Mapping of the Arab Left 2
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Kamal Ben Younis Auther N
Artical Name : Vision from Within Artical Subject : Where is Tunisia Heading? Publish Date: 21/01/2018 Auther Name: Kamal Ben Younis Subject : Tunisian authorities managed to deal with the protests, which erupted in a number of cities and poor neighborhoods in the capital, after ³government announced an increase in value-added tax and social contributions in the budget.´However, the calm situation may be temporary if the authorities do not succeed in finding radical solutions to the problems, which angered youths. Those youth for seven years now have been threatening of a ³new revolution´that topples the new political elite whom they accuse of failing to achieve the main goals of their revolution which developed in January 2011.So where is Tunisia heading seven years after President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was toppled? Will the parties which triggered these new confrontations with the security forces succeed in launching what they call ³a second revolution´"Or will the opposite happen? Will the current political regime witness any substantial changes especially that it has been internationally supported for several reasons including that many western countries bet on the success of the ³Tunisian exception in transitioning towards democracy?´Separation from YouthsSome of those who oppose the government, mainly the opposition leaders of leftist, nationalist and Baathist groups that are involved in the Popular Front, which is led by Hamma Hammami and Ziad Lakhdhar, think that the increased protests against the governments, which have governed since January 2011, is proof that they cannot achieve the revolution¶s aims regarding jobs, dignity. That is because the government cannot liberate its measures from the International Monetary Fund¶s directions and from the agendas of financial lobbies that are involved in corruption, trafficking and imposing a capitalist policy. -
Participatory Democracy and the New Left in Latin America: an Experimental Approach to Democratization
Saint Louis University Public Law Review Volume 35 Number 2 General Issue (Volume XXXV, No. 2) Article 5 2016 Does Democracy Translate Across Borders? Participatory Democracy and the New Left in Latin America: An Experimental Approach to Democratization Elena M. De Costa Carroll University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/plr Recommended Citation De Costa, Elena M. (2016) "Does Democracy Translate Across Borders? Participatory Democracy and the New Left in Latin America: An Experimental Approach to Democratization," Saint Louis University Public Law Review: Vol. 35 : No. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/plr/vol35/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Public Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW DOES DEMOCRACY TRANSLATE ACROSS BORDERS? PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY AND THE NEW LEFT IN LATIN AMERICA: AN EXPERIMENTAL APPROACH TO DEMOCRATIZATION ELENA M. DE COSTA* I. INTRODUCTION This essay will examine the success of Latin America's New Left political parties and social movements since the mid-1990s to the present. Focusing on notable figures such as Brazil's President Ignacio "Lula" da Silva, Bolivia's President Evo Morales, and Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez, it will examine the policies that broadly define The New Left and their impact on democratic participation, race relations, poverty reduction, and Latin America's relations with the U.S. and the world.1 A number of social movements in the region will be explored, including the developing changes in Cuba with the new Cuban-U.S. -
Forming the New Tunisian Government
Viewpoints No. 71 Forming the New Tunisian Government: “Relative Majority” and the Reality Principle Lilia Labidi Fellow, Woodrow Wilson Center and former Minister for Women’s Affairs, Tunisia February 2015 After peaceful legislative and presidential elections in Tunisia toward the end of 2014, which were lauded on both the national and international levels, the attempt to form a new government reveals the tensions among the various political forces and the difficulties of constructing a democratic system in the country that was the birthplace of the "Arab Spring." Middle East Program 0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ On January 23, 2015, Prime Minister Habib Essid announced the members of the new Tunisian government after much negotiation with the various political parties. Did Prime Minister Essid intend to give a political lesson to Tunisians, both to those who had been elected to the Assembly of the People’s Representatives (ARP) and to civil society? The ARP’s situation is worrisome for two reasons. First, 76 percent of the groups in political parties elected to the ARP have not submitted the required financial documents to the appropriate authorities in a timely manner. They therefore run the risk of losing their seats. Second, ARP members are debating the rules and regulations of the parliament as well as the definition of parliamentary opposition. They have been unable to reach an agreement on this last issue; without an agreement, the ARP is unable to vote on approval for a proposed government. There is conflict within a number of political parties in this context. In Nidaa Tounes, some members of the party, including MP Abdelaziz Kotti, have argued that there has been no exchange of information within the party regarding the formation of the government. -
The Role of Political Parties in Promoting a Culture of Good Governance in Egypt Post-2011
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2015 The role of political parties in promoting a culture of good governance in Egypt post-2011 Omar Kandil Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation Kandil, O. (2015).The role of political parties in promoting a culture of good governance in Egypt post-2011 [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/60 MLA Citation Kandil, Omar. The role of political parties in promoting a culture of good governance in Egypt post-2011. 2015. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/60 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo The School of Global Affairs and Public Policy The Role of Political Parties in Promoting a Culture of Good Governance in Egypt Post-2011 A Thesis Submitted to the Public Policy and Administration Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts By Omar Kandil Supervised by Dr. Amr Hamzawy Professor , Public Policy and Administration, AUC Dr. Lisa Anderson President, AUC Dr. Hamid Ali Associate Professor & Chair, Public Policy and Administration, AUC Spring 2015 1 Acknowledgements There are a few people without which it would have been impossible for me to finish this piece of work. -
• Lista Del Gobierno
• Lista del Gobierno: Primer Ministro Ministro de Estado Abbas EL FASI Mohamed EL YAZGUI Ministro de Justicia Ministro del Interior Abdelwahed RADI Chakib BENMUSA Ministro de Asuntos Ministro de Habices y Exteriores y de cooperación Asuntos Islámicos Taib FASI FIHRI Ahmed TAUFIQ Secretario General del Gobierno Ministro encargado de las Abdesadek RABII relaciones con el Parlamento Mohamed Saad ALAMI Ministro de Economía y Hacienda Ministro de Equipamiento y Transporte Salaheddin MEZUAR Karim GHELLAB Ministro de Vivienda, Ministro de Turismo y Artesanía Urbanismo y Ordenación del Espacio Mohamed BUSAID Ahmed Taufiq HEYIRA Ministra de Energía, Ministra de Sanidad Minas, Agua y Medioambiente Yasmina BADU Amina BENJADRA Ministra de Juventud y Deportes Ministro de Agricultura y Pesca Nawal EL MUTAWAKIL Aziz AJENUCH Ministro de Educación Nacional, Enseñanza Ministro de Comunicación, Superior, Formación de Ejecutivos e Investigación Científica Portavoz del Gobierno Ahmed AJCHICHIN Jalid NACIRI Ministro de Empleo y Ministro de Industria, Formación Profesional Comercio y Nuevas Tecnologías Yamal AGMANI Ahmed CHAMI Ministro de Comercio Exterior Ministra de Desarrollo Social, Abdelatif MAAZUZ Familia y de Solidaridad Nizha SKALI Ministro de Cultura Ministro Delegado Encargado de la Administración de Turiya YABRAN Defensa Nacional Abderrahman SBAI Ministro Delegado de los Asuntos Ministro Delegado Encargado de la Modernización de los Económicos y Generales Sectores Públicos Nizar BARAKA Mohamed ABU Ministro Delegado Encargado de la Comunidad Marroquí -
Understanding Social Democracy
1 Understanding Social Democracy By Sheri Berman Associate Professor of Political Science Barnard College Columbia University 3009 Broadway New York, NY 10027-6598 (212) 854-2158 2 For the first half of the twentieth century, Europe was the most turbulent region on earth, convulsed by war, economic crisis, and social and political conflict. For the second half of the century, it was among the most placid, a study in harmony and prosperity. What changed? Two narratives commonly emerge in answer to this question. The first focuses on the struggle between democracy and its alternatives, pitting liberalism against fascism, National Socialism, and Marxist-Leninism. The second focuses on competition between capitalism and its alternatives, pitting liberals against socialists and communists. Democratic capitalism is simply the best, indeed the “natural” form of societal organization, these stories assert, and once Western Europe fully embraced it, all was well. This account obviously contains some truth: the century did witness a struggle between democracy and its enemies and the market and its alternatives. But it is only a partial truth, because it overlooks a crucial point: democracy and capitalism were historically at odds. An indispensable element of their joint victory, therefore, was the discovery of some way for them to coexist. In practice, that turned out to mean a willingness to use political power to protect citizens from the ravages of untrammeled markets. The ideology that triumphed was not liberalism, as the “End of History” folks would have it, it was social democracy. If this sounds surprising or overblown it is because social democracy rarely gets either the respect or in-depth ideological analysis it deserves. -
Egypt Imprisons Nonviolent Student Activist for Terrorism
Snapshot – The Wrong Target: Egypt Imprisons Nonviolent Student Activist For Terrorism SUMMARY On October 15, Andrew Nasif, an Egyptian university student and leftist opposition party member, became the first Coptic Christian to be sent to prison under the country’s draconian anti-terrorism law. The court ruled that Andrew promoted terrorist acts through Facebook posts, flyers, and petitions calling for political and economic rights. Andrew’s lawyer describes his conviction as “truly frivolous” and “literally completely empty” of any evidence showing that he was involved in calling for violence. His case is the latest example of how the Egyptian authorities punish peaceful dissent as “terrorism,” while the problem of actual violent militancy in Egypt grows worse. Genuine security in Egypt will come not through blanket repression, but through the rule of law, rights, justice, and strong and accountable institutions. To read this snapshot as a PDF, click here. INTRODUCTION On October 15, the Zagazig Criminal Court in al-Sharqia Governorate in Egypt’s Delta region sentenced Andrew Nasif Noshi Saleeb to five years in prison for violating Law 94 of 2015, the anti- terrorism law.[1] The judge ruled that 23-year-old Andrew, a business student at Zagazig University, had promoted terrorism through pro-democracy pamphlets, posts on Facebook, and a petition opposing President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s economic policies. Andrew’s conviction is only the latest example of how the Egyptian authorities are using terrorism as a pretext to repress citizens who have nothing to do with the country’s violent Islamist extremist threat, but who speak out against rising authoritarianism, injustice, and economic hardship. -
Nostalgias in Modern Tunisia Dissertation
Images of the Past: Nostalgias in Modern Tunisia Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By David M. Bond, M.A. Graduate Program in Near Eastern Languages and Cultures The Ohio State University 2017 Dissertation Committee: Sabra J. Webber, Advisor Johanna Sellman Philip Armstrong Copyrighted by David Bond 2017 Abstract The construction of stories about identity, origins, history and community is central in the process of national identity formation: to mould a national identity – a sense of unity with others belonging to the same nation – it is necessary to have an understanding of oneself as located in a temporally extended narrative which can be remembered and recalled. Amid the “memory boom” of recent decades, “memory” is used to cover a variety of social practices, sometimes at the expense of the nuance and texture of history and politics. The result can be an elision of the ways in which memories are constructed through acts of manipulation and the play of power. This dissertation examines practices and practitioners of nostalgia in a particular context, that of Tunisia and the Mediterranean region during the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Using a variety of historical and ethnographical sources I show how multifaceted nostalgia was a feature of the colonial situation in Tunisia notably in the period after the First World War. In the postcolonial period I explore continuities with the colonial period and the uses of nostalgia as a means of contestation when other possibilities are limited. -
Political Repression in Sudan
Sudan Page 1 of 243 BEHIND THE RED LINE Political Repression in Sudan Human Rights Watch/Africa Human Rights Watch Copyright © May 1996 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 96-75962 ISBN 1-56432-164-9 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report was researched and written by Human Rights Watch Counsel Jemera Rone. Human Rights Watch Leonard H. Sandler Fellow Brian Owsley also conducted research with Ms. Rone during a mission to Khartoum, Sudan, from May 1-June 13, 1995, at the invitation of the Sudanese government. Interviews in Khartoum with nongovernment people and agencies were conducted in private, as agreed with the government before the mission began. Private individuals and groups requested anonymity because of fear of government reprisals. Interviews in Juba, the largest town in the south, were not private and were controlled by Sudan Security, which terminated the visit prematurely. Other interviews were conducted in the United States, Cairo, London and elsewhere after the end of the mission. Ms. Rone conducted further research in Kenya and southern Sudan from March 5-20, 1995. The report was edited by Deputy Program Director Michael McClintock and Human Rights Watch/Africa Executive Director Peter Takirambudde. Acting Counsel Dinah PoKempner reviewed sections of the manuscript and Associate Kerry McArthur provided production assistance. This report could not have been written without the assistance of many Sudanese whose names cannot be disclosed. CONTENTS -
The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution
Internationalist Group League for th,e Fourth International The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution Volunteers from the anarcho-syndicalist CNT and POUM militias head to the front against Franco's forces in Spanish Civil War, Barcelona, September 1936. The bourgeois Popular Front government defended capitalist property, dissolved workers' militias and blocked the road to revolution. Internationalist Group Class Readings May 2007 $2 ® <f$l~ 1162-M Introduction The question of the popular front is one of the defining issues in our epoch that sharply counterpose the revolution ary Marxism of Leon Trotsky to the opportunist maneuverings of the Stalinists and social democrats. Consequently, study of the popular front is indispensable for all those who seek to play a role in sweeping away capitalism - a system that has brought with it untold poverty, racial, ethnic, national and sexual oppression and endless war - and opening the road to a socialist future. "In sum, the People's Front is a bloc of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat," Trotsky wrote in December 1937 in re sponse to questions from the French magazine Marianne. Trotsky noted: "When two forces tend in opposite directions, the diagonal of the parallelogram approaches zero. This is exactly the graphic formula of a People's Front govern ment." As a bloc, a political coalition, the popular (or people's) front is not merely a matter of policy, but of organization. Opportunists regularly pursue class-collaborationist policies, tailing after one or another bourgeois or petty-bourgeois force. But it is in moments of crisis or acute struggle that they find it necessary to organizationally chain the working class and other oppressed groups to the class enemy (or a sector of it). -
Republican Egypt Interpreted: Revolution and Beyond
14 Republican Egypt interpreted: revolution and beyond ALAIN ROUSSILLON Egypt is one of a restricted group of developing countries whose politics have assumed a special significance as test cases of opposing models of development. Egypt shares with India, China, Algeria, Yugoslavia and Cuba the analytical interest of partisan and aca- demic observers for the light its experience may shed upon the competing theories of development and for the possibility that its history may reveal a unique and unanticipated model Leonard Binder, In a Moment of Enthusiasm, p.. i. Introduction Towards the end of the 1970s, as the opening up (infitah) toward the west and the liberalization of the economy were sharply criticized as "betrayal" of the 1952 revolution's goals, as return of the exploitative bourgeoisie, and as abandonment of the Palestinian cause, certain observers, Egyptian and foreign, began to lay out a new "model" for the reading of contemporary Egyptian history. This model attempted to view Egypt's various "experi- ments," before and after the revolution, from a common perspective; it also made it possible to explain the "cycles" through which Egypt has ultimately failed to "modernize" and regain the place among nations that its millenia of history allows it to demand. Muhammad 'Ali and Nasir, breaking with a past of national humiliation, both incarnated Egypt's "will to power" by basing restoration of its regional and international role on a state economy heavily reliant on industry and the construction of a national armed force: the failure of both projects was brought about by conjunction of the "perverse" consequences of their own options and methods, and by the hostility from coalitions of external interests, alarmed by the regional role to which Egypt aspired. -
Sudan, Country Information
Sudan, Country Information SUDAN ASSESSMENT April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III HISTORY IV STATE STRUCTURES V HUMAN RIGHTS HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS ANNEX A - CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B - LIST OF MAIN POLITICAL PARTIES ANNEX C - GLOSSARY ANNEX D - THE POPULAR DEFENCE FORCES ACT 1989 ANNEX E - THE NATIONAL SERVICE ACT 1992 ANNEX F - LIST OF THE MAIN ETHNIC GROUPS OF SUDAN ANNEX G - REFERENCES TO SOURCE DOCUMENTS 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum/human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. These sources have been checked for accuracy, and as far as can be ascertained, remained relevant and up-to-date at the time the document was issued. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom.