpins 24 1 + 22.28 0.0015 edea 4 7 + 16.42 0.0038 spirit 25 1 + 22.28 0.0015 orthros 26 1 + 22.28 0.0015 uh-huh 27 4 + 22.22 0.001 release Keyword List 13 28 4 + 21.57 0.001 begin Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 29 15 + 21.18 0.0001 t 1 46 + 78.97 0.0301 ha 30 14 + 21.08 0.0001 can 2 8 + 21.23 0.0053 hairpins 31 1 + 19.51 0.0015 augh 3 10 + 20.46 0.0066 girls 32 11 + 19.26 0.0002 do 4 16 + 20.4 0.0106 ah 33 6 + 18.64 0.0003 once 5 7 + 18.58 0.0047 filthy 34 2 + 18.44 0.0022 praying 6 7 + 18.58 0.0047 hairpin 35 30 + 16.94 0.0001 it 7 7 + 18.58 0.0047 spirit 36 2 + 16.06 0.0018 aboard 8 7 + 18.58 0.0047 wings 37 2 + 15.96 0.0018 prayers 9 11 + 16.5 0.0073 sister 38 7 + 15.85 0.0002 re 39 2 + 14.96 0.0016 swallowed 40 3 - 34.76 0 in Keyword List 14 Keyword List 9 Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 21 + 30.7 0.0172 ha 1 20 + 36.42 0.0297 agnès 2 7 + 20.9 0.0058 hairpin 2 20 + 18.56 0.0293 crystal 3 7 + 20.9 0.0058 hairpins 3 7 + 16.56 0.0106 rite 4 7 + 20.9 0.0058 spirit 4 4 + 15.93 0.0061 begin 5 8 + 18.12 0.0066 girls 530-19.650.0345i 617+17.560.014florem
Altenaar 119
Keyword List 15 Keyword List 16 Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 17 + 358.26 0.014 florem 14+540.01thirst 2 15 + 271.86 0.0123 vestal 2 2 + 44.92 0.0086 augh 3 21 + 223.82 0.011 ha 3 2 + 44.92 0.0086 feh 4 93 + 159.8 0.0003 i 4 11 + 44.52 0.0002 me 5 7 + 111.6 0.0057 hairpins 5 15 + 33.15 0.0001 this 6 67 + 111.31 0.0003 you 6 2 + 26.48 0.0061 takers 7 5 + 105.35 0.0041 florie 7 3 + 25.86 0.0018 throat 8 6 + 100.02 0.0049 ahh 8 1 + 24.37 0.0043 khint 9 7 + 99.13 0.0056 hairpin 9 1 + 24.37 0.0043 self-righteous 10 4 + 74.71 0.0033 agnès 10 3 + 24.06 0.0014 till 11 3 + 63.2 0.0025 petalhue 11 1 + 18.62 0.0043 agh 12 4 + 50.37 0.0032 color 12 10 + 17.83 0.0001 they 13 3 + 45.39 0.0025 matriarch 13 1 + 17.31 0.0042 delusional 14 4 + 44.01 0.003 unnamed 14 2 + 17.02 0.0016 desert 15 15 + 42.26 0.0005 ve 15 2 + 16.91 0.0016 folk 16 2 + 42.14 0.0017 bloodrose 16 8 + 16.71 0.0001 t 17 2 + 42.14 0.0017 ringabel 17 2 + 16.34 0.0014 honest 18 2 + 42.14 0.0017 yulyana 18 2 + 16.25 0.0014 aye 19 8 + 42.02 0.0015 girls 19 3 + 16.1 0.0004 everything 20 4 + 38.91 0.0028 dye 20 2 + 15.94 0.0013 mad 21 7 + 38.75 0.0016 spirit 21 2 + 15.52 0.0012 sand 22 59 + 38.24 0.0001 it 22 11 + 15.48 0 you 23 6 + 36.76 0.0019 beauty 23 1 + 15.4 0.004 accursed 24 22 + 30.88 0.0002 what 24 1 + 15.12 0.004 yapping 25 4 + 30.62 0.0022 forgive 25 1 + 14.64 0.0039 oy 26 5 + 29.61 0.0017 characters 26 1 + 14.52 0.0039 jackal 27 5 + 29.22 0.0016 ah 27 1 + 14.37 0.0039 hypocrites 28 6 + 28.05 0.0011 sorry 28 1 + 14.3 0.0038 platitudes 29 6 + 27.66 0.0011 lady 29 1 + 13.91 0.0038 heh 30 45 + 27.1 0.0001 s 31 23 + 26.26 0.0002 t 32 13 + 25.53 0.0003 m 33 9 + 25.16 0.0005 water 34 4 + 24.92 0.0016 waters 35 6 + 24.84 0.0009 please 36 8 + 24.23 0.0006 am 37 16 + 23.92 0.0002 my 38 3 + 23.48 0.0019 bye 39 2 + 23.43 0.0016 potion 40 3 + 23.4 0.0018 ho
Altenaar 120
Keyword List 17 Keyword List 18 Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 1 70 + 1197.88 0.0147 vestal 1 4 + 22.78 0.0171 thirst 2 313 + 610.99 0.0012 you 2 3 + 20.78 0.0129 throat 3 34 + 506.05 0.0071 ze 3 15 + 14.42 0.0485 this 4 44 + 412.99 0.0081 ha 4 2 + 13.85 0.0086 augh 5 123 + 351.47 0.002 your 5 2 + 13.85 0.0086 chief 6 266 + 323.89 0.0008 i 6 2 + 13.85 0.0086 feh 7 23 + 318.84 0.0048 heh 7 2 + 13.85 0.0086 folk 8 16 + 293.35 0.0034 edea 8 2 + 13.85 0.0086 honest 9 112 + 276.25 0.0016 my 9 2 + 13.85 0.0086 takers 10 27 + 254.5 0.0052 ho 11 15 + 247.5 0.0032 zis 12 12 + 220.01 0.0025 ancheim Keyword List 19 13 14 + 214 0.003 ahh Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 14 10 + 176.64 0.0021 vestals 14+20.20.0171thirst 15 9 + 165.01 0.0019 profiteur 2 3 + 15.14 0.0129 throat 16 9 + 158.5 0.0019 merchantry 3 3 + 15.14 0.0129 till 17 9 + 158.5 0.0019 tiz 18 76 + 157.21 0.0013 me 19 56 + 152.7 0.0017 ve Keyword List 20 20 52 + 151.89 0.0018 ll Rank FreqKeyness Effect Keyword 21 8 + 146.67 0.0017 caldisla 144+39.270.0093ha 22 8 + 146.67 0.0017 eternian 234+30.330.0072ze 23 7 + 118.8 0.0015 zey 3 23 + 20.51 0.0049 heh 24 6 + 110 0.0013 khint 4 70 + 18.73 0.0147 vestal 25 6 + 110 0.0013 norende 5 6 - 69.8 0.0013 agnès 26 22 + 104.59 0.0026 wind 6 7 - 19.24 0.0015 why 27 6 + 98.55 0.0013 agnès 28 14 + 96.64 0.0025 eh 29 8 + 93.46 0.0017 hah 30 5 + 91.67 0.0011 khamer 31 6 + 90.88 0.0013 zat 32 11 + 89.13 0.0022 marshal 33 9 + 82.71 0.0018 hmm 34 69 + 75.75 0.0007 no 35 5 + 73.42 0.0011 zem 36 4 + 73.33 0.0008 f-ff 37 4 + 65.7 0.0008 haaa 50 16 + 49.26 0.0014 girl 51 37 + 49.18 0.0008 our 65 92 + 41.11 0.0004 this
Concordancing of 'this'; Jackal 1 't know a stinking thing about them. My throat… This accursed thirst. It's worse than ever. 3 Augh, leave it out! It's too hot for this … Change of plan, boys. We're done here. Not 4 sneaking about the place? Agh, one of you muzzle this dog's yapping, would you? Be a friend 5 …This accursed thirst. It's worse than ever. You… This is your fault! You smug, delusional, self‐righteous 6 Who are they? I've got no word of this lot. Augh, leave it out! It's too hot 7 aye, that's enough words. I'm choking on this lot's hypocrisy. I want them stripped 8 this thirst has. We're out, boys! What's this , now? The ones from the oasis, is it? 9 vomit a few platitudes out on my floor. Feh. This place is nothing but sand and hypocrisy 10 good mark go? Our good mark, mind! What's this , then? Who are they? I've got no wo 11 a drink… This anger won't leave me till this thirst has. We're out, boys! What's 12 I'm cross enough already. And to heck with this thirst! The needles in my throat are 13 but sand and hypocrites! Drives a man mad… And this thirst. These daggers in my throat! 14 And what? Don't tell me you came all this way just to vomit a few platitudes 15 different. There are only two kinds of folk in this world, make no mistake. The takers