Gunnery and the Struggle for the New Science (1537-1687)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Gunnery and the Struggle for the New Science (1537-1687) Gunnery and the Struggle for the New Science (1537-1687) Catherine Ann France Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Philosophy, Religion and History of Science September 2014 ii The candidate confirms that the work submitted is her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. iii Acknowledgements I acknowledge with gratitude the patient and critical advice and support of Sophie Weeks and Chris Kenny. I also gratefully acknowledge the support of the School of Philosophy of the University of Leeds for their award of a Doctoral Studentship. iv Abstract This thesis re-examines the contribution of ballistics and gunnery to the emergence of modern science. It seeks to answer the question that inevitably emerges from A. R. Hall’s seminal Ballistics in the Seventeenth Century (1952): Why did early modern scientists and writers on gunnery include theoretical treatments of the trajectory of a gun in their works, despite the fact that it could be of no use to the practice of gunnery? Hall’s response to this perplexing question was simply that ballistic theory provided a scientific ‘veneer’ in support of attempts to gain patronage from rulers and military leaders who were anxious to gain an advantage in the new cannon warfare that played a crucial role in the development of the emerging European nation states from the end of the fifteenth century. Recent historiography, which has emphasised the role of etiquette and rhetoric in patronage relationships, has only served to bolster the credibility of Hall’s explanation, leading to an attenuation of the programme of the early modern writers who attempted to solve the mystery of the trajectory (‘the gunners’ question’). My thesis contends that, pace Hall, the struggle for the solution to the gunners’ question is paradigmatic for the resolution of unsolved issues in the history of science, and would aid substantially in delineating the role of mathematics and quantification not only in ballistics but in the transformation of natural enquiry into a recognisably modern enterprise. Whilst retaining the long-term chronological approach of Hall, my thesis re- examines in detail a number of central figures in the history of ballistics as historical actors, rather than focusing narrowly on theoretical results. This brings to the v forefront their struggle to unite theory with practice and to persuade their audience of the necessity for a new approach to natural enquiry. Through a re-examination of key texts, the thesis attempts to uncover their wider programmatic aims. They all had in common a self-perception that they were involved in building a new science of motion that would lay certain foundations for practice, they sought commonalities in all the diverse domains of the natural and artificial world, and they recognised that this was the only route to new and certain knowledge. vi Contents Acknowledgements iii Abstract iv Contents vi List of illustrations x Note on texts and translations xi Thesis introduction 1 Chapter one Niccolò Tartaglia: evangelist for a new science Introduction 22 What was Tartaglia’s new science? 30 The impact of Tartaglia’s new science 33 The cognitive importance of the range to angle relationship 39 Unifying disparate domains: the structure of the Nova Scientia and Tartaglia’s central dilemma 43 The trajectory, proportion and effects 45 Tartaglia’s elusive range tables 47 Did Tartaglia change his mind about the trajectory? 53 From the Nova Scientia to the Quesiti: Physical causes and the science of weights 59 Conclusion 66 vii Chapter two Thomas Digges: a new science in defence of religion and commonwealth Introduction 68 Digges’s ballistics 82 Falling objects, ships and Copernicanism 92 Digges’s relationship to other gunnery writers 96 Plots: real or imagined? 98 Digges’s programme for military reform: The discourses on military discipline 106 The European context: Justus lipsius and military reform 108 The treatise on invasion: Digges as Archimedes’ heir 111 Conclusion 114 Chapter three Harriot and Galileo: common roots and different routes to the new science Introduction 118 Genesis of the ballistic theories of Thomas Harriot and Galileo 126 The significance of the void in Galileo’s conceptual framework 136 Conclusion 145 Chapter four ‘Nature does not make these blunders’: Evangelista Torricelli’s defence of the new science viii Introduction 147 The critical response to Galileo’s theory of motion 147 Torricelli’s De motu gravium 154 Criticism from France and Torricelli’s mathematical realism 156 Copernicanism, the law of fall, and the Jesuit challenge 164 The Renieri-Torricelli correspondence 172 Conclusion 180 Chapter five ‘Causes not experiments’: the internal life and external face of the Accademia del Cimento Introduction 183 The Academy and its experiments 186 The Saggi experiments on guns 196 A context for the gun experiments: Riccioli’s Almagestum novum (1651) 203 Dodging and weaving 209 Conclusion 216 Chapter six François Blondel, absolutism and the art of launching bombs Introduction 217 The military context 223 Vauban and siege warfare 225 ix Petit Renau and the bomb ships 227 Colbert and the bellicose dynastic versus the bellicose mercantilist programme 231 Religion and the new science 233 L’Art de Jetter les Bombes 235 Conclusion 255 Chapter seven Gunnery and the Royal Society: the establishment of the new science Introduction 259 The Royal Society 261 Edmond Halley and the solution of a problem of great use in gunnery 271 A discourse concerning gravity 274 A proposition of general use in the art of gunnery 278 Matters of state 282 Conclusion 284 Thesis conclusion 286 x List of Illustrations Figure 1 Frontispiece of the Nova Scientia 31 Figure 2 Tartaglia’s diagram for proposition nine of the second book of the Nova Scientia 50 Figure 3 Tartaglia explains how positional weight affects the trajectory 62 Figure 4 Digges’s depiction of an infinite universe from A Prognostication Everlastinge 70 Figure 5 A reconstruction of elements of Digges’s trajectory 87 Figure 6 Arte et Marte (By Scholarship and War) 110 Coloured pen-drawing by J Wijts (1607) Figure 7 Photograph of the Fortezza Vecchia in Livorno 198 Figure 8 Photograph from I.B. Cohen’s The Birth of the New Physics (1992) 202 Figure 9 Frontispiece, Riccioli’s Almagestum Novum 204 Figure 10 Comparison of frontispieces of 1683 and 1686 editions of L’art de jetter les Bombes 235 Figure 11. Blondel’s illustration, adapted from that of Galileo in the Two New Sciences, of the effect of an object dropped onto a rotating earth. 243 xi Note on Texts and Translations I have retained the original spelling in quotations from primary texts. Where translations have been available I have compared them to the original, and provided references to the original. Where I have had to provide my own translation, I have indicated this in the footnotes and provided the original text. 1 Gunnery and the Struggle for The New Science: 1537-1687 Tous ces obstacles qui s’oppose à l’intégration de la pensée théorique et de l’action expérimentale se reflètent dans le dialogue sur la trajectoire parcourue par un boulet de canon.1 Introduction Anyone who writes on gunnery in the Early Modern period does so in the shadow of A. R. Hall’s Ballistics in the Seventeenth Century (1952). It will remain the seminal work of reference on gunnery and science, and my aim is not to replace it but to offer an alternative narrative and historiographical approach. Unlike Hall, who focused on the question of whether science was any use to gunnery in the early modern period, I have sought to use the relationship between developments in gunnery and the theory of motion as a prism, through which it may be possible to gain a deeper insight into how science developed over the period from the appearance of Tartaglia’s Nova Scientia (1537) to the publication of Newton’s Principia (1687). The origin of the modern science of ballistics can be historically pinpointed in the technological developments in metallurgy and cannon warfare of the fifteenth century. These developments led to a recognition that there was a measurable relationship between the range of a gun and its angle of elevation. The search for this relationship and its quantification, the ‘gunner’s question’, was the stimulus for the quest for the discovery of the trajectory of a cannonball. This problem sits at the core of the science of motion and played a crucial epistemological role in the transition from pre-classical to classical mechanics. Furthermore, whether its interests were 1 Serge Moscovici, L’Expérience du mouvement: Jean-Baptiste Baliani disciple et critique de Galilée (Paris: Hermann, 1967), 190: ‘All these obstacles to the integration of theoretical thought and experimental action are reflected in the dialogue on the trajectory travelled by the bullet of a canon.’ My translation. 2 attack or defence, the enormous benefit to any nation that was able to find the secret of aiming a cannon with perfect accuracy ensured that this became one of the major unresolved technical issues of the day.2 I have taken the position that it is precisely the long-term theoretical and practical challenge that the development of cannon warfare posed that makes it a fruitful subject for close historical scrutiny. During the early modern period, the cannon and its trajectory played a key epistemological role as a ‘challenging object’. As Jürgen Renn and Peter Damerow explain, before the onset of the experimental method, challenging objects: … were a key source of empirical knowledge which accounts for one aspect of their fundamental role in the conceptual reorganization of mechanical knowledge in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Recommended publications
  • The Discovery of the Series Formula for Π by Leibniz, Gregory and Nilakantha Author(S): Ranjan Roy Source: Mathematics Magazine, Vol
    The Discovery of the Series Formula for π by Leibniz, Gregory and Nilakantha Author(s): Ranjan Roy Source: Mathematics Magazine, Vol. 63, No. 5 (Dec., 1990), pp. 291-306 Published by: Mathematical Association of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2690896 Accessed: 27-02-2017 22:02 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Mathematical Association of America is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Mathematics Magazine This content downloaded from 195.251.161.31 on Mon, 27 Feb 2017 22:02:42 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ARTICLES The Discovery of the Series Formula for 7r by Leibniz, Gregory and Nilakantha RANJAN ROY Beloit College Beloit, WI 53511 1. Introduction The formula for -r mentioned in the title of this article is 4 3 57 . (1) One simple and well-known moderm proof goes as follows: x I arctan x = | 1 +2 dt x3 +5 - +2n + 1 x t2n+2 + -w3 - +(-I)rl2n+1 +(-I)l?lf dt. The last integral tends to zero if Ix < 1, for 'o t+2dt < jt dt - iX2n+3 20 as n oo.
    [Show full text]
  • 1577-1580) Y Thomas Cavendish (1586-1588
    Apropiaciones simbólicas y ejercicio de la violencia en los viajes de circunnavegación de Francis Drake (1577-1580) y Thomas Cavendish (1586-1588) [Malena López Palmero] prohistoria año XXIII, núm. 34 - dic. 2020 Prohistoria, Año XXIII, núm. 34, dic. 2020, ISSN 1851-9504 Apropiaciones simbólicas y ejercicio de la violencia en los viajes de circunnavegación de Francis Drake (1577-1580) y Thomas Cavendish (1586-1588)* Symbolic Appropriations and use of Violence in the Circumnavigation Voyages of Francis Drake (1577-1580) and Thomas Cavendish (1586-1588) MALENA LÓPEZ PALMERO Resumen Abstract A cinco siglos del primer cruce del Estrecho de Five centuries after the first crossing of the Magellan Magallanes, se analizan las experiencias inglesas de Strait, the English experiences of Francis Drake (1577- Francis Drake (1577-1580) y Thomas Cavendish (1586- 1580) and Thomas Cavendish (1586-1588) are analyzed 1588) con el propósito de reconstruir las apropiaciones with the aim of reconstructing the symbolic simbólicas que los navegantes hicieron de la región appropriations that the navigators made on the Tierra fueguina y sus habitantes. Impresos, manuscritos, del Fuego region and its inhabitants. Printed books, imágenes y mapas evocan a la alteridad americana manuscripts, images and maps evoke the más austral en tanto dispositivo de la competencia southernmost American otherness as a device of the ultramarina entre Inglaterra y España. Asimismo, dan overseas competition between England and Spain. cuenta de las hostilidades con los nativos desatadas Besides, they show the hostilities with the Natives durante el cruce, interpretadas en función de los unleashed during the crossing, which were seen objetivos de los viajeros y su validación autoral.
    [Show full text]
  • The Adventures of Captain John Smith, Pocahontas, and a Sundial Sara J
    The Adventures of Captain John Smith, Pocahontas, and a Sundial Sara J. Schechner (Cambridge MA) Let me tell you a tale of intrigue and ingenuity, savagery and foreign shores, sex and scientific instruments. No, it is not “Desperate Housewives,” or “CSI,” but the “Adventures of Captain John Smith, Pocahontas, and a Sundial.”1 As our story opens in 1607, we find Captain John Smith paddling upstream through the Virginia wilderness, when he is ambushed by Indians, held prisoner, and repeatedly threatened with death. His life is spared first by the intervention of his magnetic compass, whose spinning needle fascinates his captors, and then by Pocahontas, the chief’s sexy daughter. At least that is how recent movies and popular writing tell the story.2 But in fact the most famous compass in American history was more than a compass – it was a pocket sundial – and the Indian princess was no seductress, but a mere child of nine or ten years, playing her part in a shaming ritual. So let us look again at the legend, as told by John Smith himself, in order to understand what his instrument meant to him. Who was John Smith?3 When Smith (1580-1631) arrived on American shores at the age of twenty-seven, he was a seasoned adventurer who had served Lord Willoughby in Europe, had sailed the Mediterranean in a merchant vessel, and had fought for the Dutch against Spain and the Austrians against the Turks. In Transylvania, he had been captured and sold as a slave to a Turk. The Turk had sent Smith as a gift to his girlfriend in Istanbul, but Smith escaped and fled through Russia and Poland.
    [Show full text]
  • Colonial Failure in the Anglo-North Atlantic World, 1570-1640 (2015)
    FINDLEY JR, JAMES WALTER, Ph.D. “Went to Build Castles in the Aire:” Colonial Failure in the Anglo-North Atlantic World, 1570-1640 (2015). Directed by Dr. Phyllis Whitman Hunter. 266pp. This study examines the early phases of Anglo-North American colonization from 1570 to 1640 by employing the lenses of imagination and failure. I argue that English colonial projectors envisioned a North America that existed primarily in their minds – a place filled with marketable and profitable commodities waiting to be extracted. I historicize the imagined profitability of commodities like fish and sassafras, and use the extreme example of the unicorn to highlight and contextualize the unlimited potential that America held in the minds of early-modern projectors. My research on colonial failure encompasses the failure of not just physical colonies, but also the failure to pursue profitable commodities, and the failure to develop successful theories of colonization. After roughly seventy years of experience in America, Anglo projectors reevaluated their modus operandi by studying and drawing lessons from past colonial failure. Projectors learned slowly and marginally, and in some cases, did not seem to learn anything at all. However, the lack of learning the right lessons did not diminish the importance of this early phase of colonization. By exploring the variety, impracticability, and failure of plans for early settlement, this study investigates the persistent search for usefulness of America by Anglo colonial projectors in the face of high rate of
    [Show full text]
  • RM Calendar 2017
    Rudi Mathematici x3 – 6’135x2 + 12’545’291 x – 8’550’637’845 = 0 www.rudimathematici.com 1 S (1803) Guglielmo Libri Carucci dalla Sommaja RM132 (1878) Agner Krarup Erlang Rudi Mathematici (1894) Satyendranath Bose RM168 (1912) Boris Gnedenko 1 2 M (1822) Rudolf Julius Emmanuel Clausius (1905) Lev Genrichovich Shnirelman (1938) Anatoly Samoilenko 3 T (1917) Yuri Alexeievich Mitropolsky January 4 W (1643) Isaac Newton RM071 5 T (1723) Nicole-Reine Etable de Labrière Lepaute (1838) Marie Ennemond Camille Jordan Putnam 2002, A1 (1871) Federigo Enriques RM084 Let k be a fixed positive integer. The n-th derivative of (1871) Gino Fano k k n+1 1/( x −1) has the form P n(x)/(x −1) where P n(x) is a 6 F (1807) Jozeph Mitza Petzval polynomial. Find P n(1). (1841) Rudolf Sturm 7 S (1871) Felix Edouard Justin Emile Borel A college football coach walked into the locker room (1907) Raymond Edward Alan Christopher Paley before a big game, looked at his star quarterback, and 8 S (1888) Richard Courant RM156 said, “You’re academically ineligible because you failed (1924) Paul Moritz Cohn your math mid-term. But we really need you today. I (1942) Stephen William Hawking talked to your math professor, and he said that if you 2 9 M (1864) Vladimir Adreievich Steklov can answer just one question correctly, then you can (1915) Mollie Orshansky play today. So, pay attention. I really need you to 10 T (1875) Issai Schur concentrate on the question I’m about to ask you.” (1905) Ruth Moufang “Okay, coach,” the player agreed.
    [Show full text]
  • Gregory's Sixth Operation
    Found Sci (2018) 23:133–144 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10699-016-9512-9 Gregory’s Sixth Operation 1 2 3,4 Tiziana Bascelli • Piotr Błaszczyk • Vladimir Kanovei • 5 5 6 Karin U. Katz • Mikhail G. Katz • Semen S. Kutateladze • 5 7 8 Tahl Nowik • David M. Schaps • David Sherry Published online: 20 December 2016 Ó Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2016 Abstract In relation to a thesis put forward by Marx Wartofsky, we seek to show that a historiography of mathematics requires an analysis of the ontology of the part of mathe- matics under scrutiny. Following Ian Hacking, we point out that in the history of mathe- matics the amount of contingency is larger than is usually thought. As a case study, we analyze the historians’ approach to interpreting James Gregory’s expression ultimate terms in his paper attempting to prove the irrationality of p. Here Gregory referred to the last or & Mikhail G. Katz [email protected] Tiziana Bascelli [email protected] Piotr Błaszczyk [email protected] Vladimir Kanovei [email protected] Karin U. Katz [email protected] Semen S. Kutateladze [email protected] Tahl Nowik [email protected] David M. Schaps [email protected] David Sherry [email protected] 1 Lyceum Gymnasium ‘‘F. Corradini’’, Thiene, Italy 2 Institute of Mathematics, Pedagogical University of Cracow, Cracow, Poland 3 IPPI, Moscow, Russia 4 MIIT, Moscow, Russia 123 134 T. Bascelli et al. ultimate terms of a series. More broadly, we analyze the following questions: which modern framework is more appropriate for interpreting the procedures at work in texts from the early history of infinitesimal analysis? As well as the related question: what is a logical theory that is close to something early modern mathematicians could have used when studying infinite series and quadrature problems? We argue that what has been routinely viewed from the viewpoint of classical analysis as an example of an ‘‘unrigor- ous’’ practice, in fact finds close procedural proxies in modern infinitesimal theories.
    [Show full text]
  • RM Calendar 2019
    Rudi Mathematici x3 – 6’141 x2 + 12’569’843 x – 8’575’752’975 = 0 www.rudimathematici.com 1 T (1803) Guglielmo Libri Carucci dalla Sommaja RM132 (1878) Agner Krarup Erlang Rudi Mathematici (1894) Satyendranath Bose RM168 (1912) Boris Gnedenko 2 W (1822) Rudolf Julius Emmanuel Clausius (1905) Lev Genrichovich Shnirelman (1938) Anatoly Samoilenko 3 T (1917) Yuri Alexeievich Mitropolsky January 4 F (1643) Isaac Newton RM071 5 S (1723) Nicole-Reine Étable de Labrière Lepaute (1838) Marie Ennemond Camille Jordan Putnam 2004, A1 (1871) Federigo Enriques RM084 Basketball star Shanille O’Keal’s team statistician (1871) Gino Fano keeps track of the number, S( N), of successful free 6 S (1807) Jozeph Mitza Petzval throws she has made in her first N attempts of the (1841) Rudolf Sturm season. Early in the season, S( N) was less than 80% of 2 7 M (1871) Felix Edouard Justin Émile Borel N, but by the end of the season, S( N) was more than (1907) Raymond Edward Alan Christopher Paley 80% of N. Was there necessarily a moment in between 8 T (1888) Richard Courant RM156 when S( N) was exactly 80% of N? (1924) Paul Moritz Cohn (1942) Stephen William Hawking Vintage computer definitions 9 W (1864) Vladimir Adreievich Steklov Advanced User : A person who has managed to remove a (1915) Mollie Orshansky computer from its packing materials. 10 T (1875) Issai Schur (1905) Ruth Moufang Mathematical Jokes 11 F (1545) Guidobaldo del Monte RM120 In modern mathematics, algebra has become so (1707) Vincenzo Riccati important that numbers will soon only have symbolic (1734) Achille Pierre Dionis du Sejour meaning.
    [Show full text]
  • Saturn Dispute”
    An indirect convergence between the Accademia del Cimento and the Montmor Academy: the “Saturn dispute” Giulia Giannini, Università degli Studi di Milano Introduction The purpose of the present chapter is to examine an indirect (albeit significant) point of contact between the Florentine academy, later known as the Accademia del Cimento, and the so-called Montmor Academy: their role in the “Saturn dispute”. In particular, this essay intends to demonstrate how, despite fragmentary evidence and often interrupted exchanges, the issue of the planet’s strange appearances offers a unique standpoint from which to assess the interests and the ways in which the two societies operated, as well as the nature of their relations. The two academies were active between 1657 and 1666-7, in Florence and Paris, respectively. The first occasional meetings at the house of Henri Louis Habert de Montmor (1600-1679) can be dated back to the period between 1654 and 1656.1 However, it is only from 1657–when the academy approved its own statutes–that the beginning of the Parisian circle can be dated with certainty. The Cimento, on the other hand, never had official rules or statutes.2 The dating of its meetings can be determined thanks to the diaries kept by its academicians, and also through the only publication produced by the Florentine academy: the Saggi di naturali esperienze (1667). This book – signed by the “accademici del Cimento” and by the “Saggiato segretario”, Lorenzo Magalotti– attested that an ‘academy’, sponsored by Prince Leopoldo de’ Medici (1617-1675), was ‘founded in the year 1657’.3 Even less information is available regarding the cessation of their activities.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Copernicanism on Judicial Astrology at the English Court, 1543-1660 ______
    Clemson University TigerPrints All Theses Theses 1-2011 'In So Many Ways Do the Planets Bear Witness': The mpI act of Copernicanism on Judicial Astrology at the English Court, 1543-1660 Justin Dohoney Clemson University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses Part of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine Commons Recommended Citation Dohoney, Justin, "'In So Many Ways Do the Planets Bear Witness': The mpI act of Copernicanism on Judicial Astrology at the English Court, 1543-1660" (2011). All Theses. 1143. https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses/1143 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "IN SO MANY WAYS DO THE PLANETS BEAR WITNESS": THE IMPACT OF COPERNICANISM ON JUDICIAL ASTROLOGY AT THE ENGLISH COURT, 1543-1660 _____________________________________________________ A Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of Clemson University _______________________________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts History _______________________________________________________ by Justin Robert Dohoney August 2011 _______________________________________________________ Accepted by: Pamela Mack, Committee Chair Alan Grubb Megan Taylor-Shockley Caroline Dunn ABSTRACT The traditional historiography of science from the late-nineteenth through the mid-twentieth centuries has broadly claimed that the Copernican revolution in astronomy irrevocably damaged the practice of judicial astrology. However, evidence to the contrary suggests that judicial astrology not only continued but actually expanded during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. During this time period, judicial astrologers accomplished this by appropriating contemporary science and mathematics.
    [Show full text]
  • Science and Patronage in Early Modern England – a Preliminary Study
    Stephen Pumfrey scipat.doc Last printed: 7.7.04 3:24 PM p. 1 Science and patronage in early modern England – a preliminary study. Stephen Pumfrey and Frances Dawbarn (University of Lancaster, U.K.) (Currently copyright of the authors. Not to be cited without permission. A version to be published in History of Science vol. 41 [1993]).) 1. Introduction. In the last fifteen years our understanding of the development of late Renaissance and early modern science has been transformed by the application of patronage studies to the production of natural knowledge. As historians of other forms of cultural production, from high art to popular theatre, from confessional apologetics to country houses, had long been aware, patronage was ubiquitous in sixteenth and seventeenth century Europe.1 Courtly, aristocratic, ecclesiastical and, increasingly, mercantile patrons provided most of the positions for men (and some women) with intellectual and practical skills but limited socio-economic autonomy. These clients’ careers, the cultural and material goods they produced, even the nature of the professions they pursued, depended upon the complex sets of interests that structured the field of patron-client relations. Such also was the dependence of most English makers of natural knowledge during the period of this study, 1570-1625. It was especially true of those working outside universities, ranging from elevated court physicians and philosophers through projectors and private tutors to more humble mathematical and mechanical practitioners. The sociological turn in the history of science transformed the significance of patronage. If the disciplinary frameworks, material practices and intellectual content of forms of natural knowledge were strongly shaped by the cultural and institutional contexts in which they were developed then, potentially, early modern systems of patronage not only sustained but also 1 There is an extensive literature on patronage other than of natural knowledge.
    [Show full text]
  • Vacuum in the 17Th Century and Onward the Beginning of Experimental Sciences Donald M
    HISTORY CORNER A SHORT HISTORY: VACUUM IN THE 17TH CENTURY AND ONWARD THE BEGINNING OF Experimental SCIENCES Donald M. Mattox, Management Plus Inc., Albuquerque, N.M. acuum as defined as a space with nothing in it (“perfect Early Vacuum Equipment vacuum”) was debated by the early Greek philosophers. The early period of vacuum technology may be taken as the V The saying “Nature abhors a vacuum” (horror vacui) is gener- 1640s to the 1850s. In the 1850s, invention of the platinum- ally attributed to Aristotle (Athens ~350 BC). Aristotle argued to-metal seal and improved vacuum pumping technology al- that vacuum was logically impossible. Plato (Aristotle’s teach- lowed the beginning of widespread studies of glow discharges er) argued against there being such a thing as a vacuum since using “Geissler tubes”[6]. Invention of the incandescent lamp “nothing” cannot be said to exist. Hero (Heron) of Alexandria in the 1850s provided the incentive for development of indus- (Roman Egypt) attempted using experimental techniques to trial scale vacuum technology[7]. create a vacuum (~50 AD) but his attempts failed although he did invent the first steam engine (“Heron’s steam engine”) and Single-stroke Mercury-piston Vacuum Pump “Heron’s fountain,” often used in teaching hydraulics. Hero It was the latter part of 1641 that Gasparo Berti demonstrated wrote extensively about siphons in his book Pneumatica and his water manometer, which consisted of a lead pipe about 10 noted that there was a maximum height to which a siphon can meters tall with a glass flask cemented to the top of the pipe “lift” water.
    [Show full text]
  • Marin Mersenne As Mathematical Intelligencer
    Hist. Sci., li (2013) SMall SkIllS, BIG NETwORkS: MaRIN MERSENNE aS MaTHEMaTICal INTEllIGENCER Justin Grosslight Independent Scholar Writing in August 1634, the French polymath Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc reflected upon Marin Mersenne’s endeavours. Mersenne, Peiresc asserted, had forced himself into “frontiers that are a little more in fashion of the times than these prolix treaties of the schools that so few men handle outside of the colleges”.1 Peiresc was quite prescient to realize the novel claims that Mersenne was promoting. From the middle of the 1620s until his death in 1648, Mersenne encouraged discussion on a number of new mathematical concepts, ideas that lacked a secure home within the Aristotelian university curriculum.2 By mathematics, I am referring to mixed mathematics, the application of arithmetic and geometry often to physical proc- esses, and related topics in natural philosophy: examples include Galilean mechan- ics, the question of whether a void exists in nature, and analysis of conic sections and their spatial counterparts.3 For Peiresc and others, Mersenne was an exemplar of new, heterodox ideas: though he was a member of the religious Minim order, he was respected widely as a mathematician, he lived a gregarious life in cosmopoli- tan Paris, and he was an intimate friend of the famed French mathematician rené Descartes as well as a correspondent with the Italian Galileo Galilei and the Dutch Christiaan huygens.4 But while Mersenne is still remembered as a mathematician and correspondent of famous mathematicians, Peiresc’s description of Mersenne as trend-conscious or even a trendsetter has been effectively forgotten.
    [Show full text]