The Oracles. of Zeus

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Oracles. of Zeus The Oracles. of Zeus DODONA · OLYMPIA · AMMON By H. W. PARKE Professor of Ancient History T rini!J College, Dublin HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 1967 © BASIL BLACKWELL 1967 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN To my Wife IYN TE flY• EPXOMEN£U CONTENTS Chapter Page I Dodona in Homer I II The Oak and the Selloi 20 III The Dove and the Origins of Dodona 34 IV Dodona from Hesiod to Sophocles 46 V Dodona in Later Greek Literature So VI Dodona: The Material Remains 94 VII The Responses of Dodona in Literature I 29 VIII Olympia 164 IX Ammon 194 X Dodona and Ammon in the Roman Poets 242 Conclusion 253 Appendix I. A Selection of Enquiries made at Dodona 259 Appendix II. Greek Dedications at Dodona 274 Appendix III. The Hyperborean Gifts 279 Index 287 LIST OF PLATES Between pages I 68-g nonoNA: entrance to the main sanctuary This view is taken from the S.E. corner of the building looking south westward along its front. The late porch can be seen projecting from the wall of the 3rd century building. In the background is Mount Tomaros. 2a THE MAIN SANCTUARY: from the North The view is t.aken from the hill above the site almost immediately below the circuit wall of the Hellenistic town. The late temple building can be seen projecting into the oblong sacred en­ closure. Also the inner colonnade's foundations can be seen on the west and south sides. The east side was probably left open for the sacred oak. Below the sanctuary lies the marshy valley bottom. 2b THE MAIN SANCTUARY! foundations The view is taken from a point inside the temple building looking eastward. The orthostats in the background are part of the back (north) wall of the 3rd century enclosure. The large foundations in the immediate foreground belong to the earliest (4th century) temple, where the outer wall was met at right angles by the inner wall of the naos. Parallel to this foundation, laid with smaller, flatter stones, is the footing of the wall of the later, larger temple (c. 200 B.c.). Meeting it at right angles beyond are the foundations of the inner colonnade (3rd century). 3a OLYMPIA: stadium and the hill ofCronos This view is taken from the embankment at the starting (west) end of the stadium, looking north at the hill, rising sharply above the Altis. Vlll LIST OF PLATES 3b OLYMPIA: from the temple of Zeus This view is taken from the north east corner of the temple of Zeus, looking north to the temple of Hera whose columns can be seen in the middle distance. This space is now cleared, but in ancient times it held on the left the shrine of Pelops and on the right the great altar of Zeus. 4 HEAD OF AMMON Louvre, No. 4235. Probably from Dodona. For a discussion, see pp. 208 and 238, note 23. This is reproduced by permission of M. Jean Charbonneaux, Conservateur en chef du Musee du Louvre. Plate 4 is from a photograph by M. Chugeville: the others from photo­ graphs by Mrs. Nancy B. Parke. PREFACE This book would not have been written if the author had not been given the opportunity by the Institute for Advanced Study of spending a semester at Princeton in zg6o. There I was able to make a start on this subject, working in association with Professor Meritt and Professor Cherniss, and also in the company of my old teacher, Professor Wade-Gery. To all these and others at Princeton who made my stay there enjoyable and useful I am permanently indebted. Fellow scholars in Dublin have given me ready assistance. My former partner in Delphic researches, Professor Wormell, has read and commented on much of the work. Professor Stanford. has supplied some useful references, and colleagues in more distant fields, such as Dr. Webb, Professor of Systematic Botany, and Dr. Grainger, Professor of Zoology, have guided me at times in the literature of their subjects. Mr. Donald Nicol, now of Edinburgh University, but then of University College, Dublin, was of great help in keeping me in touch with publications on Epirus. An even greater debt is due to Professor Hammond of Bristol who allowed me to see and make use of the manuscript of his own work on Epirus, which is due to be published by the Oxford University Press. My obligations to him are also acknow­ ledged in the appropriate footnotes. When the work was nearing completion, two Oxford scholars, W. G. Forrest and John Boardman, read parts and helped me with their criticisms on the presentation. In Jan nina I was able through the kindness of the Ephor of Epirus, S. I. Dakaris, to examine the lead tablets from Dodona, which were shown me in his absence. In Paris Jean Charbonneaux, Conservateur en chef of the Louvre, kindly allowed me to examine and publish a remarkable bronze from his collection. On turning from Delphi to Dodona, Olympia and Ammon, I am very conscious of the fact that, while the copious sources on X PREFACE the Pythian Apollo still leave many questions unsolved, the oracles of Zeus frequently su!rcr from a sheer lack of literary evidence. Excavation at Dodona has helped to fill the gap. A few inscriptions from Olympia add slightly to the knowledge of its priesthood. But Ammon has not been excavated and is as yet scarcely explored. To group the three together in a combined study may even seem rash, as they have only a few links apart from their nominal dedication to one deity. But I hope that readers will find that a separate book devoted to the subject can advance to some small extent our understanding of Apollo's chief rivals. H. w. PARKE CHAPTER I DODONA IN HOMER The story of the Iliad has come to a great turning-point in the action. Yielding to the prayers of Patroclus, Achilles has agreed to send out the Myrmidons under his command against Hector. Homer marks the high significance of this step by the elaborate detail of his description.1 The Myrmidons are marshalled by Achilles in five detachments, and Homer gives a brief account of each of the five leaders. Then for a moment Achilles leaves the courtyard where the troops are assembled. He returns to his tent to fetch the special cup which only he might use and out of which he was accustomed to pour libations to no other god but Zeus. He washes the cup and washes his hands and fills it with wine. Then · he stands in the midst of the courtyard again and utters a prayer. It is not surprising that, after all this preparation and all the suspense which he has introduced, Homer puts into Achilles' mouth a very special invocation, unique in Greek literature: 'Lord Zeus, of Dodona, Pelasgian, dwelling afar, ruling over hard­ wintered Dodona-and around dwell the Selloi your interpreters, of unwashen feet, sleeping on the ground.' It is the first appearance of the oracle ofDodona in a Greek author and the dramatic vigour of the presentation is equalled by its obscurity of meaning. Scarcely a word in the passage but received its annotation in ancient scholarship, and this fact clearly indicates that Greek readers in the classical and Hellenistic periods found these sen­ tences almost as strange and puzzling as the modems do. They evidently knew po convenient parallels for some of the words, not even in authors !since lost, nor did they discover such practices in the contemporary oracle as would supply a satisfactory interpreta­ tion. So all they could do in some instances was to work out the probable meaning from the apparent derivations of the words and guess from that to the significance lying behind. Modem scholars are. in much the same position, except in so far as the work of anthropologists has to some extent deepened the 2 THE ORACLES OF ZEUS understanding of primitive cults. Iflike the ancient commentators we take the sentence word by word these are the rather limited results which we get: 'Lord' (ava) is the vocative of the ancient term used in Linear B script for the king, who may in the Myce­ naean period have been divine. In Homer this form itself is like Achilles' cup: it is only used in addressing prayers to Zeus. So it strikes at once the proper note of religious solemnity. Some scholiasts did not recognize the form and tried erroneously to combine it with the next adjective into a single word 'Anadodo­ naean'.2 But this only serves to show how strange the expression sounded to later ears. 'Of Dodona': superficially this raises no difficulties. From classical literature and from excavation we know that Zeus was long worshipped at the site in Epirus which the Greeks called 'Dodona' and which is now Tcharacovitsa, eighteen kilometres south-west of Jannina. The ancient commentators noted a minor point of interest: Homer, when writing in his own person, never uses local epithets of the gods. He only puts them into the mouths. of his characters when praying.3 His practice when explained in this way need not raise any doubts about the form of the word, but the fact that Homer rarely uses such epithets may have been the ground on which Zenodotus, the earliest Alexandrian editor of Homer, wished to substitute 'Phegonaie' meaning 'of the oak tree' (phegos) or perhaps better 'of the place of the oak tree'.4 The im­ portance of the oak at Dodona and in connection with Zeus needs full discussion later, s but it has no business to intrude into this passage in Homer.
Recommended publications
  • Theopompus's Philippica
    chapter five Theopompus’s Philippica heopompus of Chios (FGrHist 115) was widely renowned in antiq- T uity for the severity with which he condemned the moral faults of the characters peopling his Philippica. Few indeed escaped the scathing vigor of his pen. Despite his family’s exile from Chios, Theopompus seems to have had the necessary funds to carry out thorough research (TT 20 and 28,FF25, 26 and 181) and did not have to work for a living, but was able to devote himself wholly to his writing.1 Because he was in no need of either patronage or an income, he had the freedom to write whatever he pleased without risk of losing his livelihood by causing offense. It is per- haps for this reason that he was known in antiquity as “a lover of the truth” (φιλαληθης )(T28). We must now determine whether or not this epithet was justified in Theopompus’s use of the past in the Philippica. In addition to his numerous epideictic speeches, Theopompus wrote three known historical works: an epitome of Herodotus, a Hellenica, and a Philippica.2 It is likely the epitome of Herodotus was Theopompus’s earliest 1. A recent discussion of the (very vague and contradictory) evidence for Theopompus’s life can be found in Michael Attyah Flower, Theopompus of Chios: History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Century BC (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 11–25. 2. Suda, s.v. Θε π µπ ς ι ς ρ ητωρ (ϭ T 1). 143 144 lessons from the past historical work,3 but all that remains of it is an entry in the Suda stating it contained two books (T 1) and four attributed fragments from ancient lexica giving it as the authority for the use of specific words (FF 1–4), although the possibility exists that some other, unattributed fragments may belong to it also.
    [Show full text]
  • Questioning the Muse: Authority and Inspiration in the Age of the Museum
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Poetry as window and mirror : Hellenistic poets on predecessors, contemporaries and themselves Klooster, J.J.H. Publication date 2009 Document Version Final published version Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Klooster, J. J. H. (2009). Poetry as window and mirror : Hellenistic poets on predecessors, contemporaries and themselves. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:29 Sep 2021 CHAPTER 8: QUESTIONING THE MUSE: AUTHORITY AND INSPIRATION IN THE AGE OF THE MUSEUM 8.1 Introduction In an age that differed greatly from the times when Homer sang of the Trojan War and Pindar praised the victors of athletic games,
    [Show full text]
  • Download The
    THE CONCEPT OF SACRED WAR IN ANCIENT GREECE By FRANCES ANNE SKOCZYLAS B.A., McGill University, 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Classics) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1987 ® Frances Anne Skoczylas, 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of CLASSICS The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date AUtt-UST 5r 1Q87 ii ABSTRACT This thesis will trace the origin and development of the term "Sacred War" in the corpus of extant Greek literature. This term has been commonly applied by modern scholars to four wars which took place in ancient Greece between- the sixth and fourth centuries B. C. The modern use of "the attribute "Sacred War" to refer to these four wars in particular raises two questions. First, did the ancient historians give all four of these wars the title "Sacred War?" And second, what justified the use of this title only for certain conflicts? In order to resolve the first of these questions, it is necessary to examine in what terms the ancient historians referred to these wars.
    [Show full text]
  • The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion. Lectures Delivered at Oxford and In
    BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIET OF Henirg m. Sage 1891 .A^^^ffM3. islm^lix.. 5931 CornelJ University Library BL 25.H621911 The higher aspects of Greek religion.Lec 3 1924 007 845 450 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007845450 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES 1911 THE HIBBERT LECTURES SECOND SERIES THE HIGHER ASPECTS OF GREEK RELIGION LECTURES DELIVERED AT OXFORD AND IN LONDON IN APRIL AND MAY igii BY L. R. FARNELL, D.Litt. WILDE LECTURER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD LONDON WILLIAMS AND NORGATE GARDEN, W.C. 14 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT 1912 CONTENTS Lecture I GENERAL FEATURES AND ORIGINS OF GREEK RELIGION Greek religion mainly a social-political system, 1. In its earliest " period a " theistic creed, that is^ a worship of personal individual deities, ethical personalities rather than mere nature forces, 2. Anthrqgomorphism its predominant bias, 2-3. Yet preserving many primitive features of " animism " or " animatism," 3-5. Its progress gradual without violent break with its distant past, 5-6. The ele- ment of magic fused with the religion but not predominant, 6-7. Hellenism and Hellenic religion a blend of two ethnic strains, one North-Aryan, the other Mediterranean, mainly Minoan-Mycenaean, 7-9. Criteria by which we can distinguish the various influences of these two, 9-1 6. The value of Homeric evidence, 18-20. Sum- mary of results, 21-24. Lecture II THE RELIGIOUS BOND AND MORALITY OF THE FAMILY The earliest type of family in Hellenic society patrilinear, 25-27.
    [Show full text]
  • Lucan's Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulf
    Lucan’s Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2014 Reading Committee: Catherine Connors, Chair Alain Gowing Stephen Hinds Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics © Copyright 2014 Laura Zientek University of Washington Abstract Lucan’s Natural Questions: Landscape and Geography in the Bellum Civile Laura Zientek Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Catherine Connors Department of Classics This dissertation is an analysis of the role of landscape and the natural world in Lucan’s Bellum Civile. I investigate digressions and excurses on mountains, rivers, and certain myths associated aetiologically with the land, and demonstrate how Stoic physics and cosmology – in particular the concepts of cosmic (dis)order, collapse, and conflagration – play a role in the way Lucan writes about the landscape in the context of a civil war poem. Building on previous analyses of the Bellum Civile that provide background on its literary context (Ahl, 1976), on Lucan’s poetic technique (Masters, 1992), and on landscape in Roman literature (Spencer, 2010), I approach Lucan’s depiction of the natural world by focusing on the mutual effect of humanity and landscape on each other. Thus, hardships posed by the land against characters like Caesar and Cato, gloomy and threatening atmospheres, and dangerous or unusual weather phenomena all have places in my study. I also explore how Lucan’s landscapes engage with the tropes of the locus amoenus or horridus (Schiesaro, 2006) and elements of the sublime (Day, 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Greek Divination by Sarah Iles Johnston Blackwell Ancient Religions
    Ancient Greek Divination by Sarah Iles Johnston Blackwell Ancient Religions. Malden, MA/Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2008. Pp. xiv + 193. ISBN 978--1--4051--1573--5.Paper $27.95 Reviewed by Joshua J. Reynolds Center for Hellenic Studies, Washington, DC [email protected] This book provides an overview of Greek divination as a religious phenomenon. In particular, the author seeks to describe and explain both the details of Greek divinatory practices and how the ancients conceptualized those practices. As the title suggests, the discussion is restricted to divination as practiced in the Greek world, although the author does make abundant use of evidence from a much wider vari- ety of sources and time periods, including Roman and Christian writ- ers. The straightforward writing, logical organization, and absence of footnotes make the book accessible to a general audience; while the erudition, critical approach to prior scholarship, and thorough bibli- ography accommodate both classicists in general and specialists. The book contains five chapters: an introduction, two chapters devoted to institutional oracles, and two chapters covering indepen- dent diviners (including magicians). In chapter 1, the author sets out to justify her study in terms of the pervasiveness of divination, not only in ancient times but in modern cultural contexts as well. She points to the desire for divina- tory knowledge as a ‘basic human need’ [4]. The difference, however, between moderns and ancients is the degree of theoretical reflection among the latter. The ancients, Johnston argues, were theoretically inclined towards divination because the practice allowed mortals the possibility of conversing with the gods, as opposed to other religious practices, such as prayer or sacrifice, which did not return immediate answers.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece, the Land Where Myths Replaces Reality
    GREECE, THE LAND WHERE MYTHS REPLACE REALITY (Myths about Epirus) What is myth and what does it serve? Myth is a narrative based usually on a false story which can not be used as a replacement of history, but sometimes myth might be considered a distorted account of a real historical event. The myth does not differ much from a folktale and usually the boundary between them is very thin. Myth must not be used to reconstruct, however in the ancient society of the so called “”Ancient Greeks”” myth was usually regarded as a true account for a remote past. Surprisingly this ‘tradition’ is descended to the Modern Greeks as well. They never loose the chance to use the myths and the mythology of a remote past and to pose them as their real ethnic history. This job is being done combining the ancient myths with the ones already created in the modern era. Now let’s take a look at two Greek myths, respectively one ancient and one modern, while our job is to prove that even these myths are respectively hijacked or created to join realities not related to each other, but unfortunately propagandized belonging to a real history, the history of the Greek race. Thus before we analyze and expose some of their myths which are uncountable, we are inclined to say that whatever is considered Greek History is completely based on mythical stories, whose reliability and truthiness is deeply compromised for the mere fact that is based on myths not only by the Modern Greeks and especially philhellenes, but even by the ancient authors.
    [Show full text]
  • A HISTORY of the PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW Peoples Of
    A HISTORY OF THE PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW peoples of the ancient world have given rise to so much controversy as the Pelasgians; and of few, after some centuries of discussion, is so little clearly established. Like the Phoenicians, the Celts, and of recent years the Teutons, they have been a peg upon which to hang all sorts of speculation ; and whenever an inconvenient circumstance has deranged the symmetry of a theory, it has been safe to ' call it Pelasgian and pass on.' One main reason for this ill-repute, into which the Pelasgian name has fallen, has been the very uncritical fashion in which the ancient statements about the Pelasgians have commonly been mishandled. It has been the custom to treat passages from Homer, from Herodotus, from Ephorus, and from Pausanias, as if they were so many interchangeable bricks to build up the speculative edifice; as if it needed no proof that genealogies found sum- marized in Pausanias or Apollodorus ' were taken by them from poems of the same class with the Theogony, or from ancient treatises, or from prevalent opinions ;' as if, further, ' if we find them mentioning the Pelasgian nation, they do at all events belong to an age when that name and people had nothing of the mystery which they bore to the eyes of the later Greeks, for instance of Strabo;' and as though (in the same passage) a statement of Stephanus of Byzantium about Pelasgians in Italy ' were evidence to the same effect, perfectly unexceptionable and as strictly historical as the case will admit of 1 No one doubts, of course, either that popular tradition may transmit, or that late writers may transcribe, statements which come from very early, and even from contemporary sources.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Name 2 Zeus in Myth
    Zeus For other uses, see Zeus (disambiguation). Zeus (English pronunciation: /ˈzjuːs/[3] ZEWS); Ancient Greek Ζεύς Zeús, pronounced [zdeǔ̯s] in Classical Attic; Modern Greek: Δίας Días pronounced [ˈði.as]) is the god of sky and thunder and the ruler of the Olympians of Mount Olympus. The name Zeus is cognate with the first element of Roman Jupiter, and Zeus and Jupiter became closely identified with each other. Zeus is the child of Cronus and Rhea, and the youngest of his siblings. In most traditions he is married to Hera, although, at the oracle of Dodona, his consort The Chariot of Zeus, from an 1879 Stories from the Greek is Dione: according to the Iliad, he is the father of Tragedians by Alfred Church. Aphrodite by Dione.[4] He is known for his erotic es- capades. These resulted in many godly and heroic offspring, including Athena, Apollo, Artemis, Hermes, the Proto-Indo-European god of the daytime sky, also [10][11] Persephone (by Demeter), Dionysus, Perseus, Heracles, called *Dyeus ph2tēr (“Sky Father”). The god is Helen of Troy, Minos, and the Muses (by Mnemosyne); known under this name in the Rigveda (Vedic San- by Hera, he is usually said to have fathered Ares, Hebe skrit Dyaus/Dyaus Pita), Latin (compare Jupiter, from and Hephaestus.[5] Iuppiter, deriving from the Proto-Indo-European voca- [12] tive *dyeu-ph2tēr), deriving from the root *dyeu- As Walter Burkert points out in his book, Greek Religion, (“to shine”, and in its many derivatives, “sky, heaven, “Even the gods who are not his natural children address [10] [6] god”).
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Homer's Roads Not Taken
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Homer’s Roads Not Taken Stories and Storytelling in the Iliad and Odyssey A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Classics by Craig Morrison Russell 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Homer’s Roads Not Taken Stories and Storytelling in the Iliad and Odyssey by Craig Morrison Russell Doctor of Philosophy in Classics University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Alex C. Purves, Chair This dissertation is a consideration of how narratives in the Iliad and Odyssey find their shapes. Applying insights from scholars working in the fields of narratology and oral poetics, I consider moments in Homeric epic when characters make stories out of their lives and tell them to each other. My focus is on the concept of “creativity” — the extent to which the poet and his characters create and alter the reality in which they live by controlling the shape of the reality they mould in their storytelling. The first two chapters each examine storytelling by internal characters. In the first chapter I read Achilles’ and Agamemnon’s quarrel as a set of competing attempts to create the authoritative narrative of the situation the Achaeans find themselves in, and Achilles’ retelling of the quarrel to Thetis as part of the move towards the acceptance of his version over that of Agamemnon or even the Homeric Narrator that occurs over the course of the epic. In the second chapter I consider the constant storytelling that [ii ] occurs at the end of the Odyssey as a competition between the families of Odysseus and the suitors to control the narrative that will be created out of Odysseus’s homecoming.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pythias Excerpted from Secret History of the Witches © 2009 Max Dashu
    The Pythias excerpted from Secret History of the Witches © 2009 Max Dashu I count the grains of sand on the beach and measure the sea I understand the speech of the mute and hear the voiceless —Delphic Oracle [Herodotus, I, 47] In the center of the world, a fissure opened from the black depths of Earth, and waters flowed from a spring. The place was called Delphoi (“Womb”). In its cave sanctuary lived a shamanic priestess called the Pythia—Serpent Woman. Her prophetic power came from a she-dragon in the Castalian spring, whose waters had inspirational qualities. She sat on a tripod, breathing vapors that emerged from a deep cleft in the Earth, until she entered trance and prophesied by chanting in verse. The shrine was sacred to the indigenous Aegean earth goddess. The Greeks called her Ge, and later Gaia. Earth was said to have been the first Delphic priestess. [Pindar, fr. 55; Euripides, Iphigenia in Taurus, 1234-83. This idea of Earth as the original oracle and source of prophecy was widespread. The Eumenides play begins with a Pythia intoning, “First in my prayer I call on Earth, primeval prophetess...” [Harrison, 385] Ancient Greek tradition held that there had once been an oracle of Earth at the Gaeion in Olympia, but it had disappeared by the 2nd century. [Pausanias, 10.5.5; Frazer on Apollodorus, note, 10] The oracular cave of Aegira, with its very old wooden image of Broad-bosomed Ge, belonged to Earth too. [Pliny, Natural History 28. 147; Pausanias 7, 25] Entranced priestess dancing with wand, circa 1500 BCE.
    [Show full text]
  • Pausanias' Description of Greece
    BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. PAUSANIAS' DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. PAUSANIAS' TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH \VITTI NOTES AXD IXDEX BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A., Soiiii'tinie Scholar of Trinity L'olltge, Cambridge. VOLUME IT. " ni <le Fnusnnias cst un homme (jui ne mnnquo ni de bon sens inoins a st-s tlioux." hnniie t'oi. inais i}iii rn>it ou au voudrait croire ( 'HAMTAiiNT. : ftEOROE BELL AND SONS. YOUK STIIKKT. COVKNT (iAKDKX. 188t). CHISWICK PRESS \ C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCEKV LANE. fA LC >. iV \Q V.2- CONTEXTS. PAGE Book VII. ACHAIA 1 VIII. ARCADIA .61 IX. BtEOTIA 151 -'19 X. PHOCIS . ERRATA. " " " Volume I. Page 8, line 37, for Atte read Attes." As vii. 17. 2<i. (Catullus' Aft is.) ' " Page 150, line '22, for Auxesias" read Anxesia." A.-> ii. 32. " " Page 165, lines 12, 17, 24, for Philhammon read " Philanimon.'' " " '' Page 191, line 4, for Tamagra read Tanagra." " " Pa ire 215, linu 35, for Ye now enter" read Enter ye now." ' " li I'aijf -J27, line 5, for the Little Iliad read The Little Iliad.'- " " " Page ^S9, line 18, for the Babylonians read Babylon.'' " 7 ' Volume II. Page 61, last line, for earth' read Earth." " Page 1)5, line 9, tor "Can-lira'" read Camirus." ' ; " " v 1'age 1 69, line 1 , for and read for. line 2, for "other kinds of flutes "read "other thites.'' ;< " " Page 201, line 9. for Lacenian read Laeonian." " " " line 10, for Chilon read Cliilo." As iii. 1H. Pago 264, " " ' Page 2G8, Note, for I iad read Iliad." PAUSANIAS. BOOK VII. ACIIAIA.
    [Show full text]