90 Cole Liberal Echo Chamber
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‘ThE LIBERAL ECHO CHAMBER’ WHAT LIBERAL POliTICS GAinED And LOST WITH LIBERAL CLUBS In 1981 the Barton- on-Humber Liberal Club was reopened by Liberal MP Richard Wainwright, who asserted that ‘if it wasn’t for Clubs such as this, the whole Liberal movement would die, for they embody the momentum and spirit of the Party.’1 Wainwright had a long association with Liberal clubs, and his claim showed a mixture of experience, nostalgia and optimism, for the role of Liberal clubs in the history of British Liberalism is odern political clubs followed by Conservative and the story of a powerful emerged in the new Constitutional dining clubs around Mpolitical environment the country intended to recruit the and often neglected created by the Great Reform Acts newly represented to the Conserva- of 1832, 1867 and 1884. It was Rob- tive cause, with tickets ‘at such a contribution as well as ert Peel’s relaunch of the Tories price as would be within the reach as the Conservative Party in 1834 of the lowest individuals connected difficult and shifting which first prompted the establish- with the associations.’2 relations in more recent ment of social clubs to encourage Liberal politicians rallied their party support. This started with forces at the Reform Club, which years. By Matt Cole. the Carlton in 1832, but was soon was founded in 1836 and which 6 Journal of Liberal History 90 Spring 2016 ‘ThE LIBERAL ECHO CHAMBER’ WHAT LIBERAL POliTICS GAinED And LOST WITH LIBERAL CLUBS opened its Pall Mall buildings in base. Following the passage of the centres of the provinces, but were 1841. Conditions for membership Second Reform Act in 1867 enfran- still limited in number and far too included support of the Reform chising most men in borough con- exclusive to draw in newly enfran- Act, and it became a meeting place stituencies, and Gladstone’s Secret chised voters and the wider activist for Whig peers and their successors. Ballot Act of 1872 which made a base of the National Liberal Fed- Lord Strabolgi remembered that, democratic discourse with these eration formed in 1877. Though a even at the party’s weakest point in voters even more essential, the few other, smaller clubs emerged the 1950s, ‘we used to have a dinner great Liberal or Reform clubs of at the same time – Tydesley, Burs- every year for the Liberal Peers – a Manchester (1867), Birmingham lem, Chester, Barrow, Bradford and sort of “thank you” I think – at the and Newcastle (both 1880), Leeds Ipswich all had clubs before 1882 Reform, a rather splendid dinner (1881) and the National Liberal Club – it was in the wake of the Third starting with caviar.’3 The Reform (1882) were founded. Reform Act of 1884, widening the competed with Brooks’s in St These clubs enjoyed prestigious franchise in the counties, that the James’s, which had been established Liberal Party patronage, quickly real growth in provincial town in 1764 by twenty-seven leading attracted impressive memberships and village Liberal clubs began. Whig nobles and where Charles and established equally impressive By the end of the century, most James Fox had held court.4 These club buildings. The National Lib- districts had a cluster of clubs of two London Liberal gentlemen’s eral Club, built between White- varying sizes, from the great din- clubs were joined in 1874 by the hall and its terraces on the Thames, ing clubs of the cities to the modest Devonshire Club and the City Lib- boasted a membership of around village halls or terraced houses in eral Club, and six years later by the 3,500 even at the party’s nadir in small towns where liberal opinion Eighty Club. Though their expan- the 1950s. Asquith was the presi- was shared amongst new voters. sion reflected the increasing scope dent of Birmingham Liberal Club Some of these – such as at Crowle of party political activity amongst and its early officers included John near Scunthorpe, and Leaming- the public in the nineteenth cen- Bright and Joseph Chamberlain; ton – were specifically titled ‘Lib- tury, these clubs remained open Gladstone laid the foundation eral working men’s clubs’. East only to the affluent, and limited to stone of the Manchester Reform Devon had at least six, including London. In the new age of a mass Club’s King Street premises in the 600-strong Torquay and Cock- (albeit still restricted) electorate, 1871 and Churchill was amongst ington club; West Somerset had these were useful only as meeting its early members; and the Leeds eight, with 750 members at Bris- points for the political and social and County Liberal Club, the new tol Liberal Club, where John Mor- elite. building of which was opened by ley was president; Warwickshire, Sir James Kitson MP in 1890, had a which had none before the Second membership of 1,650. In the grand Reform Act, and the Lancashire The Victorian and Edwardian circumstances of these institutions, industrial town of Burnley (popu- periods: the high point of Liberals could hear leading party lation 95,000), had at least ten clubs Liberal clubs figures speak, discuss and develop each by 1900.5 It was with the development of ideas for local and national policy, These clubs performed vital representative democracy that Lib- and, equally importantly, raise functions for a campaigning party, eral clubs emerged alongside the funds to fight elections. both explicit and implicit: explic- National Liberal Federation as one These striking examples estab- Barnstaple and itly they were the venues for party of the mobilising forces for a vastly lished high-profile hubs of Lib- North Devon meetings ranging from speeches increased electorate and activist eralism in the growing industrial Liberal Club by visiting party leaders to regular Journal of Liberal History 90 Spring 2016 7 ‘THE LIBERAL ECHO CHAMBER’: WHAT LIBERAL POliTICS GAinED And LOST WITH LIBERAL CLUBS committee and general meetings on political and other subjects’ and Liberal Clubs we are most grateful of the local association or Young ‘the rendering of voluntary aid to and we appreciate the loyalty and Liberal socials: Newcastle-upon- Liberal candidates at parliamentary, help of all Club members.’ In the Tyne Liberal Club’s Memorandum municipal and other elections.’ In Federation’s Golden Jubilee book- of Association stated its objects as one year alone of its first decade let of 1953, a full-page advertise- ‘the promotion of the cause of Lib- the club welcomed Campbell-Ban- ment by the National Union and eralism’; ‘the delivery of lectures nerman, Lord Granville, Sir Wil- the Yorkshire Federation of Liberal liam Harcourt, Earl Kimberley, Clubs reflected this support.10 Lord Ripon and Earl Spencer. Later Just as important, however, guests included Lloyd George, was the unstated way in which the R. B. Haldane, Earl Carrington clubs embedded Liberalism in their and Lord Herschell. Smaller clubs communities. Voters who did not like Longridge (1887) and Gainsbor- see themselves as political activ- ough (1902) were opened by visiting ists could nonetheless acknowledge Liberal MPs. Especially at election their broad sympathies with- times many agents used the local out buying a membership card Liberal club as headquarters and or attending meetings – and they even recruited club staff – stewards could meet others who shared their and their families were often resi- sympathies and engage with elected dent, even at smaller clubs – to the representatives and party officers in campaign. the course of ostensibly non-politi- Clubs from Peckham to Lin- cal leisure activities. Most clubs had coln, from Rochdale to Kendal, a regular schedule of whist drives, were the regular meeting place of dances and facilities for billiards, Liberal associations, or provided snooker, dominoes or darts. Many funds to support local associations competed in local sports leagues: or federations. It was to Manches- the tiny John O’Gaunt Liberal Club ter Reform Club that the Roch- in Lancaster ran teams in several dale Radical Association executive sports in the 1920s; Greets Liberal invited Ludovic Kennedy to assess Club was delighted to win the West his fitness to be the Liberal candi- Bromwich Division One Snooker date for the by-election of 1958; the trophy in 1947; Saffron Waldon presidency of Lancaster Reform Liberals ran their own tennis club, Club was, during 1947–49, in the and Winsford Liberal Club won hands of Harold Rogerson – as sole the Manchester Evening News bowl- (and then leading) liberal council- ing cup; and as late as 1977 Hud- lor, parliamentary candidate and dersfield Liberal Clubs Winter rebuilder of the local party in the Games League arranged fixtures post-war years, he used the club as for over thirty teams at each of an organising base, and it contin- snooker, dominoes and All Fours. ued to donate to party funds until Other clubs offered coach outings 1998.6 Egan points out how Dundee to the seaside or the country, or Liberal Association was ‘peculiarly elaborate artistic entertainments reliant’ upon its Liberal club for such as Lewisham Liberal Club’s fundraising,7 and Blondel showed 1902 ‘Bohemian Evening’ featur- that significant elements of Read- ing twenty-four items including ing Liberals’ income had been gen- soloists, duettists and groups offer- erated by the Reading and County ing songs, instrumental perfor- Liberal Club in the decade after the mances, dance, recitation and two Second World War.8 comedians. The value of this support was It is easy to forget in the age of recognised by Liberal officials, home entertainment and central especially as the party’s fortunes heating how integral collective plummeted. In 1954, the organis- voluntary organisations were to ing secretary of the West Midlands the social life of all classes, and how Federation asked his opposite num- useful they could be in maintaining ber at Bedworth Liberal Club in the bond now sadly lost between Nuneaton ‘to give all your mem- politicians, activists and the wider bers my best wishes to them for electorate.