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Settler Colonial Governance in Nineteenth-Century Victoria

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Settler Colonial Governance in Nineteenth-Century Victoria Settler Colonial Governance in Nineteenth-Century Victoria Settler Colonial Governance in Nineteenth-Century Victoria Edited by Leigh Boucher and Lynette Russell Published by ANU Press and Aboriginal History Inc. The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Settler colonial governance in nineteenth century Victoria / Leigh Boucher and Lynette Russell (editors). ISBN: 9781925022346 (paperback) 9781925022353 (ebook) Subjects: Aboriginal Australians--Victoria--Government relations--History Aboriginal Australians--Government policy--Victoria--History Aboriginal Australians, Treatment of--Victoria--History. Victoria--Politics and government--19th century. Other Creators/Contributors: Boucher, Leigh, 1979-, editor. Russell, Lynette, editor. Dewey Number: 994.0049915 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Ivo Lovric and layout by ANU Press Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2015 ANU Press and Aboriginal History Inc. Contents Maps and Illustrations . .vii Acknowledgements . ix Introduction: Colonial history, postcolonial theory and the ‘Aboriginal problem’ in colonial Victoria . 1 Leigh Boucher and Lynette Russell 1 . ‘Tickpen’, ‘Boro Boro’: Aboriginal economic engagements in early Melbourne . 27 Lynette Russell 2 . ‘Thus have been preserved numerous interesting facts that would otherwise have been lost’: Colonisation, protection and William Thomas’s contribution to The Aborigines of Victoria . 47 Rachel Standfield 3 . The 1869 Aborigines Protection Act: Vernacular ethnography and the governance of Aboriginal subjects . 63 Leigh Boucher 4 . ‘They formed a little family as it were’: The Board for the Protection of Aborigines (1875–1883) . 95 Samuel Furphy 5 . Managing mission life, 1869–1886 . 117 Claire McLisky (with Lynette Russell and Leigh Boucher) 6 . Photography, authenticity and Victoria’s Aborigines Protection Act (1886) . 139 Jane Lydon 7 . Women, authority and power on Ramahyuck Mission, Victoria, 1880–1910 . 165 Joanna Cruickshank and Patricia Grimshaw 8 . How different was Victoria? Aboriginal ‘protection’ in a comparative context . 183 Jessie Mitchell and Ann Curthoys 9 . The ‘Minutes of Evidence’ project: Creating collaborative fields of engagement with the past, present and future . 203 Jennifer Balint, Julie Evans, Nesam McMillan, Giordano Nanni and Melodie Reynolds-Diarra Maps and Illustrations Maps Introduction Kara Rasmanis’ ‘Aboriginal Missions and Reserves in Victoria’. 25 Illustrations Chapter 1 Figure 1 Hut door, 185?, ST Gill. 29 Figure 2 Bushman’s hut, 1864, ST Gill. 30 Figure 3 Stockman’s hut, 1856, ST Gill. 30 Figure 4 Journal des Voyages (The Travel Newspaper), 1881. 41 Figure 5 Native Dignity, 186?, ST Gill. 44 Chapter 6 Figure 1 ‘Skeletons of the Gibbon. Orang. Chimpanzee. Gorilla. 140 Man.’ Figure 2 Enrico Hillyer Giglioli. 142 Figure 3 ‘Aborigines from the environs of Lake Moira, NSW.’ 144 Figure 4 ‘Australians of the Moama and Echuca tribes, on the river 145 Murray.’ Figure 5 ‘Australians of Victoria, of the Yarra-Yarra tribe.’ 147 Figure 6 ‘Portraits of Aboriginal Natives Settled at Coranderrk, 148 near Healesville; about 42 miles from Melbourne. Upper Yarra.’ Figure 7 ‘Badger’s Creek at Coranderrk Aboriginal Station, 150 c.1870–78.’ Figure 8 ‘The Hop Paddock, Coranderrk, Victoria, from Badger 151 Creek.’ Figure 9 ‘Hop Gardens at Coranderrk Aboriginal Station, c.1870s.’ 152 vii Settler Colonial Governance Figure 10 ‘Annie Rees and child at Coranderrk Aboriginal Station, 158 c.1875–76.’ Figure 11 ‘Annie Rees with her children, Maryann and Charlotte, 159 at Coranderrk Aboriginal Station, c.1876–77.’ Figure 12 ‘Sambo and Mooney at Coranderrk Aboriginal Station, 160 c.1875.’ Figure 13 ‘Group of Aboriginal people from Different Tribes at 163 Coranderrk Aboriginal Station, c.1870.’ Figure 14 ‘Group portrait outside a dwelling at Coranderrk 163 Aboriginal Station, c.1870.’ viii Acknowledgements The editors would like to thank the speakers and participants at the workshop that underpinned this collection. This workshop was supported by funding from the Australian Research Council. The publication of this collection would not have been possible without the generous support of the Faculty of Arts at Monash University. ix Introduction: Colonial history, postcolonial theory and the ‘Aboriginal problem’ in colonial Victoria Leigh Boucher and Lynette Russell1 In 1835, members of the Kulin confederacy of the Woiwurrung (Wurundjeri), Boonwurrung, Wathaurung, Taungurong and Dja Dja Wurrung noted the arrival of strangers with some trepidation. The European intrusion was probably not a complete surprise; from the moment they arrived, members of the settlement parties lead by John Batman and John Pascoe Fawkner thought they were watched ‘warily’ by people who lived on and around what would soon be (mis) named the Yarra River. Moreover, recent work by Robert Kenny suggests that the Kulin were far more knowledgeable about the white interlopers than historians previously thought, prompting a rethinking of the widely held assumption that Billibellary and his fellow Kulin negotiators were fooled by Batman into signing a treaty.2 The actions of Aboriginal people in those early years of colonisation suggests that the failed 1803 settlement at Sorrento, the presence of the small- scale European outposts along the southern coast (including the Henty family in present-day Portland), and networks of information from the north provided the Kulin with important knowledge about the coming Europeans. They knew that a force was about to impinge on their lives; however, it is unlikely that either of the parties in that 1835 encounter could have predicted the pace and depth of the devastating transformation that would unfold in the coming years. In the decades that followed, Victoria became an historically condensed example of the creative destructions of nineteenth-century British settler colonialism in which land-hungry Britons ‘bred like rabbits and settled like bad weeds’ to propel what James Belich describes as a ‘settler revolution’.3 Whilst Victoria seems to represent a straightforward intensification of the patterns Belich identifies, there were local idiosyncrasies and possibilities produced by this 1 We would like to thank the participants in the workshop that preceeded this publication, acknowledge the work of Jordy Silverstein who provided research assistance throughout the project and express our gratitude to Geoff Hunt for his careful editorial work on all the chapters. 2 Quoted in H Anderson, Out of the Shadow: The Career of John Pascoe Fawkner, FW Cheshire, Melbourne, 1962: 45. Robert Kenny, ‘Tricks or treats? A case for Kulin knowing in Batman’s treaty’, History Australia 5(2), 2008: 38.1–38.14. 3 Dror Wahrman, ‘The meaning of the nineteenth century: Reflections on James Belich’s Replenishing the Earth’, Victorian Studies 92, 2010: 91–99. 1 Settler Colonial Governance intensification and its peculiar position in the much broader history of how Britons imagined and treated Indigenous peoples. This collection ponders the strategies and practices developed by the colonisers to govern the Aboriginal people upon whose land this demographic flood unfolded. Indeed, historians have frequently asserted that the management and control of Aboriginal people in colonial Victoria was historically exceptional; the pace of settlement, the liberal temper of colonial politics and the regime of governance that emerged as a consequence all combined to make Victoria look distinctive. While it is widely acknowledged that Victoria was the first Australian colony to develop and legislate a system of ‘Aboriginal Protection’, what has been less well researched is how the dynamics of settler colonisation intersected with the peculiarities of the Victorian case to shape so-called ‘protection’ policy and its legacies. Victoria: Exceptional or emblematic? Even contemporary colonists noted the speed and scale of settler incursions into the south-eastern corner of the mainland in the years between 1840 and the 1860s with a mixture of pride, astonishment and trepidation.4 As Geoffrey Blainey notes, ‘in the space of half a century … Melbourne [grew] from a patch of grass on the river-bank to a city larger than such ancient cities of Edinburgh and Lisbon’.5 Moreover, this was no steady increase; initial settlement and then the mid-century gold rush produced distinct demographic bulges that each forced urgent consideration of settler obligations to Aboriginal people. Only 15 years after Batman’s arrival, there were already a little over 75,000 settlers in the colony – most of which had arrived in the previous decade. By 1861, this would increase sevenfold to just under 540,000.6 Indeed, the speed and scale of pastoral colonisation after 1835 and the density of settlement after the gold rush nearly overwhelmed Aboriginal Victorians. Caught up in this revolution, Aboriginal communities across what became the colony of Victoria in 1851 substantially suffered as the lethal materialities of settler land-hunger were compounded and amplified by the explosive impact of the gold rush. The impacts of these demographic floods (both human and animal) were brutal. As one early
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