DOCSLIB.ORG

The Theban Amphiaraion and Pindar's Vision on the Road to Delphi

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Theban Amphiaraion and Pindar's Vision on the Road to Delphi The Theban Amphiaraion and Pindar's vision on the road to Delphi Autor(en): Hubbard, Thomas K. Objekttyp: Article Zeitschrift: Museum Helveticum : schweizerische Zeitschrift für klassische Altertumswissenschaft = Revue suisse pour l'étude de l'antiquité classique = Rivista svizzera di filologia classica Band (Jahr): 50 (1993) Heft 4 PDF erstellt am: 05.10.2021 Persistenter Link: http://doi.org/10.5169/seals-39206 Nutzungsbedingungen Die ETH-Bibliothek ist Anbieterin der digitalisierten Zeitschriften. Sie besitzt keine Urheberrechte an den Inhalten der Zeitschriften. Die Rechte liegen in der Regel bei den Herausgebern. Die auf der Plattform e-periodica veröffentlichten Dokumente stehen für nicht-kommerzielle Zwecke in Lehre und Forschung sowie für die private Nutzung frei zur Verfügung. Einzelne Dateien oder Ausdrucke aus diesem Angebot können zusammen mit diesen Nutzungsbedingungen und den korrekten Herkunftsbezeichnungen weitergegeben werden. Das Veröffentlichen von Bildern in Print- und Online-Publikationen ist nur mit vorheriger Genehmigung der Rechteinhaber erlaubt. Die systematische Speicherung von Teilen des elektronischen Angebots auf anderen Servern bedarf ebenfalls des schriftlichen Einverständnisses der Rechteinhaber. Haftungsausschluss Alle Angaben erfolgen ohne Gewähr für Vollständigkeit oder Richtigkeit. Es wird keine Haftung übernommen für Schäden durch die Verwendung von Informationen aus diesem Online-Angebot oder durch das Fehlen von Informationen. Dies gilt auch für Inhalte Dritter, die über dieses Angebot zugänglich sind. Ein Dienst der ETH-Bibliothek ETH Zürich, Rämistrasse 101, 8092 Zürich, Schweiz, www.library.ethz.ch http://www.e-periodica.ch MUSEUM HELVETICUM Vol. 50 1993 Fase. 4 The Theban Amphiaraion and Pindar's Vision on the Road to Delphi By Thomas K. Hubbard, University of Texas, Austin ToiauTa uev e^)^äeytlax, Auqnäpnoc,. /aipcov 5e Kai auxöq AAKuäva axecpdvoiai ßaAAM, paiveo Se Kai uuvcp, yetTCOv öti uoi Kai Kreävcov (püAac; eucuv ÜTiävcaaev iöv-ti ycic, öptpa^öv 7tap' äoiSiuov, uavxEiJuäTcov t' ecpäxucixo aijyyövoiai xexvaic,. (P. 8. 55-60) In the myth of Pindar's Eighth Pythian (P. 8. 39-55), the hero Amphiaraus is portrayed delivering a prophecy concerning the successful expedition ofthe Epigoni, led by his son Alcmeon. In lines 56-60, closing the myth, the poet declares that he will throw crowns at Alcmeon and celebrate him in song, "because a neighbor and guardian of my possessions encountered me going to the songful navel ofthe earth, and grasped hold of prophecies with his inborn arts"1. Modern commentators and translators have universally taken the "neighbor and guardian" to be Alcmeon2. Some, troubled by the improbability of a Theban cult of Alcmeon and by considerations of relevance, have compli- cated the matter further by construing the first person here as either Choral or 1 M. R. Lefkowitz, The Influential Fictions in the Scholia to Pindar's Pythian 8, CP 70 (1975) 179-180, 183, translates v. 60 as "touched me with his inherited skills of prophecies", thus understanding poi from v. 58 as a dative object ofthe verb and taking the genitive uavxeu- pdxcov as dependent on xexvaic,. There are simply no parallels for the verb ecpdjixopai taking such a double dative construction or meaning "touch someone with something"; indeed, there are no parallels for its having a personal dative object at all. While some commentators take the dative xexvaic, as the object ofthe verb (cf. O 1. 86) and others, like me, prefer the genitive pavxeupdxcov as object (cf. O. 9. 12), Lefkowitz' unparalleled construction must be rejected out of hand. I favor the genitive object construction, since auyydvoiai xexvaic, are by definition already within a person and thus not something one would "take hold of. See L. R. Farnell, The Works ofPindar (London 1930) II, 196. 2 This assumption is found in every commentary on the Pythians at least since the time of F. Gedike, Pindars Pythische Siegshymnen (Berlin 1779) 208 n. 11. It is also expressed in every English translation of Pindar I have consulted, including those of Sandys, Bowra, Lattimore, Conway, Swanson, Ruck and Matheson, and Nisetich. 13 Museum Helvelicum 194 Thomas K. Hubbard spoken in the persona of the Aeginetan athlete Aristomenes, thus postulating an Aeginetan cult of Alcmeon3. For this there is no more evidence than for a Theban cult. Critics cannot agree whether the encounter with the hero on the road to Delphi was a vision in a dream, an actual epiphany, a matter of passing his shrine, or even seeing his statue at Delphi itself. There are problems with all these views. Indeed, Wilamowitz has gone so far as to despair: "So wird diese Stelle wohl immer unverstanden bleiben."5 I am more optimistic about finding a credible Solution to the passage's many difficulties, if we discard assumptions about the "neighbor and guardian" being Alcmeon. We would do better to follow 2ZP. 8. 78b in construing the first person as the poet (as always in Pindar's epinicia) and the "neighbor and guardian" as Amphiaraus, who had a well-attested oracle near Thebes and whose mantic powers have just been demonstrated at length in the preceding myth. The allusion is significant, and our understanding of the entire ode's literary and political meaning is seriously affected by knowledge of this oracle's position in Greece at the time of P. 8, generally dated to 446 BC6. In this interpretation, they follow I.P. 8. 78a. 82. 83a (Drachmann). See F. Dornseiff, Pindars Stil (Berlin 1921) 84; E. Thummer, Die Religiosität Pindars (Innsbruck 1957) 32; E. L. Bundy, Studia Pindarica (Berkeley 1962) II, 69-70; E. D. Floyd, The Performance ofPindar, Pythian 8. 55-70, GRBS 6 (1965) 187-200; W. J. Slater, Pindar's House, GRBS 12 (1971) 141, and Pindar's Myths: Two pragmatie explanations, in: G. W. Bowersock et al. (eds.), Arktouros: Hellenic Studies Presented to Bernard M. W. Knox (Berlin 1979) 68-70. There are in my opinion no convincing parallels either for a Choral first-person or first-person utterances in the persona of the victor; the latter especially results in intolerable obscurity. For the alto- gether different phenomenon ofthe "first-person indefinite", which applies only to generic or gnomic Statements, see D. C. Young, Three Ödes of Pindar (Leiden 1968) 58-59, and the bibliography which he cites. For a dream vision, see L. Dissen. Pindari Carmina quae supersunt (Gotha 1830) II, 291; F. Mezger, Pindars Siegeslieder (Leipzig 1880) 405; A. B. Drachmann, De duobus Pindari locis, Nordisk Tidssknft for Filologi ser. 3, 1 (1892/93) 162; O. Schroeder, Pindars Pythien (Leipzig 1922) 72; U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Pindaros (Berlin 1922) 441; E. Rohde, Psyche: The Cult ofSouls and Beliefin Immortality among the Ancient Greeks, tr. W. B. Hillis (London 1925) 152-153 n. 105; A. Puech, Pindare (Paris 61966) II, 122 n. 4; Slater (above, n. 3) 69. For a waking epiphany, see G. Norwood, Pindar (Berkeley 1945) 4; R. W. B. Burton, Pindar's Pythian Ödes (Oxford 1962) 182-183; C. M. Bowra, Pindar (Oxford 1964) 52; C. A. P. Ruck/W. H. Matheson (trs.), Pindar: Selected Ödes (Ann Arbor 1968) 101. For the shrine of Alcmeon itself being what appears, see C. A. M. Fennell, Pindar: The Olympian and Pythian Ödes (Cambridge 1893) 242; A. Boeckh, Pindari Opera quae supersunt (Leipzig 1821) 11:2, 315, thinks it was either the shrine or a statue. Wilamowitz (above, n. 4) 441. His doubts about the probability of an Alcmeon shrine at Thebes were so great as to cause him to speculate about Pindar possibly residmg in Argos at the time this ode was written. This is the date of TP. 8. Inscr., at least under the traditional reckoning of Pythiads (defended most recently by A. A. Mosshammer, The Date ofthe First Pythiad - Again, GRBS 23 [1982] 15-30). Some early Pindaric scholars (e.g. K. O. Müller, Aegineticorum über [Berlin 1817] 177; Boeckh [above, n. 4] 11:2, 308-309; Dissen [above, n. 4] II, 279-280; G. Hermann, Opuscula [Leipzig 1839] VII, 155-158) rejected the scholiastic evidence in favor of a much earlier date, The Theban Amphiaraion and Pindar's Vision on the Road to Delphi 195 In contrast to the abundant documentation concerning Amphiaraus' oracle near Thebes, there is not one shred of evidence for a shrine of Alcmeon either in Thebes or Aegina. The sole evidence for a shrine of Alcmeon any- where in Greece is Pausanias' testimony (8. 24. 7) to seeing his grave and sacred grove in Psophis. Greek hero cults are almost always connected with claims to being the site of a hero's death and burial7; as an enemy of Thebes who never returned to the city after destroying it, Alcmeon seems most unlikely to have been honored with a heroon there. He is even less likely to have had such a shrine on Aegina, an island with which his family has no association and on which he never set foot so far as we can infer from extant mythological tradition. Aegina had a bountiful line of local heroes in the Aeacidae and hardly had need of an Alcmeon cult. Moreover, there is no evidence that Alcmeon ever had an oracle anywhere in Greece or even that he had oracular powers. Greek tradition is univocal in representing Alcmeon's brother Amphilochus as the one who inherits Amphiaraus' prophetie powers8. Indeed, the many myths surrounding Alcmeon all make it quite clear that he did not possess the ability to foresee the future. The entire story ofthe matrieide and endless wandering in search of purification is incompatible with prophetie ability. Rather, we are told that Alcmeon throughout his career sought advice from the oracle at Delphi concerning his next step: he consulted Delphi before the expedition ofthe Epigoni and before his matrieide9, and took refuge there after being pursued by the Furies.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Greece, Prehistory and History Of
    Greece, prehistory and history of Archaic age Solon's reforms were critical for the longer-term development of Athens and indeed Greece, but in the short term they were a failure because Athens did after all succumb, for much of the second half of the 6th cent., to a tyranny, that of Pisistratus and his sons Hippias and Hipparchus. Under these rulers, Athenian naval power was built up, a vigorous foreign policy pursued, splendid buildings erected, and roads built. But the tyrants were driven out in 510 and Cleisthenes reformed the Athenian constitution in a democratic direction in 508/7. Meanwhile Achaemenid Persia had been expanding since Cyrus the Great overthrew Croesus of Lydia in 546, and the new power had begun to encroach on the freedom of the East Greeks in Ionia and even islands like Samos. The Athenians, like other mainland Greeks, were insulated from immediate danger by their distance from geographical Ionia, but they were in the racial and religious senses Ionians too, and when in 499 the Ionian Revolt broke out, itself perhaps the result of restlessness induced by awareness of Cleisthenes' democratic reforms, Athens sent help to the rebels, who, however, were defeated at Lade (494). How far this help provoked the Persian Wars, by drawing Darius I's vengeful attention to Athens, and how far they were simply an inevitable consequence of Persian dynamism, is not clear from the account of our main source Herodotus. A first expedition led by Datis and Mardonius failed at the battle of Marathon, in Attica (490); then at the battles of Thermopylae, Artemisium, Salamis (all 480), and Plataea (479) a far larger Persian invasion by Xerxes was beaten back.
    [Show full text]
  • OVID Metamorphoses
    Metamorphoses Ovid, Joseph D. Reed, Rolfe Humphries Published by Indiana University Press Ovid, et al. Metamorphoses: The New, Annotated Edition. Indiana University Press, 2018. Project MUSE. muse.jhu.edu/book/58757. https://muse.jhu.edu/. For additional information about this book https://muse.jhu.edu/book/58757 [ Access provided at 20 May 2021 05:17 GMT from University of Washington @ Seattle ] book FIve The Fighting of Perseus* So Perseus told his story, and the halls Buzzed loud, not with the cheery noise that rings From floor to rafter at a wedding-party. No; this meant trouble. It was like the riot When sudden squalls lash peaceful waves to surges. Phineus was the reckless one to start it, That warfare, brandishing his spear of ash With sharp bronze point. “Look at me! Here I am,” He cried, “Avenger of my stolen bride! No wings will save you from me, and no god Turned into lying gold.”* He poised the spear, As Cepheus shouted: “Are you crazy, brother? What are you doing? Is this our gratitude, This our repayment for a maiden saved? If truth is what you want, it was not Perseus Who took her from you, but the Nereids Whose power is terrible, it was hornèd Ammon, It was that horrible monster from the ocean Who had to feed on my own flesh and blood, And that was when you really lost her, brother; 107 lines 20–47 She would have died—can your heart be so cruel To wish it so, to heal its grief by causing Grief in my heart? It was not enough, I take it, For you to see her bound and never help her, Never so much as lift a little finger, And you her uncle and her promised husband! So now you grieve that someone else did save her, You covet his reward, a prize so precious, It seems, you could not force yourself to take it From the rocks where it was bound.
    [Show full text]
  • Hadrian and the Greek East
    HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way.
    [Show full text]
  • The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC.
    [Show full text]
  • Early Mycenaean Arkadia: Space and Place(S) of an Inland and Mountainous Region
    Early Mycenaean Arkadia: Space and Place(s) of an Inland and Mountainous Region Eleni Salavoura1 Abstract: The concept of space is an abstract and sometimes a conventional term, but places – where people dwell, (inter)act and gain experiences – contribute decisively to the formation of the main characteristics and the identity of its residents. Arkadia, in the heart of the Peloponnese, is a landlocked country with small valleys and basins surrounded by high mountains, which, according to the ancient literature, offered to its inhabitants a hard and laborious life. Its rough terrain made Arkadia always a less attractive area for archaeological investigation. However, due to its position in the centre of the Peloponnese, Arkadia is an inevitable passage for anyone moving along or across the peninsula. The long life of small and medium-sized agrarian communities undoubtedly owes more to their foundation at crossroads connecting the inland with the Peloponnesian coast, than to their potential for economic growth based on the resources of the land. However, sites such as Analipsis, on its east-southeastern borders, the cemetery at Palaiokastro and the ash altar on Mount Lykaion, both in the southwest part of Arkadia, indicate that the area had a Bronze Age past, and raise many new questions. In this paper, I discuss the role of Arkadia in early Mycenaean times based on settlement patterns and excavation data, and I investigate the relation of these inland communities with high-ranking central places. In other words, this is an attempt to set place(s) into space, supporting the idea that the central region of the Peloponnese was a separated, but not isolated part of it, comprising regions that are also diversified among themselves.
    [Show full text]
  • Archaic Eretria
    ARCHAIC ERETRIA This book presents for the first time a history of Eretria during the Archaic Era, the city’s most notable period of political importance. Keith Walker examines all the major elements of the city’s success. One of the key factors explored is Eretria’s role as a pioneer coloniser in both the Levant and the West— its early Aegean ‘island empire’ anticipates that of Athens by more than a century, and Eretrian shipping and trade was similarly widespread. We are shown how the strength of the navy conferred thalassocratic status on the city between 506 and 490 BC, and that the importance of its rowers (Eretria means ‘the rowing city’) probably explains the appearance of its democratic constitution. Walker dates this to the last decade of the sixth century; given the presence of Athenian political exiles there, this may well have provided a model for the later reforms of Kleisthenes in Athens. Eretria’s major, indeed dominant, role in the events of central Greece in the last half of the sixth century, and in the events of the Ionian Revolt to 490, is clearly demonstrated, and the tyranny of Diagoras (c. 538–509), perhaps the golden age of the city, is fully examined. Full documentation of literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources (most of which have previously been inaccessible to an English-speaking audience) is provided, creating a fascinating history and a valuable resource for the Greek historian. Keith Walker is a Research Associate in the Department of Classics, History and Religion at the University of New England, Armidale, Australia.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Strutture Difensive Delle Colonie Greche Di Sicilia
    Il presente Volume si propone di approfondire la conoscenza storica, tipologica e materica delle Francesca Scalisi strutture difensive presenti nei maggiori siti archeologici siciliani di fondazione greca, premessa in- dispensabile per un qualsiasi tipo di intervento di recupero e fruizione. Le fortificazioni sono dei monumenti fortemente emblematici per tipologia e dimensione e rappresentano, per certi versi, il volto che un insediamento offriva a chi si apprestava ad entrarvi, essendo la città antica modellata nel suo aspetto esteriore dalle mura difensive. Questa analisi sistematica sulle fortificazioni evidenzia LE STRUTTURE DIFENSIVE DELLE importanti contenuti che coinvolgono i settori scientifici relativi alle tecnologie costruttive e alle tecniche esecutive. La tessitura muraria, infatti, ci fornisce un ricco e variegato repertorio tecnologico in uso tra i secoli VII ed il IV a.C., utile per comprendere la pratica del fare architettura. COLONIE GRECHE DI SICILIA Il Volume affronta, innanzitutto, il tema della colonizzazione greca in Sicilia, in quanto la nascita Storia, tipologia, materiali delle fortificazioni è strettaente correlata alla necessità di difendersi dalle popolazioni indigene, e indaga sulle relazioni esistenti fra fortificazioni e tipologie insediative, soffermandosi, in seguito ad analizzare i vari subsistemi (fondazioni, muri, coronamenti, smaltimento delle acque) e compo- nenti (porte e torri) che costituiscono la struttura di un sistema difensivo. Segue l’elencazione di una serie di casi di studio, individuati secondo criteri di consistenza qualitativa e quantitativa delle tessiture murarie: allo studio storico, topografico e urbanistico della colonia individuata, fa seguito l’analisi dettagliata dei sistemi difensivi di ogni sito, dal cui raffronto si evidenziano, di volta in volta, le costanti e le varianti costruttive.
    [Show full text]
  • The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae
    historia 68, 2019/4, 413–435 DOI 10.25162/historia-2019-0022 Jeffrey Rop The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae Abstract: This article makes three arguments regarding the Battle of Thermopylae. First, that the discovery of the Anopaea path was not dependent upon Ephialtes, but that the Persians were aware of it at their arrival and planned their attacks at Thermopylae, Artemisium, and against the Phocians accordingly. Second, that Herodotus’ claims that the failure of the Pho- cians was due to surprise, confusion, and incompetence are not convincing. And third, that the best explanation for the Phocian behavior is that they were from Delphi and betrayed their allies as part of a bid to restore local control over the sanctuary. Keywords: Thermopylae – Artemisium – Delphi – Phocis – Medism – Anopaea The courageous sacrifice of Leonidas and the Spartans is perhaps the central theme of Herodotus’ narrative and of many popular retellings of the Battle of Thermopylae in 480 BCE. Even as modern historians are appropriately more critical of this heroizing impulse, they have tended to focus their attention on issues that might explain why Leo- nidas and his men fought to the death. These include discussion of the broader strategic and tactical importance of Thermopylae, the inter-relationship and chronology of the Greek defense of the pass and the naval campaign at Artemisium, the actual number of Greeks who served under Leonidas and whether it was sufficient to hold the position, and so on. While this article inevitably touches upon some of these same topics, its main purpose is to reconsider the decisive yet often overlooked moment of the battle: the failure of the 1,000 Phocians on the Anopaea path.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece • Crete • Turkey May 28 - June 22, 2021
    GREECE • CRETE • TURKEY MAY 28 - JUNE 22, 2021 Tour Hosts: Dr. Scott Moore Dr. Jason Whitlark organized by GREECE - CRETE - TURKEY / May 28 - June 22, 2021 May 31 Mon ATHENS - CORINTH CANAL - CORINTH – ACROCORINTH - NAFPLION At 8:30a.m. depart from Athens and drive along the coastal highway of Saronic Gulf. Arrive at the Corinth Canal for a brief stop and then continue on to the Acropolis of Corinth. Acro-corinth is the citadel of Corinth. It is situated to the southwest of the ancient city and rises to an elevation of 1883 ft. [574 m.]. Today it is surrounded by walls that are about 1.85 mi. [3 km.] long. The foundations of the fortifications are ancient—going back to the Hellenistic Period. The current walls were built and rebuilt by the Byzantines, Franks, Venetians, and Ottoman Turks. Climb up and visit the fortress. Then proceed to the Ancient city of Corinth. It was to this megalopolis where the apostle Paul came and worked, established a thriving church, subsequently sending two of his epistles now part of the New Testament. Here, we see all of the sites associated with his ministry: the Agora, the Temple of Apollo, the Roman Odeon, the Bema and Gallio’s Seat. The small local archaeological museum here is an absolute must! In Romans 16:23 Paul mentions his friend Erastus and • • we will see an inscription to him at the site. In the afternoon we will drive to GREECE CRETE TURKEY Nafplion for check-in at hotel followed by dinner and overnight. (B,D) MAY 28 - JUNE 22, 2021 June 1 Tue EPIDAURAUS - MYCENAE - NAFPLION Morning visit to Mycenae where we see the remains of the prehistoric citadel Parthenon, fortified with the Cyclopean Walls, the Lionesses’ Gate, the remains of the Athens Mycenaean Palace and the Tomb of King Agamemnon in which we will actually enter.
    [Show full text]
  • Kleonai, the Corinth-Argos Road, And
    HESPERIA 78 (2OO9) KLEONAI, THE CORINTH- Pages ioj-163 ARGOS ROAD, AND THE "AXIS OF HISTORY" ABSTRACT The ancient roadfrom Corinth to Argos via the Longopotamos passwas one of the most important and longest-used natural routes through the north- eastern Peloponnese. The author proposes to identity the exact route of the road as it passed through Kleonaian territoryby combining the evidence of ancient testimonia, the identification of ancient roadside features, the ac- counts of early travelers,and autopsy.The act of tracing the road serves to emphasizethe prominentposition of the city Kleonaion this interstateroute, which had significant consequences both for its own history and for that of neighboring states. INTRODUCTION Much of the historyof the polis of Kleonaiwas shapedby its location on a numberof majorroutes from the Isthmus and Corinth into the Peloponnese.1The most importantof thesewas a majorartery for north- south travel;from the city of Kleonai,the immediatedestinations of this roadwere Corinthto the north and Argos to the south.It is in connec- tion with its roadsthat Kleonaiis most often mentionedin the ancient sources,and likewise,modern topographical studies of the areahave fo- cusedon definingthe coursesof these routes,particularly that of the main 1. The initial fieldworkfor this Culturefor grantingit. In particular, anonymousreaders and the editors studywas primarilyconducted as I thank prior ephors Elisavet Spathari of Hesperia,were of invaluableassis- part of a one-person surveyof visible and AlexanderMantis for their in- tance. I owe particulargratitude to remainsin Kleonaianterritory under terest in the projectat Kleonai,and Bruce Stiver and John Luchin for their the auspicesof the American School the guardsand residentsof Archaia assistancewith the illustrations.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Reading Athenaios' Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo: Critical Edition And
    Reading Athenaios’ Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo: Critical Edition and Commentaries DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Corey M. Hackworth Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Fritz Graf, Advisor Benjamin Acosta-Hughes Carolina López-Ruiz 1 Copyright by Corey M. Hackworth 2015 2 Abstract This dissertation is a study of the Epigraphical Hymn to Apollo that was found at Delphi in 1893, and since attributed to Athenaios. It is believed to have been performed as part of the Athenian Pythaïdes festival in the year 128/7 BCE. After a brief introduction to the hymn, I provide a survey and history of the most important editions of the text. I offer a new critical edition equipped with a detailed apparatus. This is followed by an extended epigraphical commentary which aims to describe the history of, and arguments for and and against, readings of the text as well as proposed supplements and restorations. The guiding principle of this edition is a conservative one—to indicate where there is uncertainty, and to avoid relying on other, similar, texts as a resource for textual restoration. A commentary follows, which traces word usage and history, in an attempt to explore how an audience might have responded to the various choices of vocabulary employed throughout the text. Emphasis is placed on Athenaios’ predilection to utilize new words, as well as words that are non-traditional for Apolline narrative. The commentary considers what role prior word usage (texts) may have played as intertexts, or sources of poetic resonance in the ears of an audience.
    [Show full text]
  • Punishments and the Conclusion of Herodotus' Histories
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by MURAL - Maynooth University Research Archive Library Punishments and the Conclusion of Herodotus’ Histories William Desmond NE MUST CONSIDER the end of every affair, how it will turn out.”1 Solon’s advice to Croesus has often been Oapplied to Herodotus’ Histories themselves: Is the con- clusion of Herodotus’ work a fitting and satisfying one? Older interpretations tended to criticize the final stories about Ar- tayctes and Artembares as anticlimactic or inappropriate: Did Herodotus forget himself here, or were the stories intended as interludes, preludes to further narrative?2 Entirely opposite is the praise accorded Herodotus in a recent commentary on Book 9: “The brilliance of Herodotus as a writer and thinker is mani- fest here, as the conclusion of the Histories both brings together those themes which have permeated the entire work and, at the same time, alludes to the new themes of the post-war world.” 3 More recent appreciation for Herodotus’ “brilliance,” then, is often inspired by the tightly-woven texture of Herodotus’ narrative. Touching upon passion, revenge, noble primitivism, 1 Hdt. 1.32: skop°ein d¢ xrØ pantÚw xrÆmatow tØn teleutÆn, kª épobÆsetai (text C. Hude, OCT). 2 For summaries of earlier assessments (Wilamowitz, Jacoby, Pohlenz, et al.) see H. R. Immerwahr, Form and Thought in Herodotus (Cleveland 1966) 146 n.19; D. Boedeker, “Protesilaos and the End of Herodotus’ Histories,” ClAnt 7 (1988) 30–48, at 30–31; C. Dewald, “Wanton Kings, Picked Heroes, and Gnomic Founding Fathers: Strategies of Meaning at the End of Herodotus’ Histories,” in D.
    [Show full text]