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PEACE Info (March 30, 2021)

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PEACE Info (March 30, 2021) PEACE Info (March 30, 2021) − Myanmar—Yesterday, Today and a New Tomorrow − On the Perils of Disciplined Democracy − Fifteen More Killed as Myanmar Regime Continues Bloodbath − Myanmar crackdown death toll passes 500 − ‘The shooting was relentless’: Terror grips a Yangon ward − The Brotherhood Alliance of EAOs Warns Military to Stop Shooting at Peaceful Protestors and to Find an Immediate Political Solution − Myanmar’s Arakan Army, Allies Set to Resume Fight Against Tatmadaw Over Civilian Killings − Myanmar Nationals Allowed to Flee Regime for India After Initially Being Blocked − Burma Military Jets Bomb 10,000 Villagers Out Homes – 3,000 Flee to Safety in Thailand − Thai Authorities Turn Back Villagers Fleeing Myanmar Regime's Airstrikes − Thai Authorities Refuse Sanctuary to 2009 Villagers Seeking Safety from Burma Military Airstrikes − Six Die in Myanmar Air Strikes on Karen Villages Near The Thai Border − Myanmar’s Escalating Conflict Threatens ASEAN Stability − From Russia With Love (and More Ammunition) for Myanmar − US suspends all trade engagement with Myanmar until elected government returns − France denounces 'blind and deadly' violence in Myanmar − UN Security Council to meet Wednesday on Myanmar: diplomats − �ပည�သ�တစ�ရပ�လ�ံ�အတ�က� လ�သ��ခ�င��စ�န�မ� အက�အည��တ� ရ�အ�င�လ�ပ�မယ�လ��� CRPH ��ပ� − စစ�တပ�န�� ရ�ဖက�က အရပ�ဝတ�န�� �သနတ�က��င� ပစ�ခတ�တ��အ�ပင� မ�����သတ��ဖတ�တ��အထ� �ဖစ��ပ��န − စစ��က�င�စ�န��ဆက���ယ�သ��တ�က�� လ�မ��ရ�ဒဏ�ခတ�တ�� လ�ပ�ရ���မ� အရ��န��မင��လ� − စစ�အ�ဏ�သ�မ��မ� ၅၇ ရက�အ�က� အ�ကမ��ဖက��ဖ ��ခ�င��မ���က�င�� က�ဆ�ံ��ပည�သ� ၅၁၀ ရ��လ� − �င�မ��ခ�မ��စ�� ဆ���ပ�န�ကသ�မ���က�� ပစ�ခတ��န�ခင��မ��� ခ�က�ခ�င�� ရပ�တန���ပ�� ���င�ငံ�ရ��ပဿန� ��ဖရ�င��မ�က�� အ�မန�ဆ�ံ� �ဆ�င�ရ�က�ရန� ည��န�င�မဟ�မ�တ� သ�ံ�ဖ��� ထ�တ��ပန� − အ�ကမ��ဖက�မ� မရပ�လ�င� �မန�မ����ဦ�လ�ပ�ရ���သ��တ�န�� ပ���ပ�င��မည�ဟ� ည��န�င�မဟ�မ�တ�သ�ံ�ဖ���ထ�တ��ပန� − စ��ပ�င���ခ�င���ဆ�င�မ�န�� က�က�ယ��ပ�ဖ��� လက�နက�က��င��တ�က�� GSCN တ��က�တ�န�� − �မန�မ��အ�ရ� ��ဖရ�င�����င��ရ� ဂ�ပန���င�� အင�ဒ��န��ရ��� န��န��ကပ�ကပ� လက�တ��လ�ပ��ဆ�င�မည� − �ဗ�တ�န� န�� �န���ဝ� သ�တ������င�ငံသ���တ� �မန�မ����င�ငံက ထ�က�ခ��ဖ��� ��န��က�� − �မန�မ�စစ�တပ�ရ�� စက�ဆ�ပ�ဖ�ယ� အ�ကမ��ဖက�မ��တ� အတ�က� အ�မရ�ကန� ��တ�ခ� − �မန�မ��အ�ရ�အတ�က� ���င�ငံတက�ပ��မ��ည���တ�ဖ��� လ��အပ� (က�လအတ�င���ရ�မ��ခ��ပ�) − တပ�မဟ� ၅ က�စ� စစ��က�င�စ�၏ �မဝတ�သတင��ဌ�န သတင��ထ�တ��ပန���ကည�ခ�က�အ�ပ� KNU တ�န���ပန� − KNU �ရ�တ���ဖ���ရ�လ�ပ�က�က�က�� စစ�တပ�ဗ�ံ�က��၊ အရပ�သ�� ၇ ဦ� �သဆ�ံ� − �မန�မ�စစ�တပ� �လယ���န�� ဗ�ံ��က�လ��� အရပ�သ�� ၆ ဦ��သဆ�ံ�ခ��ရ��က�င�� KNU ထ�တ��ပန� − ကရင� စစ��ရ��င�မ���အတ�က� အက�အည� �ပ�ရန� ကရင�အရပ�ဘက� အဖ���မ����တ�င��ဆ�� − ပစ�ခတ�မ�မ���တ��ဆ��ရန� စစ��ရ��င�မ���အ�� က�ည�ရန� KPSN �တ�င��ဆ�� − စစ��ဘ��ရ��င�မ��� �ပန��မ�င��ထ�တ�မ�က�� ကရင� CBO မ��� �ပစ�တင� − ထ��င��က လက�မခံ၍ ကရင� စစ��ရ��င�ဒ�က�သည�မ��� �နရပ� �ပန��နထ��င�ရ − ထ�ခ��က�ဒဏ�ရ�ရသ� ကရင�စစ���ပ�ဒ�က�သည�မ��� ထ��င��လက�ခံ�ဆ�က��ပ� − ကရင��က��ရ��သ���တ� �ပန��မ�င��ထ�တ�တ�မဟ�တ� ထ��င��ဝန��က��ခ��ပ��ငင��ဆ�� − �မန�မ�တခ�����မ�င��ထ�တ�ခံရ�ပ���န�က� မက�ည�ဖ��� ��န��က��ခ�က� မဏ�ပ�ရ�အစ���ရ �ပန���တ�သ�မ�� − ကခ�င� က�မ��င��မ�� KIA န�� �မန�မ�စစ�တပ�တ��က�ပ�� �ဖစ�ပ��� − ဖ��ကန�� တ��က�ပ����က�င�� �ဒသခံ ၂၀၀ �က��� ထ�က���ပ��နရ − ဆ���ပသ��တ�က�� အ�ကမ��ဖက�မ��တ���က�င�� နယ�စပ��ဒသ�တ�မ��လည�� စ���ရ�မ�မ�တ���လ� − နမ�တ��မ ���နယ� ပန�သ��ပ�က��ရ�� စစ��ရ��င� (၄၀၀)�က���အတ�က� စ��န�ပ�ရ�က�� အ�ရ��ပ�လ��အပ��န − သ��ပ��မ ��� စစ��ဘ��ရ��င� (၂၀၀) �နရပ��ပန� ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Page 1 of 70 Myanmar—Yesterday, Today and a New Tomorrow By Chris Lamb | 30 March 2021 A lot has been written about Myanmar since the military takeover in the hours before dawn on Feb. 1. Much of it has been about the violence on the streets, which after a weekend when at least 114 people were shot dead is understandable. But more needs to be said about the reasons for the coup, the historical context for what we see today, and how both affect what is happening in full public view before an increasingly critical global audience. It is time to tick a few boxes. The past The first time an elected government was removed in Myanmar was in 1962 when the Tatmadaw (armed forces) commander, General Ne Win, overthrew Prime Minister U Nu and abolished the 1947 independence constitution. It was an almost bloodless event that at the time many people saw as a logical and not unreasonable reaction to fears of the imminent disintegration of the then Union of Burma. It was only later that Ne Win’s Revolutionary Council made up entirely of Tatmadaw officers launched what was known as the “Burmese Way to Socialism” and ultimately the end of Burma as a prosperous nation. Socialism was, however, used by Ne Win as the ideological glue binding the Tatmadaw and the civilian bureaucracies. The evolution of Tatmadaw rule into the “Socialist Republic” in 1974 saw the institution of a one-party state with all significant offices held by the men of the Tatmadaw, who retired from their military command posts to take up parliamentary or other civilian positions. The second, in 1988, was in part a takeover from itself. The collapse of the Ne Win system that year was accompanied by the promise of constitutional amendments allowing free- and-fair, multi-party elections. This promise was maintained by the new Tatmadaw regime, which styled itself with Orwellian flair as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Headed at first by General Saw Maung, and after 1992 by his deputy General Than Shwe, SLORC abolished the 1974 constitution. SLORC decided it had restored law and order in 1997 and changed its title and defined purpose to become—with an inspiration that rivals Orwell’s “Ministry of Truth”—the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). It is tempting to believe that Orwell, who wrote “Burmese Days” in 1934, saw this coming. The SPDC remained a body formed by, and largely constituted of, Tatmadaw officers. It remained in office until March 2011, when it handed over power to the parliament elected under the 2008 Constitution, a document put to a national referendum by the SPDC and approved through a process widely described as rigged. The SPDC announced 94 percent of voters were in favor. Page 2 of 70 The 2008 Constitution included provisions that guaranteed Tatmadaw control of all essential state security functions, a quarter of the membership of all elected bodies, and a requirement that any proposal for constitutional amendment obtain three-quarters support in the national parliament—an effective veto over change. The present The National League for Democracy (NLD) was founded by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in September 1988, 10 days after the SLORC seized power but pursuant to the promise of multi-party elections first mooted by Ne Win. Many tribulations befell her in the years that followed, but the NLD remained a registered political party despite persistent harassment of its leadership. The party was ordered to cease political activities in 2004. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was seen by the Tatmadaw, and the population alike, as the only person with the stature and personality to deprive the military of its control, generating both fear and hope in both camps. There was, however, a general appreciation of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the person most likely to make a difference, and also of her as a person who could achieve change with the support of large sections of the Tatmadaw because of her place in the country’s history— the daughter of independence hero General Aung San. It was because of this strength that she was kept under various forms of house arrest between 1989 and 2010 (with some breaks during which she was able to build the image of the NLD and herself throughout the country). When she attained power after elections held in 2015, it was clear one of her priorities would be to remove the Tatmadaw’s control of parliaments by virtue of its 25 percent guarantee of the share of seats. Whenever this issue was raised, it was immediately clear the Tatmadaw leaders, especially commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, would not entertain such a change. However, many others in Myanmar had believed that Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s Constitution was part of a planned transition from military to civilian rule.
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