TREECHANGE: THE IMPACTS OF LIFESTYLE LIVING ON RURAL LANDS IN THE MUDGEE REGION

CAITLIN ELLIOTT 3100052

TREECHANGE: THE IMPACTS OF LIFESTYLE LIVING ON RURAL LANDS IN THE MUDGEE REGION

Thesis Project – PLAN 4132 Bachelor of Planning

November 2007

Caitlin Elliott PLANNING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM 3100052 Abstract

With an increased number of people moving out of cities for lifestyle reasons, lifestyle living is becoming a popular form of living across rural and regional Australia. The so-called seachange and treechange population movements have been major drivers of lifestyle migration. In Australia, seachange locations have traditionally received the largest proportion of lifestyle migration. However, with many seachange locations reaching their population threshold, treechange locations are becoming an increasingly popular alternative. Many ‘treechangers’ have a desire to participate in rural lifestyles through living on small rural properties. These lifestyle lots are generally used for hobby farms rather than for agricultural purposes. There has been an increase in rural subdivision in many treechange locations with both positive and negative impacts on rural lands. This thesis investigates the impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands across NSW. While rural subdivision can be economically beneficial for communities and help kerb rural depopulation, small acre subdivision can also have detrimental impacts on rural lands. This thesis uses the Mudgee region as a case study to illustrate the impacts of lifestyle living in an area that has been subject to the treechange phenomenon.

| i Acknowledgements

There are many people I would like to thank for their time, assistance and encouragement throughout the course of my research. My thesis supervisor, Ian Sinclair, has provided continual support, guidance and knowledge for the duration of my thesis. Ian has provided the inspiration for choosing a rural planning thesis topic after taking his Rural Planning subject in second year.

I would also like to acknowledge the EG Property Group for their support through the final year thesis scholarship. In addition, a big thankyou to all of the interviewees; Catherine Van Laeren, Scott Inglis, David Scrivener, Hugh Bateman and the treechangers who gave their time to speak to me, without your willingness to participate in the research it would not have been possible!

Thankyou to ‘Captain’ Bron for your brilliant flying skills taking me flying over Mudgee, and to the ‘girls’ for keeping me sane during the last six months and nourished with chocolate.

Finally, I would like to thank my parents and sister for their support throughout my five years at university. Mum, after five years of uni, you can now finally stop collecting planning articles from the Mudgee Guardian!

| ii Abstract ...... i Acknowledgements...... ii List of Tables ...... v List of Figures...... v Abreviations...... vi

1. Introduction...... 1 1.1 Problem setting ...... 1 1.2 Research question and objectives...... 2 1.3 Rationale for thesis...... 3 1.4 Research methodology ...... 3 1.4.1 Literature review ...... 4 1.4.2 Quantitative research ...... 4 1.4.3 Qualitative research...... 4 1.4.4 Other methods ...... 5 1.5 Why look at the Mudgee region?...... 6 1.6 Limitations of research ...... 7 1.7 Key terms ...... 7 1.8 Structure of thesis...... 9 2. Background...... 10 2.1 Introduction ...... 10 2.2 Lifestyle migration...... 10 2.2.1 What is the treechange movement?...... 11 2.2.2 Who is participating in the treechange movement?...... 12 2.2.3 Why do people move to the country? ...... 13 2.3 Population growth in NSW ...... 15 2.4 Conclusion ...... 16 3. Rural Land Use Planning in NSW ...... 17 3.1 Introduction ...... 17 3.2 The early days ...... 17 3.3 The rural subdivision boom...... 18 3.3.1 The 40 Hectare Policy ...... 18 3.3.2 Concessional lots...... 19 3.3.3 The rest of the 1970s...... 20 3.4 The Environmental Planning & Assessment Act...... 21 3.5 Rural subdivision into the 21st century...... 22 3.6 Standard Instrument (Local Environmental Plans) Order 2006...... 24 3.7 The minimum lot size issue...... 25 3.7.1 Independent Review Panel at Cowra Shire...... 25 3.7.2 Department of Primary Industries minimum lot size methodology...... 26 3.8 Conclusion ...... 27 4. Case Study: The Mudgee Region ...... 28 4.1 Introduction ...... 28 4.2 Background to the Mudgee region ...... 28 4.3 Demographic profile ...... 33 4.3.1 Age distribution ...... 36

I iii 4.3.2 Population projections ...... 38 4.4 Treechange in the Mudgee region...... 40 4.4.1 Why has the Mudgee region been chosen as a treechange location?.41 4.4.2 Where are they moving from and who is moving to the region?...... 41 4.5 Conclusion ...... 42 5. Rural Land Use in the Mudgee Region...... 44 5.1 Introduction ...... 44 5.2 Rural land uses...... 44 5.3 Planning instruments affecting rural subdivision in the Mudgee region...... 45 5.3.1 Mudgee Local Environmental Plan 1998...... 46 5.3.2 Mid-Western Regional Interim Local Environmental Plan 2007...... 46 5.3.3 Central West Rural Lands Inquiry...... 47 5.4 History of subdivision in the Mudgee Region...... 48 5.5 Conclusion ...... 50 6. The Impacts...... 51 6.1 Introduction ...... 51 6.2 Agricultural impacts ...... 51 6.2.1 Intensive agriculture...... 51 6.2.2 Loss and fragmentation of agricultural land ...... 53 6.2.3 Subdivision on marginal land ...... 55 6.3 Economic impacts...... 56 6.3.1 Investment to rural areas...... 56 6.3.2 Costs of lifestyle living...... 57 6.3.3 House and land prices...... 57 6.4 Environmental impacts ...... 59 6.4.1 Water...... 59 6.4.2 Run-off...... 61 6.4.3 Land clearing...... 62 6.5 Social impacts...... 63 6.5.1 Community infrastructure ...... 63 6.5.2 Social disadvantage...... 64 6.5.3 Social interaction...... 65 6.5.4 Rural land use conflict ...... 66 6.6 Conclusion ...... 69 7. Conclusion ...... 70 7.1 Introduction ...... 70 7.2 Key findings...... 70 7.3 Implications for future planning practice...... 73 7.4 Opportunities for further research...... 74 7.5 Conclusion ...... 75 8. References ...... 76

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List of tables Table 1.1 Interviewees…………………………………………………………………….………... 4 Table 1.2 Key Terms………………………………………………………………………………… 7 Table 2.1 Population growth within NSW…………………………………………………………. 15 Table 3.1 Rural land use policies……………………………………………………………..…… 23 Table 3.2 Rural land use zones in the standard template……………………..………………... 24 Table 4.1 Population of the Mudgee region...... 33 Table 4.2 Analysis of population in the Mudgee region………………………………………… 34 Table 4.3 Population projections for the Mudgee region...... 38

List of figures Figure 1.1 Location of the Mudgee region…………………………………………….…………... 6 Figure 1.2 Rural fringe development, Putta Bucca Estate, north of Mudgee...... 8 Figure 1.3 Rural living, Hillside Lane south of Gulgong...... 8 Figure 2.1 Seachange regions of NSW and Victoria...... 11 Figure 2.2 Main reasons for people participating in the seachange phenomenon...... 14 Figure 2.3 Projected annual average growth rates between 2005 and 2031...... 16 Figure 4.1 Location of Mudgee region...... 29 Figure 4.2 Photomontage of Mudgee...... 30 Figure 4.3 Photomontage of Gulgong...... 31 Figure 4.4 Rural fringe development at Putta Bucca Estate, Mudgee………………………….. 32 Figure 4.5 Rural living, Spring Flat Road, Mudgee...... 32 Figure 4.6 Rural growth rates between 2001 and 2006...... 35 Figure 4.7 Growth rate of rural collection districts in the Mudgee region...... 36 Figure 4.8 Age distribution of the Mudgee region...... 37 Figure 4.9 Comparison of 2006 projections and actual figures...... 39 Figure 4.10 Projected population for the Mudgee region...... 40 Figure 5.1 Land uses in the Mudgee region...... 45 Figure 6.1 Vineyards south of Gulgong...... 52 Figure 6.2 Rural living, near Craigmoor winery ………………………………………………..…. 53 Figure 6.3 Rural fragmentation, east of Mudgee...... 54 Figure 6.4 10 hectare lots at Cooks Gap...... 54 Figure 6.5 Lifestyle living on marginal land...... 55 Figure 6.6 Rural residential, Putta Bucca...... 58 Figure 6.7 Cudgegong River, Mudgee...... 60 Figure 6.8 Impact of farm dams...... 61 Figure 6.9 Land clearing, north of Gulgong...... 62 Figure 6.10 Cooks Gap community hall...... 63 Figure 6.11 Shed used as a house, Cooks Gap………………………………………………….… 65 Figure 6.12 Irrigation, south of Mudgee...... 67 Figure 6.13 Cropping, south of Gulgong...... 67

Appendices Appendix A Questions for interviewees Appendix B Ethics Forms Appendix C Data for collection districts in the Mudgee region

v | Abbreviations

ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics

CD Collection district

DCP Development Control Plan

EP&A Act Environmental Planning and Assessment Act 1979

IDO Interim Development Order

LEP Local Environmental Plan

LGA Local Government Area

PEC Planning and Environment Commission

SEPP State Environmental Planning Policy

SLA Statistical Local Area

SPA State Planning Authority

| vi Chapter 1 - Introduction

1. Introduction

1.1 Problem setting An increased number of Australians in the late 20th and early 21st century have been moving away from major urban centres to coastal and rural areas for lifestyle purposes (Burnley & Murphy, 2004). Over the past 35 years in Australia, more than a million people have left the five mainland state capitals and other metropolitan areas for smaller centres (Burnley & Murphy, 2004, p. 2). A total of 450,000 people left the Sydney metropolitan region during this period, with two-thirds relocating to rural areas and small towns located relatively close to urban centres (Burnley & Murphy, 2004).

Lifestyle migration has traditionally been focused towards seachange locations. However, more recently a large number of people have been moving towards rural environments (Costello, 2007, p.85). This is referred to as the ‘treechange’ phenomenon. The growing preference for treechange as opposed to seachange locations is likely the result of cheaper land costs. As well as the fact that many seachange locations are reaching their population threshold and are ‘bulging at their boundaries’ (Haxton, 2005). Many seachange locations are running out of room for expansion often due to natural constraints such as National Parks. People participating in lifestyle migration generally want a quiet and relaxed lifestyle. However, this characteristic is being lost from many seachange locations due to their rapidly expanding populations. Subsequently, treechange locations are becoming an increasingly popular alternative.

People participating in the treechange phenomenon move both to the urban and rural areas. However, an increased number of people are moving to rural areas as they want to participate in the ‘rural lifestyle’, achieved by living on small rural properties. The demand to participate in the rural lifestyle has lead to an increased amount of rural residential development in NSW. Rural residential development can be divided into two main categories; rural fringe and rural living (Sinclair & Bunker, 2007). Definitions for these two types of rural residential development are provided in Section 1.7. Rural residential developments are often occupied by treechangers and are generally used for residential purposes as opposed to agricultural purposes (Sinclair & Bunker, 2007).

Rural residential developments are having major impacts, both positive and negative on many rural areas. It has been stated that the negative impacts outweigh the positive impacts (Edge Land Planning,

| 1 Chapter 1 - Introduction

2007). The increased demand for rural residential development created by treechangers is intensifying the impacts that these lots are having on rural areas. Edols-Meeves & Knox (1996) stated that urbanisation into rural areas for rural residential development is “the most expensive form of residential development in terms of economic, environmental and social costs as well as natural resource consumption”. Planning experts have warned the influx of treechangers to rural towns may cause serious development pressures unless the growth is appropriately managed (Lucas, 2007). Rural residential development is said to be uneconomic, unsustainable, which imposes more costs on the community than it contributes (Lennon, 2003a). Research indicates that ad hoc rural subdivision is having major detrimental impacts on rural lands.

This thesis discusses the agricultural, economic, environmental, and social impacts associated with rural residential development, including both rural fringe and rural living developments.

1.2 Research question and objectives The research question for this thesis is:

‘Identify the impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region’

The thesis aims to draw a link between the increased amount of rural residential development and the treechange phenomenon as well as the impact that this development is having on the rural lands. To adequately identify the impacts on rural lands, the Mudgee region has been selected as a case study. The following objectives have been identified:

ƒ Describe the treechange phenomenon and where it is occurring

ƒ Review the history of rural subdivision in NSW

ƒ Determine if the treechange phenomenon is occurring in the Mudgee region

ƒ Identify where the population growth is occurring within the Mudgee region

ƒ Investigate the impact of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region

ƒ Establish a list of key recommendations and issues developed during the research process that can be applied to rural areas in NSW.

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1.3 Rationale for thesis In 2001, 20 percent of Australians were living in coastal towns/cities other than capital cities, and between 2001 and 2005 seachange locations grew faster than the Sydney metropolitan area (Gurran et al., 2006); (Department of Environment and Conservation, 2006). As a result of the large number of people living in seachange locations; a significant proportion of the literature on lifestyle migration in Australia focuses on the seachange phenomenon. There has been recent research on the treechange phenomenon, but not to the same extent as the seachange phenomenon.

The NSW Transport and Population Data Centre predicted that many inland regions of NSW will experience significant growth over the next 30 years. This indicates that the treechange for many rural Councils across NSW.

“Previous research on lifestyle migration has mainly focused on quantifying the migration process and identifying what type of people are moving. Little research has actually been done on the impacts of lifestyle migration on rural communities” (Costello, 2007). This research gap identified by Costello (2007) provided the basis for this thesis topic. A recent quotation, “planners and academics warn that the boom times that some rural towns has experienced as a result of residents seeking a lifestyle change could have a downside” (Lucas, 2007) emphasised the relevance of this planning issue and the series of issues and impacts that needed to be addressed. Therefore, this thesis will identify the impacts of lifestyle living as a result of the treechange phenomenon focusing on the impacts on rural lands.

1.4 Research methodology The following methodology was used for the purpose of this research:

Literature Review

Quantitative research Qualitative research Other methods

Statistical analysis Interviews Fieldwork/observation

| 3 Chapter 1 - Introduction

1.4.1 Literature review The initial stage of the research process involved the review and analysis of existing literature covering the main topic areas of; lifestyle migration, treechange, rural residential development, lifestyle living, rural subdivision and the impacts of rural subdivision. The primary purpose of the literature review was to determine what academics and practitioners had said on the research topic. The literature primarily came from journal articles, town planning theses and planning reports. The literature review identified information gaps and helped to determine where additional research was required in order to answer the research objectives.

A legislative and policy analysis was undertaken to determine the legal nature of the research topic, with a particular focus on the history of rural subdivision legislation in NSW and in the Mudgee region. This provided an understanding of the nature and operation of environmental planning laws in NSW.

1.4.2 Quantitative research A statistical analysis was undertaken using Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) data to determine the extent of the seachange and treechange population movements at a state and regional level. ABS data was also used at a Collection District level to provide a demographic analysis of the Mudgee region. The Collection District data helped to determine which localities within the Mudgee region were experiencing population growth and the characteristics of each of these localities.

1.4.3 Qualitative research The purpose of in-depth interviewing is to find out from interviewees what we cannot directly observe or experience (Patton, 1990). A series of interviews were conducted to help answer many of the information gaps from the literature review and to obtain local knowledge. Interviews were conducted with the following people (see Table 1.1):

Table 1.1 Interviewees

Interviewee Organisation Position

Catherine Van Laeren Mid-Western Regional Council Group Manager of Planning and Development

David Scrivener CRT Real Estate, Gulgong Principal Consultant

Hugh Bateman The Property Shop, Mudgee Principal

Scott Inglis Gulgong and District Real Estate Principal Consultant

| 4 Chapter 1 - Introduction

These interviewees were responding to questions in their ‘official’ capacity and were conducted in September 2007. Catherine Van Laeren was interviewed in her official capacity as Group Manager of Planning and Development to help determine the impacts of rural residential development in the Mudgee region. Questions related to planning issues such as; the treechange phenomenon, population growth, rural subdivision, concessional lots, impact of rural subdivision and the future of planning in the Mudgee region.

The interviews conducted with the three principal Real Estate Agents were undertaken to gauge an understanding of the local property markets. This assisted in identifying the impacts that treechangers were having on the region and to determine the demand and supply for lifestyle lots in the Mudgee region. A list of questions asked to these interviewees is provided in Appendix A.

In addition, four informal interviews were conducted with local residents from the Mudgee region who had participated in the treechange phenomenon by moving to the Mudgee region. Participants were identified through local knowledge and using the ‘snowballing’ effect. These residents had lived in the Mudgee region for various periods of time, and were answering questions from the perspective of a resident in the Mudgee region. The objective of these interviews was to understand why they moved to the area, where they chose to live and other related factors. To ensure anonymity, the names of the informal interviewees have been changed.

1.4.4 Other methods The thesis received approval to conduct the in-depth interviews and fieldwork from the UNSW Faculty of the Built Environment Human Research Ethics Advisory Panel of the 3 August 2007 (Approval number 75058). Appendix B contains details of the ethics approval.

Fieldwork and observations were a major component of this research. Several field trips were undertaken to the Mudgee region to observe the rural subdivision patterns, and in particular to identify which areas were primarily being used for rural residential development. Photographs were taken during the fieldtrips and have been used throughout the thesis. In addition, a small plane was chartered over the Mudgee region to obtain a ‘bird’s eye view’ of the rural subdivision patterns and to take photographs. The plane flew over Mudgee, Gulgong and Ulan and some of the known rural residential developments such as Cooks Gap and Putta Bucca.

| 5 Chapter 1 - Introduction

1.5 Why look at the Mudgee region? The Mudgee Region is comprised of the former Mudgee Shire local government area. The Mudgee Shire local government area no longer exists as it was amalgamated into the Mid-Western Regional Council in 2004 along with the former Rylstone and Merriwa Shire Councils. The reason why the former Mudgee Shire (referred to as the ‘Mudgee region’) was chosen and not the Mid-Western Regional Council was because the other two local government areas that makes up the Mid-Western Regional Council had a significantly different subdivision history. The other two local government areas were not experiencing the treechange phenomenon to the extent that the Mudgee region was. Therefore, it was considered more appropriate for the purposes of this research to select the Mudgee region as opposed to the Mid-Western Regional local government area.

The Mudgee region also has an extensive history of small rural subdivision for residential purposes, which are useful for the purpose of this research. There are several examples within the Mudgee region where large areas have been subdivided purely for rural residential development. In addition, the researcher grew up in the Mudgee region and therefore has widespread knowledge of the local area. Figure 1.1 below illustrates the location the Mudgee region.

Figure 1.1 Location of the Mudgee region

Sydney Source: (CData ,2001) Note: Based on the local government areas in 2001

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1.6 Limitations of research It is recognised that the research methodology undertaken for this study puts a number of limitations on the findings. The statistical analysis of the ABS data has identified some inconsistencies in the collection techniques of data between census periods. As the former Mudgee Shire was amalgamated in 2004, the 2006 census data for the Mudgee Shire was not available. In order to calculate the population of the Mudgee Shire, the total of each of the 43 Collection Districts was calculated. Inconsistencies in the way in which data has collected also made it difficult to compare many variables. It is recognised that the interviews undertaken with the treechangers are not necessarily representative of all the treechangers who moved to the Mudgee region. As only four treechangers were informally interviewed the results are likely to be skewed towards the emotive bias of the people involved. However, these interviews still provided a useful insight on the rationale of treechangers moving to the Mudgee region.

1.7 Key terms A list of key terms that are used throughout the thesis are provided in Table 1.2 below.

Table 1.2 Key terms

Key concept Definition Lifestyle living The concept that refers to the movement of people from large urban areas to rural and regional areas for the purpose of lifestyle changes. People participating in lifestyle living choose to live in both urban and rural areas, however a large proportion generally move to rural areas. Mudgee region Comprised of the former Mudgee Shire local government area. Rural residential Is the residential use of rural land. This includes people living on rural lots primarily for residential development purposes rather than agricultural purposes. Hobby farming is undertaken by some rural residential development, but most of the income comes from pursuits not carried out on the land (Sinclair & Bunker, 2007). The main difference between urban housing and residential housing is the larger lot sizes and larger distances between dwellings. Rural residential development can be divided into two categories (Sinclair & Bunker, 2007):

` rural fringe

` rural living Rural fringe Is development characterised by single detached houses and dual occupancies on lot sizes of approximately 4,000 square metres to 1 hectare, laid out in an estate. Rural fringe estates are generally adjacent or in close proximity to an urban area (Sinclair & Bunker, 2007, p. 4). Figure 1.2 illustrates rural fringe development at Putta Bucca Estate in Mudgee. Rural living Is development characterised by single, detached houses and dual occupancies in lot sizes between 1 hectares and 40 to 100 hectares and can adjoin farmland or vegetated areas People residing on rural living lots generally use the land for residential purposes (Sinclair & Bunker, 2007, p. 4). Figure 1.3 illustrates rural living south of Gulgong. Treechangers The group of people moving from large urban settlements to less urban areas in rural and regional Australia, generally for lifestyle reasons.

| 7 Chapter 1 - Introduction

Figure 1.2 Rural fringe development, Putta Bucca Estate, north of Mudgee

Source: Author, September 2007

Figure 1.3 Rural living, Hillside Lane south of Gulgong

Source: Author, September 2007

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1.8 Structure of thesis Chapter 1 – Introduction

This chapter provides an introduction to the thesis including; problem setting and the rationale for the thesis, the research question and objectives, limitations for the research and the research methodology employed.

Chapter 2 – Background

This chapter provides a summary of the scholarly literature considered relevant to the research topic. It identifies the trends and characteristics associated with the treechange phenomenon and identified where people are moving to within the state.

Chapter 3 – Rural land use planning in NSW

This chapter provides a historic overview of planning legislation in NSW relating to rural subdivision. It also looks at the current situation of rural subdivision including the new Standard LEP template.

Chapter 4 – Case study: The Mudgee region

This chapter provides a background to the Mudgee region including a description of the settlements, a demographic analysis and identifying why the treechange phenomenon is occurring in the Mudgee region.

Chapter 5 – Rural land use in the Mudgee region

This chapter provides an overview of rural land uses in the Mudgee region. It identifies the key agricultural industries, provides a description of the history of rural subdivision in the Mudgee region and well as current planning instruments that apply to the region.

Chapter 6 – The impacts

Using the case study of the Mudgee region, this chapter identifies the economic, environmental and social impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the in the Mudgee region.

Chapter 7 – Conclusion

The implications for planning practice are identified based on the research findings. An overview of how the objectives have been answered and the conclusions of the research are provided.

| 9 Chapter 2 – Background

2. Background

2.1 Introduction This chapter provides a literature review of the treechange phenomenon and associated lifestyle living in Australia. It also provides a demographic analysis of where the lifestyle migration is occurring within NSW, and how many people are moving to these locations.

2.2 Lifestyle migration Lifestyle migration (also referred to as counter-urbanisation) is a form of population movement that has been occurring for at least the last 35 years in Australia (Burnley & Murphy, 2004). It refers to the movement of people from urban areas down the urban hierarchy to rural or less urban areas beyond the metropolitan fringe (Costello, 2007). Traditionally the most common type of migration occurring in rural areas has been the movement of people (particularly young people) to larger urban centres for employment and education opportunities, referred to as out-migration (Costello, 2007). However, not all rural areas are experiencing a population decline, with lifestyle migration replacing rural depopulation in many rural areas of Australia (Costello, 2007).

Lifestyle related migration has seen several inland areas of Australia experience population growth, with much of this growth generally focused towards the higher amenity areas with lower land costs (Tonts, 2005). Other major contributors towards lifestyle migration include the expansion of tourism, hobby farms and viticulture which have been attracting people to rural areas (Tonts, 2005). The importance placed on lifestyle gains is the key difference between traditional migration patterns and more recent patterns. Burnley and Murphy (2004, p.157) define the lifestyle gains as a ‘better environment’, including the desire for peace and quiet, security and the aesthetics of the natural environment.

Burnley (2005) states that lifestyle related migration is a phenomenon that has been occurring in several western countries since the 1970’s, with the largest population growth in coastal areas (Burnley, 2005). In the last 35 years, 450,000 people have left the metropolitan Sydney region with two- thirds of these people moving to rural areas and small towns relatively close to metropolitan regions (Burnley & Murphy, 2004).

| 10 Chapter 2 – Background

2.2.1 What is the treechange movement? Traditionally, lifestyle migration has been focused towards coastal environments in Australia referred to as the ‘seachange’ phenomenon (Costello, 2007). One of key reasons for people choosing to move to coastal areas is the desire for a ‘lifestyle’ change, encouraged further by the increased financial capabilities of retirees through supperannuation (Costello, 2007). However, Salt (2004) believes that the seachange phenomenon is a result of the emergence of a third Australian culture; the beach culture. “Australians have more recently advanced along the length of the eastern seaboard, creating settlements based on new concepts of leisure, lifestyle and retirement” (Salt, 2004).

Many of these coastal areas have now reached critical mass (Salt, 2004) and now people are starting to look for alternative lifestyle locations not necessarily located on the coast. This has led to the emergence of the treechange phenomenon. People are participating in the treechange phenomenon for the same reasons as they are moving to coastal locations, with the primary driver being lifestyle changes (Costello, 2007). Figure 2.1 below from Burnley & Murphy (2004) illustrates the seachange and treechange locations within NSW and Victoria, with the case study of the Mudgee region being identified as a treechange area.

Figure 2.1 Seachange regions of NSW and Victoria

Source: Burnley & Murphy, 2004

| 11 Chapter 2 – Background

High amenity inland rural areas within three hours drive of major metropolitan centres have been popular treechange locations (Sinclair & Bunker, 2007). In NSW, the areas receiving significant population growth included the Northern and Southern Tablelands, Southwest Slopes and the rural areas surrounding several inland cities such as Albury, Orange and Tamworth (Burnley, 2005). Garnett and Lewis (2007) stated that the highest rates of in-migration occurred in Statistical Local Areas that surrounded urban centres of more than 20,000 people in inland Australia, supporting Burnley’s research. This has been attributed to the greater employment opportunities and higher levels of service amenity surrounding these centres (Garnett & Lewis, 2007).

Many of the inland rural areas subject to the treechange phenomenon witnessed increased levels of rural residential development as retirees and younger affluent people were attracted to this form of development (Burnley, 2005). In NSW, the areas affected by increased numbers of rural residential developments include Yarralumla, Goulburn Mulwaree, Gundagai, Mudgee and the Upper Hunter (Burnley, 2005).

Another recent concept relating to lifestyle migration is the ‘vinechange’ movement. This concept refers to people moving to wine growing regions and locating on hobby farms with many vinechangers establishing their own boutique vineyard (Sun Herald, 2007). Salt stated that “there is a great deal of social cachet among baby boomers who have a place in the vineyards. Baby boomers like the idea of going to tend to the vines” (Sun Herald, 2007). The Hunter Valley and the Mudgee region are considered to be the regions in NSW which are most impacted by the emerging vinechange concept, however people have been moving to these region long before the concept of vinechange was introduced.

2.2.2 Who is participating in the treechange movement? The treechange phenomenon has been predominantly conceptualised by a retiree and more recently a middle-class aspiration movement. Retiree migration is traditionally the largest cohort contributor towards lifestyle migration and for decades retirees have been the driving force for population growth in non-metropolitan areas (Murphy, 2002); (Costello, 2007). Retiree migration has predominantly consisted of the downsizing of housing and a gain in a low-stress lifestyle in high amenity areas, with many of the retirees driven by the benefits of selling high priced city houses (Murphy, 2002). Although retirees only represent a small proportion of the population in metropolitan areas, they represent a large demographic in non-metropolitan localities where the population base is much smaller (Murphy, 2002).

| 12 Chapter 2 – Background

The volume of retirees is expected to increase between 2006 and 2016 as the baby boomer generation reaches retirement (Burnley, 2005).

An increasingly powerful group moving to rural areas are the middle class age groups who are former city dwellers, referred to the middle class aspiration movement. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, couples with dependant offspring comprised the largest proportion of families moving (Burnley & Murphy, 2004). Areas within close proximity to the metropolitan areas have seen the settling of affluent professionals and former business proprietors or managers (Burnley & Murphy, 2004). In terms of education, income and political ability, the middle class age group have had the power to transform rural areas and communities both socially and physically (Selwood et al., 1995). Murphy (2002) states that the majority of people moving to non-metropolitan areas are of working age (approximately 70 percent) leading to rural areas becoming ‘up-market’.

Another group moving to treechange locations are those people who have been forced out of metropolitan areas in search of affordable housing options (Marshall et al, 2004). These people are forced to move to rural areas because of its relative affordability compared to metropolitan areas and because their incomes are too low to enable them to live in appropriate and affordable housing within the city (Murphy, 2002). This is particularly evident for people who are relying on some form on income support payment such as the unemployed, single parent households and those with disabilities (Hugo and Bell, 1998). As a result many seachange or treechange locations have high levels of unemployment and disproportionate numbers of single parent households.

2.2.3 Why do people move to the country? Rural areas experiencing large population growth are close to metropolitan areas and possess attractive, scenic environments or show tourist potential. Treechange locations have become a favoured target for holiday making, second homes and ultimately permanent residents (Curry et al., 2001). Curry et al. (2001) stated that much of Australia’s internal migration has more to do with environment and lifestyle than factors of employment.

In a study by Walmsley et al. (1998) looking at lifestyle migration between 1986 and 1991, the top three factors for migrant decision making were; ‘more pleasant climate’, ‘more relaxed lifestyle’ and ‘attractive physical environment’, whereas improved job opportunities was only ranked seventh. As employment growth is lowest in inland areas and unemployment rates are higher than in capital cities (ABS, 2006), the net migration data suggest that the people who are leaving cities and moving to inland areas may be doing so for lifestyle factors (Garnett and Lewis, 2007). Figure 2.2 shows the reasons why people

| 13 Chapter 2 – Background

participate in the treechange phenomenon. Data for the graph was sourced from the Social Survey 2000 conducted by Burnley & Murphy (2004), which looked at the reasons why people moved to population turnaround areas such as treechange and seachange locations between 1991 and 2000.

Figure 2.2 Main reasons for people participating in the seachange and treechange phenomenon

15.8% 14.7%

11.1% Work Retirement

30.0% Change in marital status Better place to raise family Housing Environment 36.8% Other/not stated 8.4% 14.6% Source: Burnley & Murphy, 2004 (Social Survey 2000) Note: Data includes 521 respondents.

This graph indicates that the majority of people moving out of metropolitan centres to non-metropolitan areas are moving because of a change in marital status. This is closely followed by for environmental reasons which literature has been a key driver for people participating in lifestyle living.

The treechange phenomenon is contributing to the rural gentrification of some areas due to the influx of seemingly affluent urbanites (Costello, 2007, p. 88). The process of gentrification is an interesting process, detached from its inner city connotations and often applied to small towns and rural areas. Lifestyle migration can result in the commodification of rural landscapes and in some cases the over development of rural areas leading to the process of ‘creative destruction’ (Tonts and Grieve, 2002). Costello (2007) describes the process of creative destruction occurring when there is a disparity between the expectations of the newcomers and the expectations of the existing residents regarding development (i.e. subdivision). Generally, the newcomers want to retain the rural landscape to best reflect their ideal rural environment, whilst the existing residents see financial benefit in accruing from land use changes and subdivisions (Costello, 2007).

| 14 Chapter 2 – Background

2.3 Population growth in NSW In 2006, there were 1.35 million people residing in the twenty-one coastal local government areas in NSW that were located outside of the Sydney metropolitan region (ABS, 2006). These residents represented only 19.8 percent of NSW’s total population, yet recorded a population increase of 63,600 people (1 percent per year) between 2001 and 2006 (ABS, 2006).

In 2006, 1.18 million people lived in inland NSW (the local government areas not located in the Sydney metropolitan areas or coastal local government areas), representing 17.3 percent of the state population. The growth rate for inland NSW was 0.4 percent per year between 2001 and 2006 which was much lower than the coastal areas at 1 percent (ABS, 2006). The largest population increases in population in inland NSW were received at the larger regional centres such as Queanbeyan, Wagga Wagga and Albury (ABS, 2006). Table 2.1 shows the growth rates of different regions within NSW illustrating the growth rates of coastal and rural areas of NSW.

Table 2.1 Population growth within NSW

Regions Average annual population increase (growth rate) 1981–86 1986–91 1991–96 1996–2001 2001–05 Sydney SD 38,410 40,261 41,656 49,427 31,656 (1.1%) (1.1%) (1.1%) (1.2%) (0.8%) Greater metropolitan region 42,060 49,380 48,283 58,968 37,811 (GMR1) (a) (1.0%) (1.2%) (1.1%) (1.2%) (0.8%)

Coastal regions outside GMR1 (b) 14,092 17,758 11,945 10,390 9,184 (3.2%) (3.4%) (2.0%) (1.6%) (1.3%)

Inland (c) 3,168 6,309 (0.7%) 971 (0.1%) 4,739 (0.5%) 2,764 (0.3%) (0.4%)

NSW 59,320 73,447 61,199 74,097 49,759 (1.1%) (1.3%) (1.0%) (1.2%) (0.7%) Source: Department of Environment and Conservation, 2006

Notes: (a) GMR1 comprises all statistical local areas (SLAs)/local government areas (LGAs) in the Sydney Statistical Division (SD), Newcastle Statistical Subdivision (SSD), Wollongong SSD and Wingecarribee SLA (b) Comprises all SLAs/LGAs in the Richmond–Tweed SD, Mid-North Coast SD and the following LGAs: Great Lakes, Shoalhaven, Eurobodalla and Bega Valley (c) Comprises all SLAs/LGAs not included in either the GMR1 or coastal regions outside the GMR1 Population predictions by the NSW Transport and Population Data Centre indicate that the areas that are most likely to experience population growth outside of the Sydney metropolitan region are those located in coastal areas. Figure 2.3 illustrates the predicted growth rates for each statistical local area in NSW. Trends from the figure illustrate that almost all coastal areas will experience some form of growth between 2005 and 2031, with all coastal areas to the south of Sydney experiencing high growth rates.

| 15 Chapter 2 – Background

Figure 2.3 Projected annual average growth rates between 2005 and 2031

Source: Transport and Population Data Centre, 2007 The growth rates in inland NSW vary significantly. Areas in the far west NSW will experience population declines whilst those within close proximity to Sydney, Newcastle and Wollongong will experience higher growth rates. A large amount of the inland areas will remain static, experiencing very little population growth however many of the large regional centres such as Tamworth, Dubbo and Wagga Wagga located in the middle of these static areas will experience some form of growth. These inland regional cities are referred to as ‘sponge cities’ by Salt (2004) and will absorb most of the population growth in inland regions.

2.4 Conclusion This chapter illustrated three key points with respect to population change in NSW. Firstly it confirms that a large proportion of the migration occurring in Australia today is lifestyle related with people moving for a better quality or more relaxed lifestyle. It is conclusive that metropolitan and coastal areas contribute to a greater proportion of the growth in NSW than the rural areas. However, some high amenity inland areas, located close to large metropolitan centres are receiving significant population increases as a result of the treechange phenomenon. Finally, retirees are no longer the major contributor to lifestyle migration, whilst they still make up a significant proportion; the middle age population group who are still in the workforce who have become the largest contributor to lifestyle migration.

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3. Rural Land Use Planning in NSW

3.1 Introduction In order to understand the implications of lifestyle living it is important to have an understanding of rural subdivision in NSW. This chapter provides a brief overview of how rural subdivision provisions originated in NSW, how they have changed over time and some of the current policies and legislation facing subdivision today.

3.2 The early days Rural land use planning is an area of planning that has often received less attention with most early land use planning in NSW focusing on metropolitan areas (Murphy, 1985). There were numerous attempts to introduce town planning legislation in the early 20th century; however the first town planning legislation that provided planning powers was the Local Government Act 1906 which has been amended numerous times and now is the Local Government Act 1993. This act allowed local councils to proclaim residential districts, which was one of the first attempts at zoning in NSW (Sinclair, 1986). It also introduced controls relating to subdivision including the number of houses per acre (Sinclair, 1986).

Rapid population growth in the 1940s led to strong lobbing for a separate town planning Act to be introduced in NSW to help manage the growth. As a result the Local Government (Town and Country Planning) Amendment Act 1945 was introduced (Lennon, 2003). This Act was based on the British Town and Country Planning Act 1932 and was the first significant attempt to control land use and development in NSW (Sinclair, 1986). It provided comprehensive provisions to regulate land use in both urban and rural areas; however it primarily focused on urban areas rather than rural areas of NSW (Young, 1996). The Act allowed councils to prepare ‘planning schemes’ which contained planning provisions including subdivision requirements, building on the subdivision provisions provided in the Local Government Act 1919. The procedure for preparing planning schemes was difficult and by the 1960s only two planning schemes had been gazetted in NSW (Sinclair, 1986, p.12).

Local planning was made easier in 1962 when a further amendment, Local Government (Town and Country Planning) Amendment Act 1962 was introduced. The amendment introduced Interim Development Orders (IDOs) which had the same planning powers as planning schemes. They were

| 17 Chapter 3 - Rural Land Use Planning in NSW

intended to be short term planning mechanisms in place of place of planning schemes. IDOs introduced development control measures through the establishment of zones and were the main form of development control used up until the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act 1979 (EP&A Act).

In 1964, the State Planning Authority (SPA) was established to coordinate planning across NSW. One of the key responsibilities of the SPA was to “promote and co-ordinate town and country planning and securing the orderly and economical development use of land” (State Records Authority of NSW, 2007). Despite this key responsibility, rural land use planning was virtually non-existent until the 1970s (Boer and Hannam, 1992, p. 218) as quoted in (Henderson and Epps, 2001). There was no control over most rural activities through planning law up until the 1970s which was reinforced by an attitude among rural land users that their activities could not be regulated (Lennon, 2003).

3.3 The rural subdivision boom It was in the 1970s when the rural subdivision boom hit and rural residential development really started to expand in the coastal and rural areas of NSW (Lennon, 2003a). In the 1970’s planning legislation began to specifically relate to the rural areas and it was an important period for rural subdivision across NSW. Many of the decisions made during this period have had a significant influence on rural subdivision patterns today.

3.3.1 The 40 Hectare Policy In 1973, the SPA established the ’40 Hectare Policy’, a key planning decision that has influenced the way rural subdivision is today. The 40 Hectare Policy imposed a minimum 40 hectare subdivision requirement for a dwelling entitlement across all rural land in NSW. The Policy was released through ‘Circular No. 67 - Policy regarding subdivisions and residential development in non-urban zones’ and was further clarified later in Circular No. 74. By the end of 1973, 35 local government areas had a minimum lot size of 40 hectares (Coleman, 2003) as quoted in (Department of Planning, 2005a).

The policy was established in response to the growing concerns about the spread of residential blocks in rural areas of NSW (Department of Planning, 2005a). It was feared that it would alter the character of rural areas and lead to associated problems such as the fragmentation of viable farms, inflated land values, loss of agricultural land, uneconomic diversion of services away from towns and generally create a ‘planners nightmare’ (Salvestro, 1984).

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The policy in summary, aimed to ensure that “adequate planning controls existed to prevent the small residential type subdivision in the non-urban zones without at the same time, restricting subdivision for genuine rural activities and a modest provision for the genuine rural dwelling” (Circular No. 67, 1973). The policy was the first planning control that aimed to control rural residential development, however Salvestro (1984) stated that “the policy’s outlook was negative and created more problems itself” because it allowed rural subdivision in an ad hoc manner.

The 40 Hectare Policy was intended to be an arbitrary holding measure whilst Councils determined a more appropriate minimum lot sizes (Department of Planning, 2005a). However, Councils showed little initiative in developing more appropriate development standards and the Policy in many cases was often simply replaced with some arbitrarily number (Young, 1996).

The policy aimed to restrict small rural subdivisions, but the policy failed to recognise that in some areas, these subdivisions were probably the most appropriate form of subdivision (Salvestro, 1984). Providing a blanket minimum lot size across NSW was not an ideal response to rural planning (Lennon, 2003). It had little regard to commercial and sustainable agricultural enterprises or the degree of geographic, climatic or biophysical variability across NSW resulting in many issues (Department of Planning, 2005a). Henderson and Epps (2001) concluded that the introduction of the 40 Hectare Policy was a demonstration of poor leadership by the SPA at the time.

3.3.2 Concessional lots One of the major implications of the 40 Hectare Policy was the introduction of concessional lots in NSW. Concessional lots are defined as “a provision in an environmental planning instrument which enables a land owner to subdivide a certain number of lots from an existing parcel which are generally, smaller than the minimum subdivision requirement for rural land” (Sinclair, 1986). Concessional lots allowed farmers create an additional lot; separate to their main holding which had a separate title (Young, 1996). The size of concessional lots was normally 2 hectares, but depended on the local government area (Salvestro, 1984).

Prior to the introduction of the policy, farmers were able to subdivide rural land into lots smaller than two hectares for the purposes of a dwelling. If the lots were smaller than two hectares, occupants were eligible for the pension if they were retired as they were viewed as not being able to financially benefit from the further subdivision of the land (NSW Farmers, 2006). Many farmers had used this ability to create concessional lots to help facilitate their retirement (i.e. an informal means of superannuation).

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The introduction of the 40 Hectare Policy removed this provision and as a result concessional lots were introduced as a ‘concession’ to farmers and to soften the impact of the 40 Hectare Policy.

The lots were intended to be used for legitimate purposes such as family succession, however became less often used for this purpose and were viewed more as a rural lifestyle opportunity in rural areas (Department of Planning, 2005a). The number of possible concessional lots created was restricted by statutory regulation (Salvestro, 1984). Generally, only one concessional lot was permissible but the provision for multiple concessional lots gradually developed over the years and was determined by the size of the property (Young, 1996).

Concessional lots were only intended to be a holding measure but the lack of council resources, low development pressures and the lack of political will meant that many Councils failed to identify appropriate minimum lot sizes and hence concessional lots remained in place (Department of Planning, 2006). Subsequently, provisions for concessional lots have been unamended or reused in planning instruments over the years and still exist in current planning instruments today (Department of Planning, 2006). Despite this, a number of councils have been gradually removing the provision for concessional lots out of their LEPs.

3.3.3 The rest of the 1970s Both local and state government authorities were not all well equipped to handle issues and problems caused by the large amount of subdivision occurring in the early 1970’s, because of a lack of planning tradition (Salvestro, 1984). The 1970s subdivision boom, primarily a result of the 40 Hectare Policy saw a strong demand for smaller lot sizes ranging from 10 – 50 hectares, but as prices rose, demand grew for smaller lots between 2 – 10 hectares (Salvestro, 1984). The SPA was caught out by this strong demand and as a result regulation lagged behind the pace of development (Salvestro, 1984).

In 1974, the State Government introduced new legislation which established the NSW Planning and Environment Commission (PEC). The PEC replaced the SPA and its role was to “review the law and practice relating to town and country planning and land use and environmental planning” (State Records Authority of NSW, 2007). In 1975, the PEC permitted the rezoning of rural land in the Hunter Valley for rural residential purposes as a method of inducing growth to a declining rural area (Salvestro, 1984, p. 17). This spot zoning set a precedent for similar rural residential development in NSW as it “effectively injected life back into rural small holding development”’ (Salvestro, 1984, p. 17). Both the

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spot rezoning decision and the introduction of the 40 Hectare Policy had major implications on the subdivision of rural land such as the fragmentation of agricultural land.

In the late 1970’s, the environmental concerns regarding rural subdivision were identified by the PEC and in 1978, the PEC released guidelines to help address some of the problems associated with rural subdivision (Salvestro, 1984). The Technical Bulletin No. 11 – Guidelines for Siting Rural Dwellings in Coastal Areas was the first guideline to be released. Directly following this release was the enactment of the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act 1979 (EP&A Act) which dissolved the PEC and changed the face of rural planning in NSW.

3.4 The Environmental Planning & Assessment Act The EP&A Act was the final product of work initiated by the PEC which became the new statutory mechanism to regulate land use and development in NSW. The introduction of the act effectively created a new planning system and governed all rural planning in NSW. The EP&A Act provided legislative backing in order to appropriately manage the states agricultural and natural resources and still today remains the most significant legislative instrument affecting rural land use planning in NSW (Young, 1996). One of the objectives of the EP&A Act is for the:

5 (a) (i) “the proper management, development and conservation of natural and artificial resources, including agricultural land, natural areas, forests, minerals, water, cities, towns and villages for the purpose of promoting the social and economic welfare of the community and better environment”.

The EP&A Act is still the main piece of legislation governing rural land use planning today. While the Act provides legislative guidance and a planning framework, it objectives are achieved under policies and delegated legislation such as State Environmental Planning Policies (SEPPs), Regional Environmental Plans (REPs), Local Environmental Plans (LEPs) and through Development Control Plans (DCPs).

The Department of Environment and Planning (DEP) replaced the PEC in 1980 under the terms of the EP&A Act and was renamed the Department of Planning in 1988 (the first of many name changes). In 1981, the DEP published the Rural Land Evaluation Manual which acknowledged land capability assessment as a precursor to the development of planning controls. In addition, the Policy on the Protection of Agricultural Land was also developed by the then Department of Agriculture to protect NSW’s best agricultural land resources. The policy was originally developed as a SEPP which gave the Department of Agriculture concurrence over rural planning and development however, was released as

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a policy in 1984. The policy focuses on the need to protect prime crop and pasture land from unjustified subdivision as well as breaking the nexus between subdivisions and dwelling entitlements (Young, 1996, p. 41).

In 1985, a series of directions were issued under Section 117 of the EP&A Act relating to rural subdivision. Section 117 directions were to be incorporated into councils LEPs. One of the key issues identified in these Section 117 directions was to avoid subdividing prime agricultural lands (i.e.) Class 1, 2 and 3 agricultural lands, the prime agricultural lands and instead subdivide the poorer quality marginal lands (Young, 1996, p. 43). As a result, many Councils adopted these directions, which lead to the mass subdivision of marginal lands across NSW.

In addition, the DEP produced a sample rural LEP to guide rural Councils who were preparing their own LEPs. It attempted to standardise the number and type of zones in rural areas, however was only advisory and had no statutory force (Young, 1996). This lead to the widespread adoption of the Sample Plan with an estimated 80 percent of all rural LEPs adopting the Sample Plan (Nott, 1992) as quoted in Young (1996). The numerical standards relating to subdivision sizes including the number of concessional lots were at a local government level, however again often an arbitrary number was just adopted.

3.5 Rural subdivision into the 21st century In the 20th century, rural planning in NSW had witnessed some major changes with many of the decisions made having a detrimental impact on the rural landscape. It was not until the late 1970s that the State Government began to realise the impacts that rural subdivision was having on the rural landscape. Rural planning in the 21st century consistently evolved around planning mechanisms which aimed to lessen the impact of rural subdivision. A number of policies were released relating to rural land use planning. These polices are summarised in Table 3.1 below.

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Table 3.1 Rural land use polices

Policy Summary Rural Lands Policy (2000) This policy released by the Department of Urban Affairs and Development, was to help rural councils in NSW prepare their draft LEPs with the intention of removing out-dated policies. Key objectives included to:

` Minimise the loss or fragmentation of agricultural holdings

` Maintain and promote agricultural activities

` Minimise land use conflicts and environmental impacts

` Remove provisions enabling concessional lots; and

` Enable the inter-generation transfer of property without compromising the sustainable agricultural use of land. Rural Residential The guideline was released in conjunction with the Rural Lands Policy and helped Strategies – A draft guide Councils to prepare their strategies which were a perquisite before a Council prepares for the preparation of rural their LEP. It specified what Councils should include in their strategy. residential strategies in Central West NSW (1999) Policy for Sustainable The aim of this policy was to adopt appropriate planning mechanisms to avoid future Agriculture (1998) conflicting land use (e.g. competing demands of land for agricultural, residential and recreational purposes). This policy identified that concessional lots were an inappropriate form of subdivision and should be progressively removed from plans across the state. Report to the Premier – This was not a policy, however reviewed the implications of the Policy for Sustainable The Implications of the Agriculture and how its objectives were being achieved. Three of these reports were Policy for Sustainable published in 1999, 2000 and 2001. The key findings included: Agriculture (2001) ` Minimum lot sizes for subdivisions that may be eligible for a dwelling consent should be determined based on the area required to sustain a farming enterprise in that locality

` Concessional lots are an inappropriate for of subdivision

` Rural lifestyle opportunities should be provided in a planned way, based on rural residential strategies and zones; and

` Intensive forms of agriculture need to be catered for in the planning process and the potential environmental impacts as well as return on capital invested need to be carefully considered. Policy for the Protection of Released by the Department of Primary Industries to help councils prepare and Agricultural Land (2004) implement their environmental planning instruments under the EP&A Act. Key issues included:

` The conversion of agricultural land into non-agricultural land should only take place where it is justified in an environmental planning instrument

` Minimum lot sizes need to suit local needs and conditions with the main objective of reducing conflict with commercial agricultural enterprises by minimising residential uses that are not directly associated with commercial farms

` Setting a large minimum lot size is a disincentive to lifestyle purchasers, however the lot size also needs to allow for entry by young farmers and to allow for more intensive forms of agriculture where appropriate Planning Circular 05 – This circular replaced the Rural Lands Policy. The circular had a similar role to the Improved Land Use previous policy in providing local government advice on planning for agriculture. This Planning for Agriculture helped councils develop standards to include in their LEPs regarding minimum lot sizes (2005) for agriculture. However, this was never issued or endorsed by the State Government. | 23 Source: Department of Planning, 2007; Department of Natural Resources, 2007 Chapter 3 - Rural Land Use Planning in NSW

All of these policies relating to rural land use and agriculture had very similar objectives, with many of the objectives overlapping. One of the key objectives identified was to progressively remove concessional lots because of the known problems they were causing on rural lands as well as promoting the continued use of agricultural land. These policies and regulations intended to guide councils in preparing their environmental planning instruments to ensure appropriate rural land uses and the continuation of agriculture.

3.6 Standard Instrument (Local Environmental Plans) Order 2006 In 2006, the Standard Instrument (Local Environmental Plans) Order 2006 was introduced by the Department of Planning providing a standardised approach to preparing comprehensive LEPs across NSW. All local government areas in NSW must produce a new LEP by 2011 following the standard template specified in the standard instrument. There are no provisions for concessional lots in the standard instrument, meaning that concessional lots will be completely removed by 2011.

All subdivision will have to conform to minimum subdivision requirements as specified in environmental planning instruments. Under the new template there are six standard rural zones which will apply in NSW, replacing all other existing rural zones. Table 3.2 describes the rural zones in the standard template.

Table 3.2 Rural land use zones in the standard template

Zone Summary RU1 – Primary Production This zone is intended to cover land used for most kinds of primary industry production; including extensive agriculture, horticulture, intensive livestock, agriculture, mining forestry and extractive industries RU2 – Rural Landscape This zone is intended for rural land with landscape values or land that has reduced agricultural capability. RU3 – Forestry This zone identifies and protects land that is to be used for long-term forestry use. RU4 – Rural Small Holdings This zone is intended for land which is to be used for small scale rural and primary industry production as well as providing for emerging primary industries and agricultural uses. RU5 – Village This zone is generally intended to cover rural villages where a mix of residential, retail and other uses is to be established or maintained. RU6 - Transition This zone is generally intended to be used in special circumstances for land that provides a transition or buffer between rural land uses and other sensitive land uses such as residential, education or community uses. Source: Department of Planning, 2007

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In addition to the rural zones identified, there is also an urban zone identified as, R5 - Large Lot Residential which is the equivalent to many of the existing zones which were intended for rural residential purposes. This zone is generally intended to cater for development that provides for residential housing in a rural setting.

3.7 The minimum lot size issue A lot of controversy has surrounded the minimum lot size issue in NSW, both before and after the standard instrument was introduced. The introduction of the standard instrument however, intensified debate on the minimum lot sizes issue, particularly due to the removal of concessional lots. Much of the debate originates from landowners with a vested interest such as farmers and developers who want to subdivide their rural land, but an increase in the lot size will make it more difficult to subdivide for residential purposes. The Independent Review Panel at Cowra Shire is an example of the minimum lot controversy. In addition, the Central West Rural Lands Inquiry recently released recommendations relating to minimum lot sizes in Central West NSW; these are discussed in Chapter 5.

3.7.1 Independent Review Panel at Cowra Shire Before the standard instrument was released in 2006, the Minister for Planning appointed an Independent Review Panel to review planning matters in Cowra Shire Council. The issue was regarding the minimum lot size in the amendment to the LEP and whether this was appropriate. The previous LEP had a minimum subdivision requirement of 40 hectares for prime agricultural land, 2 hectares for non-prime agricultural land and allowed for 1 concessional lot. Council exhibited and adopted a new LEP (known as Amendment 14) which was exhibited as having a minimum lot size of 400 hectares but adopted with a minimum lot size of 100 hectares. This is where one of the problems arose, as council had eliminated the distinction between prime and non-prime agricultural land by removing the 2 hectare and 40 hectare minimum lot sizes.

The panel noted that the LEP amendment does not provide a minimum lot size for agricultural purposes without a dwelling entitlement. As a result, a land bank of over 1,300 lots ranging from 1 to 40 hectares has accumulated with a take-up rate of less than 6 a year resulting in an over supply of subdivided rural land. It was recommended that council give consideration to the need for additional rural lots prior to approval, minimising any unnecessary fragmentation.

The Panel recommended that the LEP amendment be made by the Minister as a matter of priority with the minimum lot area for a dwelling entitlement set at 400 hectares, not 100 hectares. The panel also

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supported a minimum lot size of 40 hectares for intensive agriculture and recommended further detailed assessment be undertaken by Council in relation to the potential for niche agricultural pursuits to be developed in smaller lots in specified locations. This illustrates that a ‘one size fits all’ lot size is not an appropriate solution for rural areas.

3.7.2 Department of Primary Industries minimum lot size methodology In response to the increasing minimum lot size debate, the Department of Primary Industries established a methodology to determine minimum lot sizes (more formally known as break even farm sizes). This methodology was only released in draft form and was never formally endorsed by the State Government, but has been used by a large number of councils. The methodology provided two options to determine the minimum lot sizes. Option A was the more basic assessment option which relied on the current activities in the area and provided a macro approach. Option B used economic analysis to determine basic commercial farm sizes and built on Option A through a detailed economic analysis.

This policy was not forced upon Councils in NSW, however in reality councils had no choice but to use it if they wanted to progress their strategies and LEP without lengthy delays (Edge Land Planning, 2007). There were many issues associated with this methodology including:

ƒ The methodology applied to the whole state, yet there are significantly different landscapes throughout the state

ƒ It does not take into account off-farm income

ƒ The methodology requires an income target of $60,000 to be used for the calculations, which is not considered to be a realistic income

ƒ The methodology does not allow for the grazing of crop stubble which is a common agricultural practice

ƒ It is not clear whether the methodology applies to dwelling houses only (Edge Land Planning, 2007).

Despite these issues with the methodology it continues to be the widely used methodology for determining minimum lot sizes across NSW. However, recent recommendations from the Central West Rural Lands Inquiry identified the inadequacies of this methodology and stated it was an inappropriate planning tool (see Chapter 5).

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3.8 Conclusion Land use planning in rural NSW has been focused on achieving a range of policy objectives including preserving the agricultural land, minimising land use conflict, minimising the cost of service provision and avoiding environmental degradation. The focus for rural land use has almost been exclusively on zoning and development control relying on strict numerical standards introduced through policies and legislation. However, these policies have not always been successful and only limited objectives for rural planning policies have actually been achieved from some of these policies.

The 21st century saw the recognition of past planning mistakes regarding rural subdivision and subsequently the introduction of any new polices aimed to minimise the impacts of subdivision. One of the biggest issues today facing rural planning is the ability to balance the demand for residential development in rural areas whilst also ensuring that agricultural practices are able to continue. The minimum lot size issue has been at the centre of this debate and continues to occur, illustrating the importance of rural planning in the planning realm.

| 27 Chapter 4 - Case Study: The Mudgee Region

4. Case Study: The Mudgee Region

4.1 Introduction This chapter provides an overview of the case study area, the Mudgee region. It provides background information about the Mudgee region, demographic trends in the region and identifies where the growth is occurring within the region. The chapter also determines if the treechange phenomenon is actually occurring in the Mudgee region and incorporates some of the findings from the in-depth interviews.

4.2 Background to the Mudgee region The Mudgee region comprises of the former Mudgee Shire local government area, located in Central West NSW. The former Mudgee Shire local government area no longer exists as it was amalgamated into the Mid-Western Regional Council in May 2004. The Mid-Western Regional Council incorporated 100 percent of the former Mudgee Shire, 10 percent of the former Merriwa Shire and 70 percent of the former Rylstone Shire Council. Figure 4.1 illustrates the location of the Mudgee region within the boundaries of the Mid-Western Regional Council.

The Mudgee region is located approximately 250 kilometres west of Sydney and covers an area of 5,540 square kilometres (ABS, 2001). The Mudgee region has a population of 17,545 (ABS, 2007). There are two major towns, nine villages and numerous rural settlements scattered throughout the region. Mudgee is the largest town with a population of 8,619 and acts as the major centre for the region with Gulgong being the other town with a smaller population of 1,905 (ABS, 2007). The remaining population of 7,382 resides in the rural areas including villages such as Birriwa, Cooyal, Goolma, Hargraves, Hill End, Lue, Windeyer and Wollar as well as numerous rural settlements such as Cooks Gap, Cooyal and Grattai. These rural settlements are smaller than villages and support the surrounding rural population, however unlike villages; they generally have no community services or facilities and are generally just a clustering of dwellings.

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Figure 4.1 Location of Mudgee region (within the Mid-Western Regional Council boundary)

Source: (PB, 2007)

The Mudgee region is a growing area of NSW because reasons such as; proximity to Sydney, the vineyards, the social culture including the café culture in Mudgee, scenic beauty, popularity as a tourist destination and the economic growth in the region. The region has been undergoing a significant transformation over the last 15-20 years in terms of its function as a regional centre, structure and character of community witnessing a significant amount of gentrification. Population growth, reduced average household sizes, reduction in the importance of traditional agricultural pursuits and the emergence of niche agricultural industries, increasing house prices and a large amount of people by working from home whilst operating businesses in Sydney have contributed to this change in the region.

A major issue facing the Mudgee region is that there is a growing demand to live in the region and this trend is expected to continue according to population predictions. The trend for rural residential

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development is a key element of the social, economic and environment change occurring in the region. There is a relatively strong demand for rural residential development in the Mudgee region according to local real estate agents (see Section 4.4.1). It is difficult to determine exactly where all the treechangers move to within the Mudgee region, however Van Laeren anecdotally states that ‘a lot of them enter into rural lifestyle lots, hobby farms and maybe even vineyard type situations and then they age a little bit and then they come into town’ (C Van Laeren, pers comm., 12 Sept). The statistical analysis (see Section 4.3) helps to identify where treechangers are moving to.

To give the reader a visual impression of character of the Mudgee region, a photomontage has been created of the two towns in the region. Figures 4.2 and 4.3 illustrate the character and nature of Mudgee and Gulgong respectively.

Figure 4.2 Photomontage of Mudgee

Market Street Church Street Ulan Road

Market Street Aerial, looking north Railway Station

Church Street New residential subdivision Lawson Park

Source: Author, (photos taken between 2006 and 2007)

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Figure 4.3 Photomontage of Gulgong

Herbert Street Grain silo Mayne Street

Herbert Street Aerial, looking north Opera House

Anglican Church Mayne Street and Herbert Street Looking south

Source: Author, (photos taken between 2004 and 2007)

Rural residential development as a result of the treechange movement is one of the most significant contributors to population growth in the Mudgee region. The areas within close proximity to Mudgee and to a lesser extent Gulgong are the most popular areas for rural residential development. There is a relatively strong demand for rural residential development in the Mudgee region, particularly those between 4,000 square meters and 2 hectare and the slightly larger 10 hectare lots within 10 kilometres of Mudgee (H Bateman 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). Figure 4.4 illustrates rural fringe development in Mudgee. Figure 4.5 illustrates the larger lot rural living to the east of Mudgee, with some of the lots in this figure participating in niche agricultural industry by establishing olive groves. This increased demand for residential lots on rural lands has led to significant pressure to subdivide rural lands. A recent article stated with “the influx of treechangers to rural towns may cause serious development pressures unless the growth is properly managed warn many planning experts” (Lucas, 2007).

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Figure 4.4 Rural fringe development at Putta Bucca Estate, Mudgee

Source: Author, Sept 2007

Figure 4.5 Rural living, Spring Flat Road, Mudgee

Source: Author, Sept 2007

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4.3 Demographic profile The most recent census indicates that the population of the Mudgee region (former Mudgee Shire) was 17,545 in 2006 (see Table 4.1). The Mudgee region has previously experienced significant population growth, between 1991 and 1996 the region experienced a growth rate of 5.0 percent and between 1996 and 2001 it had a growth rate of 3.3 percent. This indicates that a large number of people, such as treechangers have been moving to the region.

However, between 2001 and 2006 the Mudgee region had a negative growth rate of -0.5 percent, with a decline of 92 people. One of the major contributors to the population decline is the drought which has forced many people off the land. “The area is in the fifth/sixth year of drought which is having a big impact on people moving to the area” (D Scrivener, 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). Another major factor contributing to the decline according to local real estate agents is that “many people are holding off buying properties in the area because of high property prices” which is seeing less people move to the region (H Bateman, 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). The trends of a declining population between the 2001 and 2006 census period is representative of many rural areas across NSW.

Table 4.1 Population of the Mudgee region

Year 1991 1996 2001 2006 Population 16,267 17,074 17,637 17,545 Growth rate - 5.0 3.3 -0.5 (percent) Data sourced from: ABS, 2007 & 2001

In order to determine where the population increases and more specifically where the treechangers are moving to within the Mudgee region, an analysis has been conducted by looking at the population of the region at a collection district level. There are a total of 43 collection districts within the Mudgee Region and for ease of analysis they have been divided into three main categories; Mudgee, Gulgong and the rural areas (including villages). Table 4.2 below provides the details for these three categories. Appendix C contains a more comprehensive analysis of each of the 43 individual collection districts and their growth rates.

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Table 4.2 Analysis of population in the Mudgee region

Population 2006 statistics Number of collection Location % increase Occupied 2001 2006 0-14 yrs 15-24 yrs 65+ yrs districts 2001/2006 dwellings

16 CDs Mudgee 8,619 8,258 -4.2% 1,821 1,052 1,423 3,237 (22.1%) (12.7%) (17.2%) 4 CDs Gulgong 2,018 1,905 -5.6% 390 235 339 741 (20.4%) (12.3%) (17.8%) 27 CDs Rural areas 7,000 7,382 5.5% 1,578 431 977 2,659 (21.4%) (5.8%) (13.2%) TOTAL 17,637 17,545 -0.5% 3,789 1,718 2,739 6,637 (21.6%) (9.8%) (15.6%) Data sourced from ABS, 2007

Of the three categories, Gulgong was the area that received the largest population decline between 2001 and 2006 with a decline of -5.6 percent. Mudgee also had a large decline of -4.2 percent. The rural areas in the Mudgee region were the only category to receive population growth and had a growth rate of 5.5 percent. Surprisingly, it was the rural areas in the Mudgee region that grew and the urban areas which declined, as generally trends indicate that towns in rural areas receive a large proportion of the growth rather than the rural areas.

The statistics illustrate that the rural areas have been the driving force for population growth in the Mudgee region not the urban areas of Mudgee and Gulgong. This helps to illustrate the research question by proving that the treechange is actually occurring in the Mudgee region and showing that treechangers are choosing to move to the rural areas of the Mudgee region, not the urban areas.

Another interesting trend is the notable absence of the 15-24 year age group residing in the rural areas, which may be attributed to the lack of public transport in the region, therefore the youth choose to live in town closer to education and employment facilities. Also, a smaller proportion of elderly people (over 65 years) choose to live in rural areas most likely for similar reasons.

Further analysis of the collection districts in the rural areas was undertaken to identify which rural areas were receiving the largest growth rates from the treechange phenomenon. Figure 4.6 illustrates the growth rates of each of the rural collections districts with over half of the rural collection districts receiving population increases.

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Figure 4.6 Rural growth rates between 2001 and 2006 Population increase/decrease 2001 - 2006 80% 78.7%

70%

60%

50%

40% 33.2% 30%

19.0% 20% 15.5% 14.7%13.8% 9.4% 10.9% 10% 2.8%2.7% 1.1% 1. 1% 0.5% 0.0% 0% -4.2% - 4 .1%-3.3% -5.6% -6 .7% -10% -8.2%-9.7% -9.7% -13.4% -13.8% -20% -19.5% Wollar Wollar Grattai Birriwa Cooyal Yarribin Goolma Pyramul Bungaba Bocolble MUDGEE Windeyer Piambong Hargraves Botobolar Frog Rock Cooks Gap Cooks Eurunderee Home Rule Home GULGONG Yarrawonga Lue/Hayes Gap Lue/Hayes Laheys Creek/Mebul Budgee Budgee/Putta Mullamuddy/Burrundulla Collection Districts

Data sourced from ABS, 2007

A significant proportion of the rural collection districts received population increases between 2001 and 2006. Grattai, Botobolar and Frog Rock received the highest growth rates in the rural areas. These three collection districts are all located close to Mudgee and have historically received a large amount of rural residential subdivision. In addition, Botobolar and Frog Rock are located in the vineyard district of the Mudgee region, illustrating the preference for rural residential development to be located in the high amenity areas close to Mudgee.

Figure 4.7 below illustrates the growth rates of the rural collection districts in the Mudgee region. It illustrates that the collection districts directly surrounding Mudgee received the highest growth rates and the more isolated areas receiving the lowest growth rates illustrating the preference for treechangers to lives within close proximity to the urban centres.

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Figure 4.7 Growth rate of rural collection districts in the Mudgee region

Gulgong

Cooyal

Frog Rock Botobolar

Grattai Mudgee

Bocoble Percentage increase 2001 - 2006

>22 12 to 4 4 to 2 2 to 0 < 0

5

Data for map sourced from ABS, 2007; CData, 2001

4.3.1 Age distribution The age distribution of the Mudgee region is typical of most rural areas in Australia. Figure 4.8 illustrates the age distribution in the Mudgee region and highlights the changes over the last three census periods (1996, 2001 and 2006).

There is a notable gap in youth and young adults which can be attributed to many teenagers once finishing school leaving the region for further education and employment opportunities. There is a large population bulge in the age groups ranging from late 40’s to 50’s reflecting the baby boomer cohort resulting in a large amount of people approaching retirement age in the near future. Research has indicated that a large number of middle-aged people are moving to the region for lifestyle reasons and this is illustrated in Figure 4.8 with the number of people in these age groups increasing from 1996 to 2006.

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The number of retirees in the Mudgee region has significantly increased over the last 10 years with every age group over the age of 45 years experiencing increases. This illustrates that the Mudgee region has an ageing population. The ageing population will have implications on the region such as providing more facilities and services for the aged like retirement homes, medical facilities and public transport.

Figure 4.8 Age distribution of the Mudgee region

Age distribution

85 years and over 1996 2001 75-84 years 2006

65-74 years

55-64 years

45-54 years

35-44 years Age group 25-34 years

20-24 years

15-19 years

5-14 years

0-4 years

0 500 1,000 1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000 3,500 Persons Data sourced from ABS, 2007

In summary, the key findings obtained from the demographic analysis are:

ƒ The treechange is actually occurring in the Mudgee region, with significant amounts of growth in the rural areas. Rural areas with high amenity (i.e.) next to the vineyards and located close to Mudgee received the largest amounts of growth. This is a result of treechangers participating in lifestyle living by living on rural residential lots.

ƒ Despite the growth of rural areas, the population of Mudgee as a whole declined between 2001 and 2006, with significant declines in Mudgee and Gulgong.

ƒ There is a notable gap in the number of young adults in the region, which is consistent with many rural areas across NSW.

ƒ The Mudgee region has an ageing population with all age groups over 45 increasing by a significant amount and the large baby boomers group approaching retirement age.

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4.3.2 Population projections Population projections have been calculated for the Mudgee region by Ratio Consultants in 2005. The projections are presented in Table 4.3. The projections investigated the employment and housing effects associated with four major developments which were planned in the Mudgee region. They included:

ƒ Wilpinjong Coal Mine

ƒ Moolarben Coal Mine

ƒ Re-opening of Mudgee Regional Abattoir; and

ƒ Mudgee-Gulgong Vineyard Resort.

The cumulative employment effect of all four projects is projected to be approximately 1,992 jobs with a total population increase attributable to the four projects projected to be in the range of 950 to 1,535 people (Ratio, 2005). However, approaching the end of 2007 and only one of these projects had been realised with the rest still in the ‘pipe line’, as a result it is expected that these population projections would not be reached.

Table 4.3 Population projections for the Mudgee region

Historic Projected Area 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011 2016 2021 2026 2031

Mudgee 7,930 8,290 8,930 9,400 10,440 11,470 12,290 13,150 14,070 Gulgong 2,030 2,060 2,080 2,120 2,270 2,430 2,500 2,560 2,620 Rural areas balance 6,680 7,050 7,340 7,650 7,930 8,270 8,600 8,940 9,330 Total Mudgee SLA 16,640 17,400 18,350 19,170 20,640 22,170 23,390 24,650 26,020 Source: Ratio, 2005. Note: rounded to nearest 10 units. Note: The Mudgee SLA differs slightly from the Mudgee region and figures will be slightly different. Table 4.3 illustrates that the population in the Mudgee region is expected to increase rapidly in the next 24 years. Between 2001 and 2031 there is expected to be a 41.8 percent increase in the population. It is expected that along with the four major projects, some of the growth is likely to be the result of the treechange phenomenon.

These projections were calculated before the 2006 census, so they do not include the latest census results. To establish whether the Mudgee region is growing at a rate consistent with the projections Figure 4.9 compares the projections for 2006 with the actual ABS figures with 2006.

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Figure 4.9 Comparison of 2006 projections and actual figures

20,000 18,000 16,000 14,000 12,000 Population 10,000 8,000 Actual 6,000 Projected 4,000 2,000 0 Mudgee Gulgong Rural areas Total Area

Data sourced from ABS, 2007; Ratio, 2005

The graph shows that all areas within the Mudgee region did not reach the projected population. Reasons for this include only that one out of the four developments actually commenced. The ongoing drought is likely to have played a major part as well. Van Laeren in commenting on the population decline stated “our population projections still show increases, mainly related to particular incidences such as the mine and one of the mines was much slower coming on board than we anticipated and the approval process took longer and so the ramp up period between construction and to the permanent workforce has taken longer” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comm., 12 Sept). The population fell short of the projections by 1,625, if all four developments had of commenced it was expected to increase the population by 1,535, almost exactly the same number that the population fell short indicating the accuracy of the predictions.

Figure 4.10 below illustrates how the Mudgee region is expected to grow in the next 24 years. The population is projected to reach 26,020 by 2031. The population has been steadily growing up until 2006; however after 2011 the population will increase at an increased rate as illustrated in the figure below.

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Figure 4.10 Projected population for the Mudgee region

30,000 25,000 20,000 15,000

Population 10,000 5,000 0 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011 2016 2021 2026 2031 Year

Data sourced from Ratio, 2005

4.4 Treechange in the Mudgee region Is the treechange phenomenon actually occurring in the Mudgee region? The short answer, yes. The statistics in Table 4.2 illustrate that the treechange is occurring, with a large proportion of treechangers moving to the rural areas in the Mudgee region. Research and literature also indicate that the treechange is occurring in the Mudgee region.

However, the demographic analysis for the Mudgee region indicates that the region is actually declining, so does this mean that the treechange is really occurring? A real estate agent stated that “growth has slowed remarkably in the last year” indicating the lack of growth in the Mudgee region (D Scrivener 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). The declining population does not necessarily mean that development is declining as well; in fact the analysis indicates that the rural areas are growing and in fact the urban areas are declining. Section 6.1 below indicates that developments including rural subdivisions are actually increasing at a steady rate despite the population decline. Van Laeren (2007) states “I don’t think you should look at it (population) from a total LGA perspective, because I think there are influences such as the declining rural population, the increased use of machinery, so you don’t have rural workers anymore” indicating that population decline is unlikely to be occurring in all areas of the Mudgee region, rather just particular areas (C Van Laeren 2007, pers comm., 12 Sept).

Interviews undertaken all indicate that the treechange phenomenon is occurring in the region and that people are moving to Mudgee for lifestyle reasons. “The treechange in Mudgee probably started 15-20 years ago, however the largest increase has been seen in the last 5 years, since 2002” (H Bateman 2007, pers. Comm., 27 Sept) However, another real estate agent thought that the treechange phenomenon started a lot earlier “the treechange has been occurring since 1972/1973 since the Ulan

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Coal Mine opened and there have been trickles ever since then” (D Scrivener 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). It was conclusive from local residents that the treechange was occurring but the year in which it first began was the debatable factor.

4.4.1 Why has the Mudgee region been chosen as a treechange location? The proximity to Sydney (only three hours), vineyards, culture, tourism, economic development and relative affordability are the key reasons identified in literature for people moving to many treechange locations such as the Mudgee region. The interviewees agreed with these reasons, however also identified other reasons such as family and employment reasons as well. Van Laeren anecdotally stated the reason for people moving to the region as “…a combination of accessibility to the CBD, the beauty of the area because its actually very beautiful and also the variation of social and cultural make up of the community, so its not a mono-culture in other words”. (C Van Laeren 2007, pers comm., 12 Sept).

“Most people move here because they have friends in the area or have holidayed here” (D Scrivener 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). In addition, “I think people have probably been exposed to the area from a tourism point of view, and are aware we are here, close to Sydney, and if you didn’t have that initial contact with it, why would you just drive into a country town?” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers comm., 12 Sept). The local tourism industry, particularly the vineyards have been a key driver in encouraging people to move to the area.

Affordability is another key factor for people moving the Mudgee region. When compared to seachange locations “treechange is a cheaper alternative” (D Scrivener 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). Van Laeren (pers. comm., 2007) states “without a doubt” that people are moving to the area because of relative affordability compared to seachange locations. “Developers can no longer afford to build on the coast because of rural land costs…” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers comm., 12 Sept) and as a result are forced to look elsewhere with rural areas becoming a popular alternative.

4.4.2 Where are they moving from and who is moving to the region? There was a mixed response regarding where the treechangers are moving from, Sydney was the common destination identified by almost all interviewees. The real estate agents identified Sydney, Newcastle, Camden and the Central Coast as areas in which treechangers are coming from with cheaper land costs and quieter lifestyles being a key driver (H Bateman 2007, pers. Comm., 27 Sept).

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The treechangers who were interviewed as part of the research comprised of a variety of age groups including a young working family, a middle-aged couple and retirees. Van Laeren (pers. comm., 2007) anecdotally suggests that treechangers in the area comprise of probably retirees and a large amount of middle-aged people. “There is a lot of professional work available here…I think we might be witnessing people moving here to finish off their careers and so I think we might be getting rid of that middle age group” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers comm., 12 Sept).

It was suggested by a real estate agent that “90 percent of people moving to the area are downshifting and 10 percent are treechangers” (S Inglis 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). This indicates that many of the people moving to the area are generally older, either retirement age or after teenage children have moved out of home as it is these people who tend to downshift the most.

The informal interviews with four treechangers who had moved to the Mudgee region helped to confirm the research findings. Three of the four treechangers came from Sydney and one treechanger came from Nowra. Two of the treechangers, Peter and Jenny moved to the Mudgee region for downshifting purposes as they had just reached retirement age and were looking to settle down for their retirement. Jenny chose to live in Gulgong and moved to Gulgong for the quieter lifestyle compared to Nowra as well as having friends and family in the town. Whereas Peter chose to live on a small rural residential development near Mudgee and chose to participate in the niche agricultural industry by establishing a small olive grove.

Both Paul and Geoff are middle-aged and still in the workforce and both chose to move to the area for employment purposes. Paul moved to Gulgong to start his own business and raise his family in a quiet area with a sense of community. He lives on a small rural residential lot located outside of Gulgong. Geoff, newly married moved to the region for a new job in the mine, however also wanted start his own hobby farm. The Mudgee region was identified as an ideal location because of its proximity to Sydney and cheaper land costs.

4.5 Conclusion The demographic analysis helps to prove the research question by illustrating that treechangers have chosen to move to the rural areas in the Mudgee region as opposed to the urban areas. Many of the rural areas in the Mudgee region have received population increased as a result of the treechange phenomenon. The rural areas with close proximity to Mudgee and often in the higher amenity areas close to vineyards received the largest growth rates.

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The increased growth rates in the rural areas are a result of increased rural residential development where treechangers are participating in the rural lifestyle. Real Estate agents indicate that demands for both rural fringe and rural living developments are continuing to increase in the Mudgee region. In summary, this chapter clearly illustrates that the treechange phenomenon is occurring in the Mudgee region with treechangers choosing to move to the rural areas.

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5. Rural Land Use in the Mudgee Region

5.1 Introduction This chapter provides an overview of the rural land uses and the agricultural industry in the Mudgee region. It provides a description of the planning instruments applying to the rural lands in the Mudgee region as well as providing a brief overview of the history of rural subdivision in the region.

5.2 Rural land uses Following mining and manufacturing, the agricultural industry is the third largest contributor the Mudgee region’s economy (Edge Land Planning, 2003). The region has traditionally been an agricultural area with a mixture of extensive and intensive agricultural. The main agricultural activities include; viticulture, cattle and sheep grazing, lucerne, grain crops, market gardens and horse studs. The region is also starting to see the emergence of many niche agricultural industries such as olives, venison, hazelnuts, alpacas and trout farming.

However, the Mudgee region is most commonly known for its viticulture industry. The first grapes were planted in 1858, with the viticulture industry really ‘booming’ over the last 10 to 15 years (Lennon, 2003a). The Mudgee region is now one of Australia’s fastest growing and most successful wine production areas with approximately 4,500 hectares of vineyards in 2001 (Edge Land Planning, 2003). The Mudgee region in fact, had more acreage of vineyards than the long-established Hunter Valley and over 40 cellar doors (Edge Land Planning, 2003).

Despite the dominance of agricultural activities scattered through out the region, rural residential land uses still remain the most common land use in the region (see Figure 5.1). This is because of the dominance of both rural fringe and rural living opportunities across the region. The Mudgee region is said to be a unique area because of its popularity as a lifestyle subdivision locality, yet still retains a large proportion of intensive agricultural industries as well as rural residential developments (Lennon, 2003).

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Figure 5.1 Land uses in the Mudgee region

50 46.2 45 40 35 30 26.1 25 20 Percentage 15 9.3 10 6.4 4.7 3.3 2.9 5 0.9 0.1 0.1 0 Publicuses Village/town Commercial Rural Rural residential Native vegetation Native Vacant or cleared Vacant Extractive industry Extractive Extensive agriculture Extensive

Land use plant agricultureIntensive Intensive animal agriculture animal Intensive Data sourced from Edge Land Planning, 2003 Despite the large agricultural industry in the region, rural residential land uses make up the largest percentage of any land use in the region at 46.2 percent of the land use in the Mudgee region. If combination of the extensive agriculture, intensive plant agriculture and intensive animal agriculture land uses in the Mudgee region only accounts for 29.1 percent of the total land use, still less than rural residential developments. The high proportion of rural residential land uses can be attributed to the large amount of subdivisions occurring in the last 30 years, further explained in Section 5.4. In addition, the percentage of rural residential development is considered to be a conservative estimate as it only includes lots less than 20 hectares and there are known to be a large number of 40 hectares lots in the Mudgee region (Edge Land Planning, 2003).

5.3 Planning instruments affecting rural subdivision in the Mudgee region There are currently two Local Environmental Plans (LEPs) that apply to the Mudgee region and that have an impact on the rural lands in the region. They include;

ƒ Mudgee Local Environmental Plan 1998

ƒ Draft Mid-Western Regional Interim Local Environmental Plan 2007.

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Currently only the Mudgee LEP 1998 has statutory force. However the Interim LEP 2007 must be considered when planning decisions are made having regard for the proposed zone identified in this LEP, particularly for the rural areas.

5.3.1 Mudgee Local Environmental Plan 1998 The Mudgee LEP 1998 covers the former Mudgee Shire local government area and currently provides the framework for land use planning in the Mudgee region. There are three main rural zones applying to the rural areas, with a summary provided below.

The Mudgee LEP 1998 allows the subdivision of rural lands zoned 1 (a) General Rural for areas that have an area greater than 100 hectares for the purpose of a dwelling. Up to three concessional lots were permissible on land zoned 1 (a) until 2003. On the fifth anniversary of the gazettal of Mudgee LEP 1998 concessional lots ceased to have effect. If land within this zone is to be used for the purpose of intensive agriculture land can be subdivided to an area of 20 hectares. In addition, a dwelling can be erected on the 20 hectare intensive agriculture lots if it is proved that the land is being used for intensive agricultural purposes.

The 1 (a1) Intensive Agriculture zone permits subdivision of lots greater than 20 hectares. When approving subdivisions in this zone, Council must ensure that the lot is not being used for rural residential purposes instead of intensive agricultural activities.

Land zoned 1 (c1) Rural Small Holdings can be subdivided if there is an area greater than 10 hectares. This zone allows for rural living opportunities to occur throughout the region. If the land zoned 1 (c1) adjoins the urban area of with Mudgee or Gulgong Council may grant consent to lots which are greater than 4 hectares provided that it is in keeping with the semi-rural character, which are predominantly used for rural fringe developments.

In addition, fringe developments are provided for in the 1 (c2) Rural Residential zone. This allows lots to be subdivided provided they have an area of 4,000 metres square and if arrangements can be made for connection to reticulated sewerage.

5.3.2 Mid-Western Regional Interim Local Environmental Plan 2007 The Interim LEP 2007 has been subject to a large amount of controversy in relation to the minimum lot size proposed for agricultural land. The Mudgee Sustainable Development Strategy (2005) made a recommendation for a minimum lot size of 400 hectares for agricultural land. This recommendation was

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incorporated into the Interim LEP 2007 and placed on exhibition in both January and March 2006. A large amount of community objection was received regarding the increase of the minimum lot size to 400 hectares with over 600 submissions received. Despite the independent recommendation, the Councillors of Mid-Western Regional Council went against the advice of their own staff without any clear strategic justification and changed the minimum lot size from 400 hectares to 100 hectares.

After exhibition the Interim LEP 2007 was revised to 100 hectares, however the Department of Planning did not support this Plan and as a result the Interim LEP is not active. This draft LEP must be considered when making decision. A new LEP is currently being prepared by consultants for the Mid- Western Regional local government area and is likely to be exhibited in early 2008.

All of the other rural zones, with the exception of the Rural Residential zone had the same requirements as the LEP 1998. The Rural Residential lots allowed lots to be subdivided if they were greater than 2 hectares or 4,000 meters square if they had sealed road frontage and were connected to sewer.

5.3.3 Central West Rural Lands Inquiry As identified in Section 3.7.2 an Independent Panel for the Central West Rural Lands Inquiry was appointed in 2007. This inquiry had recommendations that are likely to directly impact on rural subdivision in the Mudgee region. The inquiry covered 13 local government areas in Central West NSW, including Mid-Western Regional Council.

The inquiry came to the conclusion that there was “no substantial evidence to indicate that current LEPs are causing any major land use planning threat to the ongoing viability of agriculture in the Central West or that current minimum lot sizes have resulted in the fragmentation of agricultural land” (Central West Rural Lands Inquiry, 2007). In other words, these finding recommended retaining the status quo. The inquiry undertook a large amount of consultation with the community and other agencies; however one of the downfalls of the inquiry was that it failed to consult with planners in the area. Despite this, the inquiry established some good planning outcomes for rural land in NSW. The three key recommendations included:

ƒ The urgent introduction of a new SEPP for Rural Lands – In order to ensure a consistent approach for planning on rural lands a state-wide SEPP will be introduced, the SEPP ever to holistically relate to rural planning This SEPP would apply to all appropriate local government areas and set out a set of new, consistent planning principals and controls for inclusion in any new LEPs (Central West Rural Land Inquiry, 2007). This SEPP will be gazetted immediately

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and consultation is likely to occur after gazettal, in order to avoid ‘panic’ applications (Central West Rural Land Inquiry, 2007).

ƒ Standard LEP template – It was recommended that the Standard LEP template be amended or a new Rural Standard LEP template be established to incorporate the findings of the proposed SEPP when released.

ƒ Advisory Independent Hearing and Assessment Panel (IHAP) - It has been recommended that and advisory IHAP be established on a regional basis to provide advice to Councils in relation to applications falling outside of planning controls, that are considered to be an exceptional case.

These key recommendations are likely to have an impact on rural planning in the Mudgee region and across the state. It is likely to lead to a more consistent approach to rural planning across NSW; however the impacts at this stage are unknown. Van Laeren (pers. comm., 2007) states however, “…if the SEPP maintains the status quo basically I think in the next 5 years there will probably be very minimal impact” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comm., 12 Sept).

5.4 History of subdivision in the Mudgee Region The Mudgee region has had a somewhat disorderly rural subdivision history which primarily reflected State Government policies of the time. The 40 Hectare Policy had a major impact on the Mudgee region and was a significant contributor towards the 1970s and 1980s rural subdivision boom in the region. In 1970, only 11 subdivision applications were received by Council; however in 1973 this increased to 100 subdivision applications as a result of landowners wanting to subdivide rural lots before the 40 Hectare Policy came into effect (Salvestro, 1984). These 100 subdivision applications resulted in 630 10- hectare lots and an additional 143 lots ranging between 10 and 50 hectares in size being approved (Salvestro, 1984, p.13).

Van Laeren (pers. comm., 2007) stated the mass subdivision in 1973 was located “scattered throughout on marginal land” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comm., 12 Sept). “The majority of this subdivision was on marginal land and was a result of a State Government policy that allowed farmers to subdivide marginal land into rural holdings. Mudgee was probably one of the hardest hit” (C Van Laeren, pers comm., 12 Sept).

The subdivision continued into the late 1970s with a total of 2,175 small rural allotments were created between 1973 and 1977 (Edge Land Planning, 2003). This was a result of the Cudgegong Shire

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Council adopting a 10 hectare subdivision policy in the early 1970s which led to random subdivision patterns of mostly marginal land, which is often steep and subject to erosion (Edge Land Planning, 2003).

As a result of the push to subdivide marginal land, Van Laeren (pers. comm., 2007) states “as a consequence we have subdivision in very strange and isolated places” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comm., 12 Sept). The Cooks Gap subdivision came out of this policy. Cooks Gap is an isolated rural settlement with limited community facilities comprising of a large cluster of rural living lots. Cooks Gap is in fact the third largest settlement in the Mudgee region following Mudgee and Gulgong, however has limited community services or facilities leading to significant problems (Edge Land Planning, 2003).

“I don’t think there was much thinking behind this subdivision…there was a push towards marginal land and that why you have got the hilly, rocky sort of stud that we ended up subdividing” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comm., 12 Sept). Van Laeren states, referring to Cooks Gap “people brought into it, they were low income people and thought they were going to be able to have some sort of subsistence type of living but the quality of land was generally not good enough to support it…” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comm., 12 Sept).

One of the results of this mass rural subdivision in the Mudgee region was the subsequent zoning of these areas for rural small holdings. This then encouraged the further subdivision of these isolated areas for rural residential development. “I assume the LEP that led to the 1998 LEP just simply went and zoned areas for rural holdings to reflect current land usage patterns and where subdivision had been achieved they went back retrospective and zoned it afterwards” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comm., 12 Sept) illustrating poor planning practice.

Over the last 8 years between 1999 and 2007, a total of 1,788 subdivision lots have been created in Mid-Western Regional Council with 278 of these lots being rural lots (Mid-Western Regional Council, 2007). This represents 20.1 percent of the total subdivisions most of which were in the former Mudgee Shire. Subdivision trends largely reflected housing demands for rural residential development, although there was some subdivision activity in the broad acre farming areas.

The exhibition of the Interim LEP 2007 resulted in a large amount of ‘panic’ subdivisions as landholders thought there minimum lot sizes were under threat. “I think we saw a fire sale in terms of when people thought there minimum lot sizes were under threat we had a huge surge of applications that came in and people were never really wanting to do it and I think a lot of those properties wont get realised, the same with dwelling entitlement”’ (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept).

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5.5 Conclusion The importance of the agricultural industry in the Mudgee region has been illustrated, despite the dominance of rural residential land uses in the area. The Mudgee region is a unique area in the fact that both rural residential development and intensive agricultural activities in particular have been able to co-exist quite successfully in most cases. It is important to ensure however, that the agricultural industry in the Mudgee region is able to continue operating despite the increased pressures for rural residential development.

It is the previous subdivision history in the region that has led to the way it is today rather than current planning instruments. The chaotic subdivision history of the Mudgee region is the key driver for rural residential development in the region. Without the small rural subdivisions it is unlikely that rural residential development would exist to the extent it does today, accounting for 46.2 percent of the total land uses.

With a new LEP being prepared for the Mid-Western Regional Council in early 2008 and the future release of the Rural Lands SEPP, along with other recommendations, rural planning in the Mudgee region is likely to undergo significant changes it the future. It is anticipated that many of the planning provisions for rural lands will help to rectify previous planning mistakes and minimise the impacts of rural residential development.

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6. The Impacts

6.1 Introduction Lifestyle living comprises of treechangers moving to both urban and rural areas. However, the analysis provided in Chapter 4 illustrates that a significant proportion of treechangers are moving to the rural areas in the Mudgee region rather than the urban areas. This chapter focuses on the impacts that lifestyle living is having on the rural areas in the Mudgee region.

The urbanisation of rural areas is “the most expensive form of residential development in terms of economic, environmental and social costs as well as natural resource consumption”’ (Lennon, 2003a). It is also said that the negative impacts of rural residential development outweigh the positive ones (Edge land Planning, 2003). The key impacts of lifestyle living including both the positive and negative impacts have been divided into four broad categories; agricultural, economic, environmental and social impacts.

6.2 Agricultural impacts In the Mudgee region in 2001, the total value of agriculture from the region was valued at $54 million, contributing to 6.4 percent of the agricultural income from Central West NSW (Central West Rural Lands Inquiry, 2007). The main threat to the ongoing viability of agriculture in the Central West from a land use perspective is the increasing attractiveness of the area for lifestyle living opportunities by treechangers (Edge Land Planning, 2007).

6.2.1 Intensive agriculture Agriculture is an important economic driver in the Mudgee region with a diverse range of agricultural activities as identified in Section 5.2. In the Mudgee region many problems have arisen between conflicting land uses such as intensive agricultural industries and rural residential developments. People participating in lifestyle living are increasingly looking for rural residential developments located in often high-value agricultural production areas such as amongst vineyards (Edge Land Planning, 2007). Figure 6.1 illustrates a vineyard located south of Gulgong. This has caused many problems such as land use conflict because of noise from machinery, odours, working hours and chemical use. In addition, the expanding rural residential development placed pressure on intensive agricultural land

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uses to be converted for residential uses, generating pressure for the conversion of agricultural land to residential uses (Edge Land Planning, 2007).

Figure 6.1 Vineyard south of Gulgong

Source: Author, April 2004

It is evident that these two land uses should not be located adjacent to each other because of the problems that arise. Despite this, in the Mudgee region has a large proportion of rural residential developments are located in the vineyard district, north of Mudgee. Figure 6.2 illustrates a rural residential development situated in the middle of a vineyard near Craigmoor winery. It is identified that land use planning measures need to be implemented to prevent future rural residential development from being inappropriately located in intensive agricultural zones, such as buffer zones. Educating residents such as treechangers who have not lived in rural areas before is also another way of potentially minimising conflict or other issues associated with intensive agricultural industries.

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Figure 6.2 Rural living, near Craigmoor winery

Source: Author, Sept 2007

6.2.2 Loss and fragmentation of agricultural land The creation of undersized holdings, concessional lots and the ad hoc location of rural residential development have all contributed to the fragmentation of prime agricultural land in NSW (Department of Planning, 2005a). The pressure for Councils to allow rural residential development on prime agricultural land has dramatically increased with the demands created by treechangers (Department of Planning, 2005). Ideally, rural residential development should be located on less productive agricultural land as prime agricultural land should be protected for agricultural purposes.

After the 1970s subdivision boom in NSW it was recognised that agricultural resources were not infinite and that subdivision had led to the significant fragmentation of agricultural land (Laurie and Nott, 1984) as quoted in (Sinclair, 1986). There has been considerable debate regarding whether the subdivision of agricultural land results in land being lost from agriculture (Young, 1996). Many researchers such as Logan (1980), Daniels (1986) and Hawkins (1986) indicate that land use that maintains agriculture in a limited form; such as rural residential development, actually result in a greater loss of agricultural output than land which is rezoned for other non-agricultural purposes (Young, 1996). Their argument is that, the type of agriculture undertaken in rural residential development is so altered and the intensity is so reduced, that its contribution to agricultural output is minimal and largely ignored (Young, 1996, p. 9).

Prime agricultural lands in the Mudgee region have been highly fragmented as a result of a significant rural residential development over the past 30 years. ‘Mudgee is so fragmented now that the horse has

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bolted’ (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept). Figure 6.3 illustrates the fragmentation of prime agricultural land along the Cudgegong River. Figure 6.4 illustrates the clustering of 10 hectare subdivisions at Cooks Gap resulting in significant fragmentation as well. The key issue associated with the fragmentation of agricultural land is the irreversible nature of subdivision which makes it difficult and often unfeasible to restore agricultural operations (Lennon, 2003a).

Figure 6.3 Rural fragmentation, east of Mudgee

Source: Author, Sept 2007 Figure 6.4 10 hectare lots at Cooks Gap

Source: Author, Sept 2007

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6.2.3 Subdivision on marginal land The 40 Hectare Policy and the 10 hectares subdivision requirement led to the mass subdivision of marginal land across the Mudgee region. “Mudgee was probably one of the hardest hit…” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept). The planning mechanisms encouraged subdivision to occur on poorer quality, marginal lands. Within the Mudgee region, 12.6 percent of the region comprises of prime agricultural land (Classes 1, 2 and 3), only representing a small proportion of the region (Kelleher, 1998). However, most of these lands are located adjacent to Gulgong and Mudgee which are more ideal locations for subdivision due to proximity to services (Kelleher et al, 1998). As a result subdivision was pushed out to more isolated areas.

Between 1973 and 1977 a total of 2,175 small rural allotments were created, a large proportion of which were located on marginal lands (Edge Land Planning, 2003). Significant environmental problems arose from subdividing marginal land with Van Laeren stating “you have got environmental issues because of marginal land, high levels of erosion, people overgrazing their land because it is not capable of supporting what they thought it would” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept). Figure 6.5 illustrates the marginal land that has been subdivided between Gulgong and Ulan, which is likely to be subject to significant bushfire risk due to the surrounding vegetation.

Figure 6.5 Lifestyle living on marginal land

Source: Author, Sept 2007

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The subdivision of marginal land in the Mudgee region, using Cooks Gap as an example has led to numerous impacts including such as significant erosion associated with the poor soils and steep land, and accessibility problems (Edge Land Planning, 2003). Pratten (1978) states that “the environmental and sociological costs of unplanned subdivision of marginal land are likely to be much greater than the development of hobby farm subdivisions on more productive land creating enormous costs for the community”.

6.3 Economic impacts Economic impacts associated with lifestyle living are generally associated as being positive impacts. Lifestyle living can help to boost declining rural populations as well as bringing more services and facilities to rural areas. In addition, lifestyle living has also helped bring economic relief to communities affected by drought (Haxton, 2005). Lifestyle living has also created several costs and negative economic impacts for the Mudgee region.

6.3.1 Investment to rural areas The Mudgee region is an area of NSW that is experiencing a ‘booming local economy’ due to the treechange phenomenon. The increased amount of development, primarily through rural residential development and as a result has created economic growth through the creation of jobs and business opportunities (Burnley & Murphy, 2004). In a social survey conducted by Burnley & Murphy (2004) in 2000, two-thirds of the interviewees in seachange localities believed that economic growth lead to better commercial services. This is also evident in the Mudgee region.

The increased development has also led to an increased number of services and facilities in the Mudgee region. Mudgee has now got a strong ‘café culture’ with a large number of cafes lining the main streets. Previously there were only a few cafes, now there are numerous to cater for the treechangers. There have been many other follow on activities from lifestyle living in the region such as tourism, retail, commercial and industrial services and more business opportunities which have also contributed to the strong local economy. In rural councils, one of the principal reasons for often approving rural residential development is the projected income they will generate, particularly through council rates and this has been witnessed in the Mudgee region (Edols-Meeves & Knox, 1996).

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6.3.2 Costs of lifestyle living Despite the economic benefits that lifestyle living brings to the Mudgee region, there are also many costs associated with rural residential development. Despite the short term economic benefits that rural residential developments have, the long terms costs such as road maintenance and the provision of facilities and services such as electricity and telecommunications (Lennon, 2003a). The increase in rural residential developments in more isolated areas will increase costs for the local council in terms of servicing and infrastructure requirements such as roads (Costello, 2007). Roads are often one of Councils greatest costs due to the expansive road networks that exist in rural areas. Therefore, by expanding this network by allowed more isolated developments to occur this is likely to result in greater costs.

In some situations it is often unfeasible for Councils to provide services to more isolated areas; however they still do it anyway. Section 94 Contributions under the EP&A Act contribute towards the costs of providing services as direct result of the development (Young, 1996). However, Young (1996, p. 37) states that “many developments (such as most forms of agriculture) occur without the need for consent and where development standards are low (e.g. 40 hectares) part time farms have been able to establish without making Section 94 Contributions”.

6.3.3 House and land prices A flow-on economic impact from lifestyle living is the increase in land prices due to the increased demand for these properties created by treechangers. Rural land prices have increased to the extent that that the economic return from subdivision significantly often exceeds the traditional agricultural enterprises often making it difficult for farmers to continue (Lennon, 2003a). The increased house prices created by treechangers in rural areas have had three major impacts according to Costello (2007):

ƒ decreasing the amount of affordable housing

ƒ having the potential to push low income earners further out of rural centres to poorly serviced areas

ƒ creating a demand for housing, possibly decreasing the rental supply

A real estate agent in the Mudgee region confirmed that “the treechange phenomenon has led to an increase in house prices in Mudgee” (H Bateman 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). House prices in the region have risen up to 30 percent with “a lot of cashed up people move here” willing to pay high prices

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(D Scrivener 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). The impacts of the rise in house and land prices have not been felt evenly across the Mudgee region with a “10-20 percent difference between Mudgee and Gulgong residential houses…vacant lots in Gulgong go for $60,000-$80,000 compared to Mudgee here they are $100,000-$120,000” (D Scrivener 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept).

Despite the overall increase in house prices, Bateman (pers. comm., 2007) stated that the prices are now stabilising. A reason for the stabilisation of house prices is “treechangers not being able to sell their property in Sydney or the Central coast due to the property market and as a result delaying moving to Mudgee” (H Bateman 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). As a result of the current property market, “baby boomers who are reaching retirement age are holding off buying properties in the area because of the high property prices. They are working longer and holding off buying a retirement property as a result” (H Bateman 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept).

Scrivener (pers. comm., 2007) indicates that treechangers in the Mudgee region are looking for lots between 4,000 square metres and 2 hectares. Real estate agents indicate that there is still a strong demand for these lots despite the recently slow property market. “There is a shortage of rural residential properties between 4,000 square metres and 2 hectares and small farms within 10 kilometres of Mudgee…there is also a demand for 25 hectare lots with a shortage of these lots as well” (H Bateman 2007, pers. comm., 27 Sept). Figure 6.6 illustrates the highly sought after rural fringe lots in the Mudgee region. The demand for these lots, despite the shortage is only likely to intensify with the treechange phenomenon set to increase.

Figure 6.6 Rural residential, Putta Bucca

Source: Author, Sept 2007 | 58 Chapter 6 - The Impacts

The increased land prices have led to many farmers selling up due to the profits which can be made from subdivision. As commercial farms slowly disappear, there is a loss of critical mass of farms in the region (Lennon, 2003a). Many land and property values have risen to reflect ‘highest and best use’ making it more difficult to sustain a reasonable standard of living or provide retirement by farming which is having a significant impact on some of the local agricultural industries (Lennon, 2003a).

6.4 Environmental impacts The treechange phenomenon and associated rural residential development have been identified as having unfavourable environmental impacts (Hugo, 2005). The clearing of vegetation, overstocking, effluent disposal, pollution waterways, water diversion erosion, the introduction of plant species, management of vegetation, loss of cultural landscapes and the contribution towards greenhouse gases are all environmental impacts associated with lifestyle living (Burnley & Murphy, 2004); (Lennon, 2003a).

6.4.1 Water Water is a vital resource and one which needs to be appropriately planned for particularly during times of drought. The demand for rural residential development in the Mudgee region has created an increased demand for this finite resource. Rural residential developments tend to have higher water usage in order to maintain the expansive areas of lawn and gardens putting pressure on local ground and surface water supplies (Edols-Meeves and Knox, 1996).

As a result of the increased pressure, under the Water Act 1912 (Order under Section 113A), an embargo has been placed on any future commercial water access licences on the Cudgegong River and groundwater bores in the Cudgegong Alluvial Groundwater Management Area (Department of Natural Resources, 2007). There has been significant competition between groundwater users, such as rural residential developments and vineyards and subsequently the embargo was established to ensure that this resource was not exploited further. Figure 6.7 below shows the Cudgegong River flowing through Mudgee which has been subject to increased pressure.

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Figure 6.7 Cudgegong River, Mudgee

Source: Author, Sept 2007

Another major impact associated with rural residential development, is that many have insufficient catchment areas to feed their dams and regularly run dry (Department of Planning, 2005a). The 40 Hectare Policy and 10 hectare subdivision requirement were key drivers in the development of undersized lots with insufficient catchment areas. The increased number of rural dams in the Mudgee region is also holding back large amounts of water, especially during periods of drought having an impact on the natural flows of rivers (Edge Land Planning, 2003, p. 125). The NSW Farm Dam Policy introduced in 1999 helped to address this problem by clarifying landholder’s rights to access to surface water runoff and the area of land required for a farm dam. However, this policy only applies to new dams, not existing dams. Figure 6.8 illustrates the large amount dams located in the Mudgee region.

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Figure 6.8 Impact of farm dams

Source: Author, Sept 2007

Land use conflict is also often associated with access and usage of local water supplies, particularly between rural residential developments and vineyards. Vineyards extensively irrigate their vines, generally from surface water supplies creating conflict over who can and should be using the limited water supplies. In addition, many vineyards have extensive irrigation pipelines. For example the Fosters vineyard (formerly Southcorp/Rosemount) located at Cumbandry south of Gulgong, constructed a 15 kilometre pipeline and pump station to the Cudgegong River to irrigate their 400 hectares of vineyards which passed through may properties (Rosemount Estate, 2007).

6.4.2 Run-off Run-off is an environmental impact associated with rural residential development, however not just constrained to rural residential developments. Run-off often contains chemicals such as pesticides and fertilisers which are harmful to local waterways and may affect the quality of water which is often use as a drinking water supplies. Run-off is not just a problem constrained to pesticides and fertilisers. On-site disposal systems if not managed properly can also lead to run-off which can contaminate surface and groundwater systems leading to serious water quality and health issues. Many rural residential developments have insufficient areas for on-site disposal systems. However, often convectional septic trenches do not work effectively and contaminate local water supplies (Edols-Meeves & Knox, 1996).

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6.4.3 Land clearing Rural residential development, particularly rural living developments often results in a large amount of land clearing to accommodate for the dwelling and also for amenity reasons. Dispersed rural residential developments have led to the loss of important habitats through the clearing of bushland (Edols- Meeves & Knox, 1996). Land clearing, particularly on steep land has also led to significant amounts of erosion (Lennon, 2003a). Figure 6.9 illustrates land clearing near Gulgong. Protection measures such as tree preservation orders that exist in urban areas tend not to exist in rural areas and land clearing is a common practice and often goes unregulated (Lennon, 2003a). The follow on effects from land clearing include soil degradation, erosion and loss of fauna habitat (Edols-Meeves & Knox, 1996).

The revegetation of rural residential developments occurs in some instances helping to minimise the impact of the land clearing. Lovell (1996) as quoted in (Lennon, 2003a) states, that much of the revegetation by rural residential developments had been for beautification and not necessarily in the areas requiring the most attention. Lennon (2003a) suggests that the reasons for the failure to revegetate after land clearing are the over capitalisation of house construction, preference to retain the land in the current condition, aesthetic reasons and a lack of knowledge about tree planting and maintenance (Lennon, 2003a).

Figure 6.9 Land clearing, north of Gulgong

Source: Author, Sept 2007

df

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6.5 Social impacts The dispersed pattern of settlement associated with rural residential developments is often more expensive and costly to service in terms of health, education and community service provisions than a more centralised urban pattern (Edols-Meeves & Knox, 1996). The quality of services provided for rural residential development, particularly rural living lots is generally much lower than urban areas. The isolation from urban settlements, lack of community facilities, land use conflict and the dominance of lower socio-economic groups in rural areas are the main social impacts facing the Mudgee region (Kelleher et al., 1998).

6.5.1 Community infrastructure With 42.1 percent of the population in the Mudgee region living in rural areas and these areas being subject a large amount of growth. Hence there is a strong need to provide community infrastructure for the rural areas. Every resident in the region requires equitable access to services and facilities; however, their dispersed nature makes it difficult to service rural areas to the same level as the urban areas. Many people living in isolated clusters of rural residential developments such as Cooks Gap and Yarrawonga have difficulty in accessing services that are based in the urban centres, not only because of the distance but also due to social, financial and cultural issues (Edge Land Planning, 2003). Figure 6.10 shows the Cook Gap community hall, apart from the Rural Fire Service shed, the only social infrastructure servicing the third largest settlement in the region.

Figure 6.10 Cooks Gap community hall

Source: Author, July 2006

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“There are a lot of social issues that were identified…in terms of isolation from all health and education facilities, there are no transport services and you have got people ageing and they just can’t get access to services” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept). The lack of access to adequate community facilities is compounded by the lack of public transport serving the rural areas. “Isolated rural residential developments become socially isolated and disadvantaged because the development is such low density that there is not the viability to have local public transport so there are virtually no bus services…” (B Colman 2006, pers. comm., 22 Sept). This creates a situation where people in great social need, people who have been forced out to more isolated areas do not have access to social infrastructure contributing to social isolation, social disadvantage and problems.

6.5.2 Social disadvantage The rural areas in the Mudgee region comprise of a diverse mix of socio-economic groups including the ‘blockies’ or treechangers, weekenders, traditional farmers and those people who have been forced to rural areas because of affordability (Lennon, 2003a). Quite frequently residents occupying more isolated rural residential development have been forced to move to these areas as it is the only area they are able to afford. These lower-income groups are often unemployed and are experiencing a range of social problems such as isolation, family dysfunction, poor health and low skill levels (Lennon, 2003a, p. 25). They often have limited access to private vehicles and due to the poor public transport and basic services these social problems are compounded (Lennon, 2003a). The lack of mobility of these lower-income groups has led to difficulties in accessing health, education and community services (Edge Land Planning, 2003).

A major impact of lifestyle living is the clustering of residents together who are of a lower socio- economic background in isolated rural areas. This has lead to the accumulation of social disadvantage. Due to the lack of facilities and services provided in isolated rural residential developments there is often minimal community interaction (Lennon, 2003a). The isolation and lack of interaction accentuates into a “spiralling effect of social problems” (B Colman 2006, pers. comm., 22 Sept).

Rural residential developments have often provided cheap forms of housing for lower-income groups, with many rural areas in the Mudgee region having large amount of substandard housing. This is particularly evident in some of the more isolated rural areas such as Cooks Gap and Yarrawonga. Figure 6.11 shows a shed which is being used for housing at Cooks Gap.

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Figure 6.11 Shed used as a house, Cooks Gap

Source: Author, July 2006

In addition, the average age of residents in the Mudgee region is increasing with the baby boomers reaching retirement age and the rural areas are no exception. It is this group of people that most require access to health services and support, but due to a lack of public transport in rural areas this is becoming a major problem (Lennon, 2003a). Retirees who a participating in the treechange phenomenon by moving to the region are often separating themselves from family and friends when they are at a stage in their life when they are likely to need their support the most (Murphy, 2002). Local Councils, who generally have a limited budget, are forced to provide support services for the ageing population, however have inadequate resources to do so.

6.5.3 Social interaction Social bonds created through interpersonal interaction have been noted to decrease in clusters of rural residential developments (Daniels & Lapping, 1996). The loss of social capital occurs when people no longer want involved in local activities and the social bonds that existed breakdown, the community no longer operates causing social alienation (Lennon, 2003a). The isolation of rural settlements causes numerous social problems. “…there are a lot of issues when they are isolated and also Cooks Gap is the third largest rural settlement [in the Mudgee region] but it doesn’t have and identity, focal point so that whole idea of creating community, they don’t have that” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept). With the increased number of treechangers developing rural residential developments, this is

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likely to exacerbate the problem. Therefore it needs to be ensured that adequate social facilities are provided or that rural residential developments are located close to existing urban settlements.

Despite the negative impacts of social interaction in rural residential developments there are also positive social interactions occurring in these areas. The clustering of rural living developments has brought communities together and creating strong social bonds. ‘The increased rural population as a result of the rural subdivision have helped to man the volunteer rural fire services because there are more people on the land’ (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept). There is a strong sense of community in many clusters of rural residential development in the Mudgee region. The increase in rural population has help to keep many rural communities alive as well as supporting local organisations.

6.5.4 Rural land use conflict Rural land use conflict has intensified even further with the increased amount of treechangers moving to rural areas and the intensification of agricultural enterprises such as vineyards (Lennon, 2003a). “Many people moving from Sydney or other urban areas often bring their Sydney value or city values with them to the rural areas” (B Colman 2006, pers. comm., 22 Sept). These values do not involve being disturbed at night by machinery, noise or odours. Lennon (2003a, p. 26) stated the in the Mudgee region “hobby farmers have a different way of thinking and managing land to the local farmers, usually a result of the hobby farmers being city-based”.

The main sources of rural land use conflict in the Mudgee region were related to farm management such as disputes over fencing, weed and feral animal control, conflicting agricultural land uses and water use (Lennon, 2003a).

Figure 6.12 illustrates irrigation occurring in the Mudgee region which is a major source of conflict due to water access rights and the current embargo that is in place in the region. Figure 6.13 illustrates a tractor slashing a paddock of oats which is also a source of conflict due to the noise created, particularly during early hours of the morning.

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Figure 6.12 Irrigation, south of Mudgee

Source: Author, Sept 2006

Figure 6.13 Cropping, south of Gulgong

Source: Author, Sept 2006 Other examples of rural land use conflicts can include; water diversion, lack of weed control, domestic dog attacks on stock, complaints about shooting, pesticide drift, noise created when picking grapes, dust and odour (Department of Planning, 2005a). In the Mudgee region the vineyard district is the source of much rural land use conflict due to the noise of machinery during harvest and the chemical use.

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In addition, many treechangers do not have the knowledge, experience of time to properly manage their rural properties and a result many noxious weeds emerge, fences are poorly maintained and there are overall poor management techniques which create tensions between the traditional agricultural land users. “If rural small subdivisions area not properly planned, the situation can only get worse” (B Colman 2006, pers. comm., 22 Sept). Often many of the lifestyle lots are occupied by absentee land owners and as a result there is often conflict between traditional landowners as they often do not support local organisations or socio-cultural traditions such as bush fire brigades, community halls and agricultural shows (Department of Planning, 2005a).

“A lack of continuity in ownership is common in the Mudgee region with blocks regularly changing hands” (Lennon, 2003a, p. 26) Land use conflict according to one resident in the Mudgee region is apparently easier to handle when there are one or two rural residential lots as opposed to a whole clustering such as the Cooks Gap situation. For example, a property owner had 30 neighbours backing onto their property, so every time this landowner has to fix a boundary fence they have to negotiate with 30 neighbours causing many issues, even going to court (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept). “One theory is that you are better off to disperse lifestyle lots rather than clustering them together, because the clustering together actually creates more problems” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept).

Another problem regarding land use conflict is that people because of the extra amount of land associated with lifestyle lots they tend to attract light engineering and home businesses. These people don’t actually want the rural lifestyle but have brought lifestyle lots for alternative purposes, so as a result there is conflict between those people who want to use the land for small home businesses and those who want to appreciate the quiet lifestyle (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept).

Despite all of the evidence stating that lifestyle lots create a significant amount of land use conflict in the Mudgee region. This is not necessarily the case, “…we don’t get many complaints regarding land use conflict” (C Van Laeren 2007, pers. comms., 12 Sept) with rural land use conflict proving currently not to be a major social issue facing the Mudgee region despite the literature indicating that it is a major issue.

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6.6 Conclusion This chapter has provided an overview of some of the key agricultural, environmental, economic and social impacts, however was unable to discuss all of the impacts associated with lifestyle living due to research limitations. The research has indicated that there area a large number of impacts associated with lifestyle living in the Mudgee region.

Past planning decisions have led to the intensification of these impacts with inappropriately located rural residential development in intensive agricultural zones or isolated areas which are not feasible to service form a council or State Government/agency point of view. The impacts, many of which are negative have clearly identified the need for better land use planning for rural residential lots, particularly rural living lots in the Mudgee region. Accessibility to services, surrounding land uses, proximity to urban centres and the quality of the land are all key issues that should be taken into account when a rural residential development is approved. If a site analysis is conducted all future planning directions and strategies of the Mudgee region are taken into consideration, it is likely that many of these impacts on existing lots will be significantly reduced for new rural residential developments.

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7. Conclusion

7.1 Introduction The purpose of this final chapter is to present a summary of the research findings through answering the research objectives. The chapter also identifies implications for planning practice as well as potential opportunities for future research relating to this topic.

7.2 Key findings This research used several techniques including a literature review and both qualitative and quantitative research methods to answer the research question. To help answer the research question; identify the impacts of lifestyle living on the Mudgee region, a series of research objectives were identified. They include:

Objective 1: Describe the treechange phenomenon and where it is occurring

Treechangers have chosen to live in both urban and rural areas; however this research illustrates that the majority of treechangers (in the case of the Mudgee region) are choosing to live in rural areas. Treechange locations are normally high amenity areas with close proximity to large urban centres (3 hours drive) and have been chosen because of their cheaper land prices and social climate. The Mudgee region is a prime example of a treechange location.

The treechange phenomenon is not a new concept, with lifestyle migration occurring in the Mudgee region for over 30 years. However, the number of people participating in the movement has dramatically increased in the last 10 years. Retirees have traditionally been the largest cohort of people participating in the treechange phenomenon. However the middle aged people, still in the workforce are emerging as the largest group participating in the treechange phenomenon bringing professional skills and employment and business opportunities to rural areas.

Objective 2: Review the history of rural subdivision in NSW

As identified in Chapter 3, the Mudgee region has had a turbulent subdivision history for rural residential development. The minimum 10 hectare subdivision requirement and the 40 Hectare Policy led to the mass subdivision of the region for rural residential development, particularly rural living opportunities. This boom period during the 1970s and late 1980s, laid the foundation for rural

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residential development today. Without this mass subdivision, it is unlikely that the treechange phenomenon in the Mudgee region would have occurred to the extent that it has in the rural areas today.

The introduction of numerous policies in the late 20th century relating to rural land use and agricultural protection led to better land use planning practices occurring across NSW. In addition, the introduction of the new Rural Lands SEPP in late 2007/early 2008 is likely to have implications for rural land use and in particular subdivision practices in the Mudgee region.

Objective 3: Determine if the treechange phenomenon is occurring in the Mudgee region

The research has illustrated that the treechange is defiantly occurring in the Mudgee region from both the literature review and qualitative interviews. The statistical analysis of population data also proved that the treechange phenomenon is occurring in the Mudgee region. The statistics support the research theory that treechangers are moving the rural areas within the Mudgee region, providing the whole basis for this research.

Objective 4: Identify where the population growth is occurring in the Mudgee region

Overall, the Mudgee region received a minor population decline which is likely to be a result of the ongoing drought. The overpriced houses in Mudgee are likely to have also contributed with many people holding off buying properties and as a result moving in the region.

However, some areas within the Mudgee region received population increases. As identified above, both Mudgee and Gulgong received population declines with the rural areas receiving a growth rate of 5.3 percent as identified in Chapter 4. Increased numbers of rural residential developments in the rural areas have contributed to the increased growth. The rural areas located close to Mudgee and in many cases located in the vineyard district received the largest growth rates due the desirability for treechangers to live in these areas.

Objective 5: Investigate the impact of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region

The research identified that lifestyle living is having major agricultural, economic, environmental and social impacts on rural lands in the Mudgee region. The research was unable to identify all of the impacts created by lifestyle living, however the discussion focused on some of the more important impacts.

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The biggest threat to agriculture from a land use point of view is rural residential development. Past planning decisions and policies in the Mudgee region allowing small lot sizes were a major contributor to the significant amount of fragmentation. The subdivision of marginal land led to even further environmental and social problems. A large number of social impacts were associated with subdivisions on marginal land because of their isolation such as the high cost of servicing which meant that many of these areas had minimal services.

The large viticulture industry in the Mudgee region had a positive and negative impact on lifestyle living. The viticulture industry has led to the Mudgee region being a popular tourist destination and as a result many treechangers have subsequently moved to the region. In effect, contributing to the new concept of the ‘vinechange’. The increase in treechangers has led to the establishment of the café culture in Mudgee, regular food and wine markets and festivals to cater for the needs of the treechangers (or even vinechangers). However, the ad hoc location of rural residential development in the intensive agricultural zones has led to several problems with the key impact being rural land use conflict.

Lifestyle living is having largely positive economic impacts on the Mudgee region helping bring commercial and retail services to the region and providing a larger rate base to fund infrastructure. However, lifestyle living has also been identified as having significant costs; such as the provision of infrastructure to more isolated rural developments and the major increase in house prices in Mudgee. The overpriced houses in Mudgee are actually acting as a deterrent for some treechangers investing in the region and have led to a lack of affordable housing in the region, forcing people to more isolated areas located further from services.

It was identified that all forms of rural land use have environmental impacts; however the increased number of rural residential developments have exacerbated these impacts. Increased quantities of water required by rural residential developments are putting significant pressure on existing water supplies in the Mudgee region. Run-off, land clearing, erosion, loss of flora and fauna are all impacts that have resulted from lifestyle living and are impacts that need to be managed at a site level as well as at a more regional level.

Rural residential development in the Mudgee region has illustrated that there can be numerous social impacts associated with the more isolated developments. Social disadvantage, social isolation and a lack of community facilities and services have all contributed to the social problems, particularly when the clustering of lower-income groups occurs. Rural land use conflict is a problem facing many rural

| 72 Chapter 7 – Conclusion

residential developments located in intensive agricultural zones, however has been identified as becoming less of a problem in the Mudgee region.

In summary, it is identified from the research findings that lifestyle living is having an impact on the rural lands of the Mudgee. Previous planning decisions have been the main contributor to these impacts as well a poor land use practices. Better planning practices for rural subdivision will help to minimise these detrimental impacts. Not all impacts are negative however, with the treechange phenomenon and associated rural residential development bringing many economic benefits to the Mudgee region as well as bringing an increased number of tourists to the region.

7.3 Implications for future planning practice The impacts associated with lifestyle living have identified a need to better plan for rural areas and in particular rural residential developments. There is a broad acknowledgement by State Government authorities that there is a need for better land use planning for agriculture in NSW. In order to avoid the planning mistakes of the past, several key implications for future planning practice have been identified as an outcome of the research findings.

ƒ When planning for future rural residential developments consideration must be given to the provision of community facilities and services. All residents should have ‘reasonable’ access to community services; therefore an efficient way of providing these services needs to be determined. The clustering of rural residential development close to existing urban centres is a way of ensuring this form of development is not dispersed and that the delivery of services is not unachievable and is done so in an effective and efficient manner, particularly in the more isolated areas.

ƒ Rural residential developments in general, should be encouraged to be located on the urban fringe as this is a much more economically sustainable location compared to more isolated rural areas. The rural fringe areas generally have better quality roads and public transport as well as an increased level of community facilities and services including council services such as garbage collection. The proximity to urban centres also reduces potential social problems caused by isolation and a lack of social infrastructure.

ƒ The impacts that rural residential development has had on agricultural lands in the Mudgee region has identified the importance of assessing the quality of the agricultural land and understanding its capabilities before subdivisions are approved. Ideally, prime agricultural land

| 73 Chapter 7 – Conclusion

should be preserved and residential subdivision avoided on these lands, however residential subdivision should be not forced to marginal rural lands either because of the environmental impacts they cause. A balance needs to be achieved between the two, the land which is likely to have the least number of problems and least impact on the region, is more suitable for development and hence should be utilised first.

ƒ Land use conflict is a problem that faces many rural areas of NSW and is likely to intensify as pressures for the residential development of rural land increase. One solution to minimising conflict is to provide buffers between conflicting land uses such as intensive agricultural zones and rural residential developments. Also, the education of treechangers who move to rural areas about what to expect in a rural areas may also help to minimise conflicts, such as a handbook. In addition, certainty should be provided for the continuation of agricultural operations to ensure that they are not under threat from rural residential development.

ƒ The final implication for planning practice is to ensure that all rural lots when subdivided are analysed at a site level to ensure that it is the most appropriate location for that form of subdivision. Factors such as the suitability of the site for residential development, the appropriate lot size to ensure a sufficient catchment area, the surrounding development pattern and land uses and the proximity to existing services and infrastructure should all be major considerations when approving rural residential development. This will ensure that inappropriate rural residential development, caused by bad planning decisions in the past will not occur again.

In summary, these implications highlight the need for improved planning practice in relation to rural lands to help ensure that rural residential development is located in appropriate rural locations whilst also preserving agricultural land. This thesis most importantly, emphasises the importance of ‘rethinking’ of where rural residential development should be located.

7.4 Opportunities for further research This research has identified several potential research opportunities relating to the research topic, including:

ƒ If the mass subdivision of 10-hectare lots in the 1970s had not of occurred in the Mudgee region, would the Mudgee region, particularly the rural areas have received the large amount of growth they have today? Would the Mudgee region even be a treechange location?

| 74 Chapter 7 – Conclusion

ƒ The vineyards in the Mudgee region are a major drawcard for tourists and treechangers moving to the area. If the Mudgee region did not have a large viticulture industry would treechangers still have been attracted to the area? Are treechangers just attracted to the scenic amenity of the Mudgee region?

ƒ To reassess the impacts that lifestyle living is having on the Mudgee region in 15 years time, has the predicted population growth occurred in the Mudgee region? Are treechangers still moving to the rural areas as opposed to the urban areas?

ƒ The Rural Lands SEPP is expected to be released by late 2007/early 2008 which will be the first state-wide SEPP relating to rural planning. Determine what impact this state wide SEPP has had on rural land use in NSW and in particular subdivision practices.

ƒ No successful methodology for quantifying the loss of agricultural lands from rural residential development has been identified. Therefore, a future research opportunity would be to identify a methodology to quantify the loss of agricultural land from rural residential development.

ƒ A National Seachange Taskforce was established for coastal councils in Australia to help them manage the rapid population growth and impacts of the seachange phenomenon. With the predicted growth in many treechange locations, will there be a need to establish a National Treechange Taskforce?

7.5 Conclusion In conclusion, this thesis has identified that treechangers are moving to the rural areas of the Mudgee region and looking to participate in the rural lifestyle by living on rural residential developments. These rural residential developments are having a major impact on the rural lands of the Mudgee region. Poor planning practice has seen the accumulation of impacts on the rural lands. However, without the mass subdivision of 10-hectare lots in the 1970s, it is unclear whether the treechange phenomenon would have even occurred in the Mudgee region. It is a double-edged sword, without the poor planning decisions relating to subdivision it is unlikely that as many people would have moved to the rural areas, however it is these planning decisions that have contributed to the impacts. Concluding on a positive note, lifestyle living is having many significant positive implications on the Mudgee region such as strong economic growth, increased tourism numbers to the region and better services and infrastructure for residents. With the predicted growth of the Mudgee region, the treechange phenomenon is expected to bring even more benefits to the community.

| 75 Chapter 8 – References

8. References

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Australian Bureau of Statistics (2007) 32180: Regional Population Growth in Australia, 1996 to 2006, New South Wales, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra

Australian Bureau of Statistics (2007) Basic Community Profile, [all 43 collection districts for Mudgee Shire Council], Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra

Boer, W and Hannam, I (1992) ‘Agrarian Land Law in Australia’ in W, Brussaard & M, Grossman (eds), Agrarian Land Law in the Western World, CAB Publishers, Oxford, pp. 212-233

Burnley, I and Murphy, P (2004) Seachange: Movement from Metropolitan to Arcadian Australia. University of NSW Press, Sydney, Australia

Burnley, I (2005) ‘Sea Change, Social Change? Population Turnaround in New South Wales’, Academy of Social Sciences, Volume 24

CData (2001) Australian Bureau of Statistics

Central West Rural Lands Inquiry (2007) Review of Land Use Planning in the Central West, Report to the Minister for Planning, August 2007, Sydney

Circular No. 67 (1973) The State Planning Authority of NSW, Policy regarding subdivisions and residential development in non-urban zones, 19 April

Curry, G, Koczberski, G and Selwood, J (2001) ‘Cashing Out, Cashing In: Rural Change on the south coast of Western Australia’, Australian Geographer, Vol. 32, No. 1, pp. 109-124

Coleman, D (2003) ‘Minimum lot sizes for building entitlements in rural areas’, Department of Agriculture, Orange

Costello, L (2007) ‘Going Bush: The implications of Urban-Rural Migration’, Geographical Research, March 2007, Vol. 45, No. 1, pp. 85-94

Daniels, T (1986) ‘Hobby Farming in America: Rural Development of Threat to Commercial Agriculture?’ Journal of Rural Studies, Vol.2, No.1, pp 31-40

| 76 Chapter 8 – References

Daniels, T and Lapping M (1996) ‘Rural America needs more, not less planning’, Journal of the American Planning Association, 63(3), pp. 285-88

Department of Environment and Conservation (2006) NSW State of the Environment Report 2006, Sydney

Department of Natural Resources (2007) accessed 31 October 2007, last modified 31 October 2007,

Department of Planning (2005) Improved land use planning for agriculture, Planning Circular 05-0xx, December 2005, Sydney

Department of Planning (2005a) Need for improved land use planning for agricultural land in NSW, Background Paper, August 2005, Sydney

Department of Planning (2006) Cowra Shire Council: Independent Review of Planning Matters, Attachment 1: Department of Planning Submission to Independent Review Panel on Cowra Shire Council, Sydney

Department of Planning (2007) accessed 16 October 2007, last modified 21 October 2007

Department of Urban Affairs and Planning (2000) Rural Lands Policy, October 2000, Sydney

Edols-Meeves, M and Knox, S (1996) ‘Rural residential development, At what cost?’ Australian Planner, Vol, 33, No. 1. pp. 25-29

Edge Land Planning (2003) Mudgee Shire Rural Lands Study for Mudgee Shire Council. July 2003, Bowral

Edge Land Planning (2007) Submission to the Central West Rural Lands Inquiry, 19 April 2007, Bowral

Garnett, A and Lewis, P (2007) ‘Population and employment changes in regional Australia’, Economic Papers, Vol. 26, No. 1, March 2007, pp. 29-43

Gurran, N, Blakely, E and Squires, C (2006) ‘Planning for Seachange in Coastal Australia’, Dialogues in Urban Planning, Planning Research Centre, University of Sydney

Hawkins, C (1986) ‘The conservation of agricultural land and the realities of farm economics: A case study in the fragmentation of good agricultural land’, Review of Marketing and Agricultural Economics, vol 54, No. 3, pp. 57-65.

| 77 Chapter 8 – References

Haxton, N (2005) From seachange to treechange, seachange becomes treechange. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation transcripts (17 August)

Henderson, S and Epps, R (2001) Urban Fringe Land Use Conflict: Two Poultry Case Studies, A Report for the Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation (RIRDC), Canberra

Hugo, G (2005) ‘Nomads? On the Move in Australia, Australians on the Move: Trends and Emerging Issues’, Academy of Social Sciences, Volume 24

Hugo, G & Bell, M (1998) The hypothesis of welfare-led migration to rural areas: The Australian case. In Boyle, P & Halfacree, K (eds) Migration into rural areas: Theories and Issues. John Wiley & Sons, New York

Kelleher, F, Chant, J and Johnson, N (1998) Impact of Rural Subdivision on Agriculture, Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation (RIRDC), Canberra

Laurie, R and Nott, M (1984) Bathurst City Agricultural Land Suitability Study – Agricultural Land Bulliten 3, NSW Department of Agriculture, May 1984, Sydney

Lennon, N (2003) Rural Land Use Conflict: Perceptions and Policy. Dissertation for Degree of Master of Natural Resources at University of New England, Armidale

Lennon, N (2003a) The Costs of Hobby Farming: A literature review (draft), Department of Infrastructure, Planning and Natural Resources, Central West/Far West Regions (Planning)

Logan, M (1980) Loss of land from agricultural production in NSW, Submission by the NSW Soil Conversation Service to the Department of Environment and Planning

Lovell, R (1996) Regional Economic and Environmental Costs the Conversion of Farmland to Hobby Farming, Masters Thesis, Victoria University, Melbourne

Lucas, C (2007) ‘Tree changers bring gloom with rural boom’ The Age, 24 October, Fairfax media, Melbourne

Marshall, N., Burnely, I., Murphy, P and Hugo G (2004) Migration of income support recipients from non-metropolitan NSW and South Australia into metropolitan Sydney and Adelaide. The Australia Housing and Urban Research Institute, Melbourne

Mid-Western Regional Council (2007) Statistics for the period 1999 – 2007 (as at 02/04/07), Mudgee

| 78 Chapter 8 – References

Murphy, P (1985) Rural Planning in NSW, in Harris, S and Wiggins, D (1985) Managing Australia’s Urbanisation: Planning in NSW to 1980

Murphy, P (2002) ‘Sea Change: Re-Inventing Rural and Regional Australia’, Transformations, No. 2, March

Nott, M (1992) Review of Policy on the Protection of Agricultural Land. Unpublished internal seminar paper, NSW Agriculture, Orange

NSW Farmers Association (2006) Growing the business of farming, concessional lots and subdivision, March 2006

Patton (1990) Qualitative evaluation and research methods (2nd edition) Newbury Park, USA

PB (2007) Mid-Western Regional Council Land Use Strategy: Local Profile and Issues Paper, July 2007, Sydney

Pratten, C (1978) ‘Hobby Farms’, National Parks Journal, Vol. 22, No. 7, pp 17-21

Ratio (2005) Mid-Western Regional Council Population Projections Review (2005 – 2031), Report to Council, October 2005, Richmond, Victoria

Rosemount Estate website (2007) accessed 31 October, last modified 31 October,

Salt, B (2004) The Big Shift, Who we are and where we are headed, Third Edition, Hardie Grant Books, South Yarra, Australia.

Salvestro, G (1984) Rural Small Holding Subdivision in NSW: Problems and Planning Responses, Undergraduate thesis for Bachelor Town Planning at UNSW, Sydney

Selwood, J., Curry, G and Jones, R (1996) ‘From the turnaround to the backlash: tourism and rural change in the Shire of Denmark, Western Autralia’, Urban Policy and Research, Vol. 14, pp. 215-225

Sinclair, I (1986) The diffusion of Planning Regulations (Local Environmental Plans) into Rural Shires and Towns of NSW: A Case Study of the Cowra Draft Local Environmental Plan, Undergraduate thesis for Bachelor Town Planning at UNSW, Sydney

Sinclair, I and Bunker, R (2007) Chapter 8: Planning for Rural Landscapes, excerpt from Thompson, S (ed) (2007) Planning Australia, Cambridge University Press, Melbourne

| 79 Chapter 8 – References

State Records Authority of NSW website (2007) NSW Government, Department of Commerce, accessed 23 August 2007, last modified 31 October 2007,

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Tonts, M (2005) ‘Internal Migration and Australia’s Agricultural Regions’, Academy of Social Sciences, Vol. 24

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Transport and Population Data Centre, NSW Department of Planning (2005) NSW SLA Population Projections, 2005 release – LGA Summary, Version 1.0

Walmesley, D, Epps, W and Duncan, C (1998) ‘Migration to the New South Wales North Coast 1986 – 1991 – lifestyle motivated counter urbanisation’, Geoforum, Vol. 29, pp. 105-18

Young, B (1996) Rural Subdivision Controls in NSW: Have they worked? An application of GIS technology, Dissertation for Degree of Master of Natural Resources at University of New England, Armidale

Qualitative Interviews

Bateman, H (2007) Qualitative interview for Thesis Project, The impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region, 27 September

Colman, B (2006) Qualitative interview for Qualitative Methods research, The social impacts associated with rural residential development in rural NSW, 22 September

Inglis, S (2007) Qualitative interview for Thesis Project, The impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region, 27 September

Scrivener, D (2007) Qualitative interview for Thesis Project, The impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region, 27 September

Van Laeren, C (2007) Qualitative interview for Thesis Project, The impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region, 12 September

| 80 Appendix A Questions asked to interviewees Interviewee Catherine Van Laeren Organisation Mid-Western Regional Council Date Wednesday 12 September 2007 Research topic The impact of lifestyle living on the on rural lands in the Mudgee local government area

Questions

Introduction ƒ Briefly explain: o The thesis project o The research question – ‘The impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region’ o The purpose of the interview

The treechange phenomenon It is evident that the treechange phenomenon is occurring in the Mudgee region with a large amount of people moving to the area for the purpose of lifestyle changes.

ƒ Why do you think, the Mudgee region has been chosen for by treechangers?

ƒ Do you think treechangers are moving to the Mudgee region because of its relative affordability compared to seachange locations?

ƒ Who are the main types of people moving to the Mudgee region (i.e. retirees, middle-aged, low-income)?

ƒ Where do you think most of the treechangers are moving to within the Mudgee region (e.g. in town, rural residential/lifestyle blocks)?

ƒ Do you think the treechange phenomenon has directly contributed to the population increase in the Mudgee region?

ƒ The 2006 census shows a decline in the population between 2001 and 2006, however population predictions (by the Transport Data Centre) indicate a significant increase in the population over the next 30 years. Can you explain any reasons that may have contributed to the decline in the last 5 years?

ƒ Research has shown that many treechangers have a preference for living on rural residential/lifestyle lots. From your knowledge is this the case in the Mudgee region?

ƒ Is there a strong demand for rural residential/lifestyle lots in the Mudgee region?

ƒ Have number of subdivisions for rural residential/lifestyle lots been increasing in the Mudgee region?

ƒ Approximately how many rural lots were approved last year? What were there sizes?

Subdivision Mudgee has had an interesting history of rural subdivision with a large amount of subdivision occurring throughout the rural areas of the region.

ƒ It was reported (Salvestro, 1984) that in 1973 there were 630 10-hectare lots approved and 143 lots ranging between 10-50 hectares in the former Mudgee Shire. Where did the majority of this subdivision occur and why were such a large number of lots approved?

ƒ Isolated rural settlement such as Cooks Gap consists often face a large amount of problems due to their distance from urban centres. What was the thinking behind the Cooks Gap subdivision, why was it permitted?

ƒ What are some of the planning issues associated with large isolated rural settlements?

ƒ Are there any areas within the Mudgee region which are more popular for rural subdivision/lifestyle living?

ƒ Where has most of the rural subdivision occurred within the Mudgee region?

ƒ What impact do you think the recommendations from the Central West Rural Lands Enquiry will have on subdivision in the Mudgee region?

Impacts ƒ What impacts did concessional lots have on rural lands in the Mudgee region?

ƒ The increasing demand for rural residential/lifestyle lots has lead to the fragmentation of prime agricultural land across NSW. Is this a major problem affecting the Mudgee region?

ƒ What impacts do inappropriately located rural residential/lifestyle development have on agricultural land?

ƒ In your opinion, is rural land use conflict a problem directly associated with rural lifestyle development?

ƒ The cost of servicing additional rural lifestyle lots places significant burden on local Councils. How can Councils ensure that the demand for rural lifestyle lots are met whilst ensuring it is economically viable for Councils?

ƒ What are the positive impacts of rural lifestyle development?

Planning implications ƒ What planning measures are in place to ensure that rural subdivision continues in a sustainable way with minimal environmental and social impacts?

ƒ Will rural lifestyle development be encouraged to be located closer to urban centres due to servicing costs? If so, how will this be achieved?

Any other comments?

Interviewee Scott Inglis, David Scrivener and High Bateman Organisation Gulgong & District Real Estate, CRT Real Estate and The Property Shop Date 20 September 2007 Research topic The impact of lifestyle living on the on rural lands in the Mudgee local government area

Questions

Introduction ƒ Briefly explain: o The thesis project o The research question – ‘The impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region’ o The purpose of the interview

ƒ Do you think the treehcnage phenomenon has had an impact on the Mudgee region?

ƒ Do you think that the treechange had led to an increase in house prices?

ƒ Have you seen an increase in sales over the last couple of years?

ƒ Who are the main purchasers; locals or treechangers? (where are most of the treechangers from?)

ƒ What are the main age groups of the purchasers? Retirees?

ƒ Where have most of the sales been? In town or out of town?

ƒ Where do most of the treechangers choose to live?

ƒ What is the demand and supply like both in town and out of town? How quickly are these lots being taken up?

ƒ Is there a major difference in house prices between Mudgee and Gulgong?

ƒ Has there been any change in the rental market?

ƒ Any other comments?

Interviewee Treechangers (4) Organisation N/A Date 20 – 24 September 2007 Research topic The impact of lifestyle living on the on rural lands in the Mudgee local government area

Questions

Introduction ƒ Briefly explain: o The thesis project o The research question – ‘The impacts of lifestyle living on rural lands in the Mudgee region’ o The purpose of the interview

Why you moved to the area? ƒ Where did you come from before moving to the Mudgee region?

ƒ When do you move to the Mudgee region?

ƒ What was your main reason for moving to the area?

ƒ Why did you choose to move to the Mudgee region rather than any of the other surrounding regional areas?

ƒ Where do you live in the Mudgee region (i.e. residential block in town, rural residential lots, and agricultural land)?

ƒ Did you purchase/rent an existing dwelling or did you subdivide land?

ƒ Do you know of any other people who have moved from urban areas to the Mudgee region?

The impacts ƒ Research has indicated that the Mudgee region is experiencing significant population growth. What do you think the main contributor to the population growth is?

ƒ Do you think ‘treechangers’ and people moving to the area for a lifestyle change are having a major impact on the population growth?

ƒ Where do you think most of the ‘treechangers’ are moving to within the region (i.e. rural, rural residential or urban areas)?

ƒ What impact do you think the increase growth associated with treechangers is having on the region?

Rural lands ƒ Do you think that the expansion of the urban areas and development of rural residential lots is having a major impact on the agricultural lands in the region?

ƒ Do you think that the expansion of the urban areas and development of rural residential lots is having a major impact on the agricultural lands in the region?

Your Details (Optional) ƒ Do you work locally? If so, where (location)?

ƒ What is your age group?

Appendix B Ethics Forms

FACULTY OF THE BUILT EN VIRONM ENT

HUMAN RESEAR CH ETHICS ADVISORY PANEL

03 August 2007

Application No: 75058 Project Title: Thesis: The impacts of lifestyle living in rural lands in the Mudgee region

Attention: Caitlin Elliot Student No: 3100052

Dear Caitlin,

Thank you for your application requesting approval to conduct research involving humans. The Panel has evaluated your application and upon their recommendation, has attached the decision below.

Please be aware that approval is for a period of twelve months from the date of this letter, unless otherwise stated below.

Decision

Approved with Your application is approved; however, there are certain things conditions you must do, before you may conduct your research. Please see below for details, and your responses will assist us in completing your file.

Item

Items that must be completed before 1 You will need to obtain a letter of support from the organisation’s research can management, especially when you intend to interview employees. commence: This letter of support must conform with Form 6. Please forward all letters to HREAP to complete your file.

2 You will need to complete a FBE Fieldwork Application, and obtain approval to carry out your fieldwork. This must be obtained prior to physically conducting your research.

Advisory 1 The purpose of the Project Information Statement is to provide comments: information about your research to your research participants. Please make a copy of the approved PIS available for each participant.

Any approval to conduct research given to the applicant Researcher is done so on the condition that the applicant Researcher is at the date of approval: (a) a Student undertaking an approved course of study in the FBE; or (b) a member of Academic Staff in the FBE. If, at any time subsequent to the date of approval and prior to completion of the research project the applicant Researcher ceases to be either of (a) and (b) above, then any prior approval given to the applicant Researcher to conduct will be deemed to be revoked forthwith. The applicant Researcher must inform the FBE HREA Panel immediately upon any change, or possible change, to the applicant’s status that may affect any prior approval given by the Panel to the applicant Researcher to conduct research.

Evaluation Authority: Approving Authority:

Graham Fletcher (Convener) Jim Plume FBE HREA Panel Head of School Faculty of the Built Environment

Copy to: Robert Freestone, Supervisor

SYDNEY 2052 AUSTRALIA 2 Email: [email protected] Appendix C Data for collection districts in the Mudgee region Table C.1 Analysis of collection districts in the Mudgee region

Population 2006 statistics Collection Location of CD in % increase Occupied District LGA 2001 2006 0-14 yrs 15-24 yrs 65+ yrs 2001/2006 dwellings

1032501 Mudgee 758 712 -6.1% 163 102 89 299 (22.9%) (14.3%) (12.5%) 1032502 Mudgee 756 697 -7.8% 110 93 234 239 (15.8%) (13.3%) (33.6%) 1032503 Mudgee 399 225 -43.6% 31 28 48 118 (13.8%) (12.4%) (21.3%) 1032504 Mudgee 564 530 -6.0% 65 49 (9.2%) 123 267 (12.2%) (23.7%) 1032505 Mudgee 481 392 -18.5% 85 51 65 171 (21.7%) (13.0%) (16.6%) 1032506 Mudgee 366 323 -11.7% 57 49 62 135 (17.6%) (13.6%) (19.2%) 1032507 Mudgee 721 863 19.7% 204 97 138 330 (23.6%) (11.2%) (16.0%) 1032508 Mudgee 394 495 25.6% 146 60 34 (6.9%) 158 (29.5%) (12.1%) 1032509 Mudgee 474 426 -10.1% 95 66 58 180 (22.3%) (15.5%) (13.6%) 1032510 Mudgee 484 476 -1.7% 110 69 65 198 (23.1%) (14.5%) (13.7%) 1032511 Mudgee 783 792 1.1% 178 111 101 268 (22.5%) (14.0%) (12.8%) 1032512 Mudgee 500 460 -8.0% 85 43 (9.3%) 122 202 (18.6%) (26.6%) 1032513 Mudgee 569 528 -7.2% 188 64 94 161 (30.0%) (11.9%) (12.8%) 1032514 Mudgee 576 579 0.5% 135 93 63 201 (23.3%) (16.0%) (10.9%) 1032415 Mudgee 357 368 3.1% 88 34 (9.2%) 55 152 (23.9%) (14.9%) 1032516 Mudgee 437 392 -10.3% 81 43 72 158 (20.7%) (11.0%) (18.9%) Mudgee total 8,619 8,619 -4.2% 1,821 1,052 1,423 3,237 (22.1%) (12.7%) (17.2%) 1032803 Gulgong 660 610 -7.6% 129 86 85 229 (21.1%) (14.0%) (13.9%) 1032804 Gulgong 446 449 0.7% 96 43 (9.6%) 84 166 (21.4%) (18.8%) 1032805 Gulgong 395 356 -9.9% 75 53 63 136 (21.1%) (14.9%) (17.7%) 1032809 Gulgong 517 490 -5.2% 90 53 107 210 (18.4%) (10.8%) (21.8%) Gulgong total 2,018 1,905 -5.6% 390 235 339 741 (20.4%) (12.3%) (17.8%) 1032802 Birriwa 438 443 1.1% 79 41 (9.3% 67 151 (17.8%) (15.1%) 1032608 Putta Bucca/ 562 568 1.1% 144 48 (8.4%) 67 194 Budgee Budgee (25.3%) (11.9%) 1032601 Frog Rock 216 257 19.0% 54 27 38 93 (21.0%) (10.5%) (14.8%) 1032807 Bungaba 430 432 0.5% 92 44 52 157 (12.6%) (10.2%) (12.0%) 1032609 Cooyal 264 305 15.5% 60 31 50 108 (19.7%) (10.2%) (16.4%) 1032607 Botobolar 238 317 33.2% 62 38 31 (9.8%) 109 (19.6%) (12.0%) 1032604 Cooks Gap 289 297 2.8% 68 28 (9.4%) 44 98 (22.9%) (14.8%) 1032603 Home Rule 183 188 2.7% 40 25 21 65 (21.3%) (13.3%) (11.5%) 1032605 Yarrawonga 340 340 0.0% 56 29 (8.5%) 57 (16.85) 133 (16.5%) 1032808 Eurunderee/Menah 401 323 -19.5% 65 37 38 128 (20.1%) (11.4%) (11.8%) 1032806 Goolma 231 200 -13.4% 42 0 (0%) 40 83 (21.0%) (20.0%) 1032801 Laheys Creek/Mebul 267 256 -4.1% 51 25 (9.7%) 26 96 (20.0%) (10.2%) 1032401 Piambong 245 237 -3.3% 55 20 (8.4%) 36 130 (23.2%) (15.2%) 1032602 Wollar 150 140 -6.7% 29 8 (5.7%) 27 48 (20.7%) (19.3%) 1032606 Wollar 195 168 -13.8% 40 15 (8.9%) 20 68 (23.8%) (11.9%) 1032405 Bocolble 224 245 9.4% 41 28 39 80 (16.7%) (11.4%) (15.4%) 1032403 Grattai/ 427 763 78.7% 218 70 52 (6.8%) 239 Glen Ayr (28.6%) (10.4%) 1032407 Hargraves 207 190 -8.2% 39 18 (9.5%) 33 69 (20.5%) (17.3%) 1032408 Lue/Hayes Gap 554 500 -9.7% 108 45 (9.0%) 64 183 (21.6%) (12.8%) 1032404 Mullamuddy 431 478 10.9% 84 49 62 162 (17.6%) (10.2%) (13.0%) 1032406 Pyramul 309 279 -9.7% 49 21 (7.5%) 46 109 (17.6%) (16.5%) 1032409 Windeyer/Spring 232 266 14.7% 62 28 34 94 Flat (23.3%) (10.5%) (12.8%) 1032402 Yarribin 167 190 13.8% 40 13 (6.8%) 33 62 (21.0%) (17.3%) Rural total 7,000 7,382 5.5% 1578 431 977 2,659 (21.4%) (5.8%) (13.2%) LGA TOTAL 17,637 17,545 -0.5% 3789 1718 2739 6,637 (21.6%) (9.8%) (15.6%) Data sourced from ABS, 2007

Figure C.1 Collection districts in the Mudgee region Gulgong

Mudgee

Source: CData, 2001