Survival Strategies of the Northern Paiute a Thesis Submitted in Parti

Home , Cattle raiding, Paiute War, Tahoe sucker

University of Nevada, Reno

Persistence in Aurora, Nevada: Survival Strategies of the Northern Paiute

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology

Lauren Walkling

Dr. Carolyn White/Thesis Advisor

May 2018

THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by

LAUREN WALKLING

Entitled

Persistence in Aurora, Nevada: Survival Strategies of the Northern Paiute

be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Carolyn L White, Ph.D., Advisor

Sarah Cowie, Ph.D, Committee Member

Meredith Oda, Ph.D., Graduate School Representative

David W. Zeh, Ph.D., Dean, Graduate School

May, 2018

Abstract

Negotiation and agency are crucial topics of discussion, especially in areas of colonial and cultural entanglement in relation to indigenous groups. Studies of agency explore the changes, or lack thereof, in material culture use and expression in response to colonial intrusion and cultural entanglement. Agency studies, based on dominance and resistance, use material and documentary evidence on varying scales of analysis, such as group and individual scales. Agency also discusses how social aspects including gender, race, and socioeconomic status affect decision making practices. One alternative framework to this dichotomy is that of persistence, a framework that focuses on how identity and cultural practices were modified or preserved as they were passed on (Panich

2013: 107; Silliman 2009: 212). Using the definition of persistence as discussed by Lee

Panich (2013), archaeological evidence surveyed from a group of historic Paiute sites located outside of the mining town, Aurora, Nevada, and historical documentation will be used to track potential persistence tactics. The focus will be on persistence tactics taken up by the Aurora Paiute population during the late nineteenth century, during the most prosperous points of Aurora’s heyday.

Acknowledgements

There are so many people here who have helped me to this point and I cannot give them enough thanks. I want to first thank Carolyn White, Sarah Cowie, and Meredith

Oda for their guidance and expertise. It was an honor to work alongside such intelligent and empowering women. I would also like to acknowledge that my research took place on the ancestral homelands of Northern Paiute communities and I hope this research pays respects to the Norther Paiute communities as well.

Next, I would like to thank Cliff Shaw, for his passion and his invaluable assistance with this project. Without him and his enthusiasm, I would have never come across the sites described in my thesis. I would like to also thank Erick Dillingham and

Fred Frampton, from Forest Service Humboldt-Toiyabe National Forest and Bridgeport

Forest Service respectively, for guiding us through the Aurora foothills and providing aid for this project’s research. It would be amiss to skip over my friends who volunteered out in the field, I cannot say thank you enough: Melody Zionch, for her organizational skills, her listening ear, and her survey planning; Emily Dale, for helping me along my first time as a crew chief; Leo Demski, for his photography help; Adam Calkin, for his technical savvy, especially while working on his own thesis at the same time; Erika Schroeder, for her enthusiasm in the field and with mapping; and Shaun Richey, for helping me finish up the sites quickly and efficiently on short notice. While she did not accompany me to the field, I want to thank Kristen Tiede for aiding me with my sites’ maps.

Marlin Thompson, a representative of the Yerington Paiute tribe, deserves an enormous amount of thanks for his patience with my inquiries into the history of the

iii

Northern Paiute, especially with ethnohistoric sites such as these. He was an invaluable corroborator. To Shelly Davis-King, I want to thank her for taking time aside to answer my questions during the 2016 Great Basin Conference in Reno about the Paiute population of Bodie and Aurora. I would also like to thank the Nevada Historical Society for giving me access to their newspaper collection and for assisting me with any of my inquiries.

Last, but not least, I would like to thank my family, especially my parents, my aunt Helaine and uncle Matt, my grandparents, and my siblings. Without their love, support, and sense of humor, I would not have made it to this point.

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... i Acknowledgements ...... ii List of Tables ...... vi List of Figures ...... vii Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 Persistence ...... 3

History of the Northern Paiute in the Great Basin ...... 4

History of Aurora, Nevada ...... 19

Conclusion ...... 22

Chapter 2: Culture Contact and Colonial Archaeology ...... 24 Past and Current Approaches to Cultural Persistence...... 24

Cultural Persistence: Definition and Applications ...... 31

Thesis Approach to Persistence ...... 40

Conclusion ...... 41

Chapter 3: Site Survey Summaries ...... 42 Site Background ...... 42

AN-CC-1 ...... 46

AN-CC-2 ...... 55

AN-CC-3 ...... 59

AN-CC-4 ...... 64

AN-CC-5 ...... 69

AN-CC-6 ...... 73

Conclusion ...... 77

Chapter 4: Discussion ...... 79

Establishing an Ethnohistoric Time Period ...... 80

Artifact Composition ...... 80 Historic Documents ...... 85 Oral Narratives of Descendants...... 86 The Three Concepts of Persistence...... 88

Persistence: Identity ...... 88 Persistence: Practice ...... 96 Persistence: Context ...... 104 Conclusion ...... 108

Chapter 5: Conclusion ...... 110 Persistence ...... 110

Future Research ...... 113

Final Thoughts ...... 114

References Cited ...... 117 Appendix A: Additional Artifact Photographs ...... 127 Appendix B: Artifact Catalog ...... 134

List of Tables

Table 4.1. List of lithic artifacts and their totals within sites AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-6 ..83

Table 4.2. List of historic artifacts and, total, with sites AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-6...... 84

Table 4.3. List of ecofacts and their totals from sites AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-6...... 84

vii

List of Figures

Figure 1.1. Names and locations of Northern Paiute Band subgroups ...... 11

Figure 1.2. Tribal reservations, colonies, and rancherias of Nevada ...... 19

Figure 1.3. Photograph of Aurora, Nevada...... 21

Figure 1.4. Aurora, Nevada circa. September 1932 post-abandonment ...... 22

Figure 3.1. Overview of sites ...... 45

Figure 3.2. Overview of AN-CC-1...... 47

Figure 3.3. Site AN-CC-1, Feature 1.1 Rock ring...... 48

Figure 3.4. Feature 1.1 Rock ring map...... 49

Figure 3.5. Feature 1.2 Pinyon cache...... 50

Figure 3.6. Figure 1.2. Pinyon cache map ...... 51

Figure 3.7. Possible candy dish fragments from near pinyon cache (Feature 1.2). Cat. # 1.27.

...... 52

Figure 3.9. Can scatter (Feature 1.3) overview ...... 54

Figure 3.10. Overview of AN-CC-2 ...... 56

Feature 3.11. AN-CC-2 artifact scatter map ...... 58

Figure 3.12. Feature 2.1 Rhyolite metate...... 59

Figure 3.13. Overview of AN-CC-3...... 60

Figure 3.14. Feature 3.1 Rock ring...... 61

Figure 3.15. Feature 3.1 Rock ring map...... 62

Figure 3.16. Leather belt fragment. Cat# 3.16 ...... 63

Figure 3.17. Overview of AN-CC-4...... 65

Figure 3.18. Feature 4.1 Rock ring ...... 66

viii

Figure 3.19. Feature 4.1 Rock ring map ...... 68

Figure 3.20. Overview of AN-CC-5...... 70

Figure 3.21. Feature 5.1 Rock ring...... 71

Figure 3.22. Feature 5.1 Rock ring map ...... 72

Figure 3.23. Whiskey flask. Cat# 5.9...... 73

Figure 3.24. Overview of AN-CC-6...... 74

Figure 3.25. Feature 6.1 Rock ring...... 75

Figure 3.26. Feature 6.1 Rock ring map ...... 77

Figure 4.1. Advertisement for Paiute War Dance at “Boone & Wright’s Corral”. (Bodie

Daily Free Press: May 28, 1881) ...... 91

Figure 4.2. Clockwise starting from top left: Suspender buckle (1.95) and shoe buckle (1.96), leather belt fragment (3.16), shoe leather fragment with puncture holes (1.118), and glass bead (1.91) ...... 95

Figure 4.3. Clockwise from top left: Unknown point type (1.8), Elko corner-notched point base (5.4), Cottonwood Projectile Point (1.20), and Elko corner-notched point (5.2) ...... 98

Figure 4.4. Sanitary can (6.3) with label remains ...... 102

Figure 4.5. Whiskey flask, cap missing (5.9) ...... 103

Figure B.1. Ferrous horseshoe from AN-CC-1. Cat#1.94...... 127

Figure B.2. Ferrous wire bucket handle from AN-CC-1, Can Scatter 1. Cat#1.52...... 127

Figure B.3. Amber neck and shoulder bottle fragment AN-CC-1. Cat#1.22...... 128

Figure B.4. Refitted stoneware pipe fragments from AN-CC-1, burn marks on inside.

Cat#1.14 ...... 128

Figure B.5. White/multi-colored chert lithic core, worked side from AN-CC-2. Cat#2.2...129

Figure B.6. Bodie obsidian retouched flake from AN-CC-2. Cat#2.19 ...... 129

Figure B.7. Hole-in-cap can lid, opened with can opener, possibly ripped off along edge.

From AN-CC-2 ...... 130

Figure B.8. Olive bottle fragments, two body and one base fragment, found in AN-CC-3,

Feature 1. Cat#3.13 ...... 130

Figure B.9. Processed lumber fragment from AN-CC-4. Cat#4.17...... 131

Figure B.10. Iron bowl with corroded bottom from AN-CC-4. Cat#4.12...... 131

Figure B.11. Wash bin with bottom fragment from AN-CC-5. Cat#5.10...... 132

Figure B.12. Bodie obsidian biface medial fragment from AN-CC-5. Cat#5.3...... 132

Figure B.13. Amethyst solarized glass bottle fragments. Two shoulder and one body fragments. Cat#6.9...... 133

Figure B.14. Sanitary can from AN-CC-6. Crimped seam and stamped top and bottom.

Knife cut opening, two holes. Cat#6.4...... 133 1

Chapter 1: Introduction

This thesis explores the archaeological significance of persistence among the

Northern Paiute in nineteenth century Aurora, Nevada. Persistence, as an archaeological concept, is the process of changing lifeways to facilitate cultural continuity in the wake of colonialism (Panich 2013: 105). Within my thesis, I will apply persistence and its three underlying aspects-identity, concept, and context- to the ethnohistoric Northern Paiute population in the face of European intrusion and continued contact with European populations. By studying the archaeological record of ethnohistoric Paiute, the historical accounts of Aurora residents, and the oral accounts of descendant Paiute, one can understand how persistence was fostered among the Northern Paiute near Aurora. The consumer choices and the material record of this community offers an opportunity to understand how retaining or changing certain cultural characteristics within a colonized group enables their survival within a colonial context.

To understand this topic, I evaluated six Paiute camp sites located outside of the town of Aurora, Nevada. These sites were chosen for three reasons. The first was that each camp had a high potential for ethnohistoric research based on their artifact compositions. Each site contained historic artifacts, some diagnostic, as well as lithic items. The sites also had four feature types: wickiup rock rings, pinyon caches, artifact and can scatters, and lean-tos. The second reason was that historical newspapers and journals from Aurora’s residents indicated that Paiute population established campsites within the surrounding foothills. The third was the location of the sites in relation to

Aurora. The sites were close enough to Aurora to allow access between the camps and

2 the town and were near resources crucial to Paiute diet, such as pinyon nuts and wild game.

The major themes explored within this thesis include assimilation and resistance, colonialism and cultural entanglement, and agency, all of which inform the concept of persistence. The research questions of this thesis focus on the nuances of each of the themes and theoretical frameworks associated with persistence. The questions include:

What is persistence? How does persistence differ from and compare to theoretical frameworks based on assimilation and resistance? What archaeological methods and frameworks have been used to analyze these concepts historically and archaeologically and how have they changed? How have these previous frameworks influenced persistence as a concept? And how can these methods and frameworks be applied to the

Paiute population of Aurora, Nevada from the 1860s to the 1920s?

This chapter will provide a summary of persistence and list the three concepts that underlie it. The second section will present the history of the Northern Paiute within the

Great Basin ranging from the Paiute’s pre-contact history, their first contact with

European settlers, and post-contact experiences with the United States. In the third section I will present a brief history of Aurora, Nevada from its establishment to its abandonment. The chapter will end by outlining the thesis and how its argument is structured. The following chapters will offer the theoretical background for this thesis’ research, summarize the survey finds at the sample sites, and evaluate the finds in relation to the theoretical frameworks described and used for the thesis.

Persistence

The type of persistence applied within this thesis is based on Lee M. Panich’s definition from his article, “Archaeologies of Persistence: Reconsidering the Legacies of

Colonialism in Native North America” (2013). The goal of Panich’s article is to define what he referred to as the “archaeologies of persistence” (Panich 2013: 105). His goal is based on previous attempts to understand how Indigenous groups actively reworked their lifeways, social structure, and identity within colonial contexts. In Panich’s article, persistence is the transformation or retention of identity and cultural lifeways to survive and preserve a way of life (Panich 2013: 107). In his definition, Panich asserts that change and continuity are related to each other and are not on opposite sides of a spectrum. Because these two concepts are related, persistence acknowledges the symbolic and physical violence of colonialism while allowing for acts of agency such as survival or explicit resistance.

According to Panich, persistence needs to be based on three characteristics to provide a holistic interpretation: identity, practice, and context (Panich 2013: 107).

Identity is socially constructed through active decision-making processes on a collective and individual level (Panich 2013: 107-108). Since persistence is based on how changes affect cultural continuity, changes in decision-making processes will affect identity and how its reproduced by future generations. Practice looks at how an items’ use informs the symbolic and cultural meanings behind these artifacts (Silliman 2009: 215). Within persistence, practice acknowledges the ways that social agents are restrained or empowered by their social and material contexts and how these daily practices can be changed because of said contexts (Pauketat 2001: 80). The third aspect, context, are the

4 long-term temporal changes that inform current events. Within studies of persistence, context focuses on how historical events inform either the change or retention of cultural lifeways among colonized groups of a specific historical period (Ferris 2009: xiv; Panich

2013: 109-110; Silliman 2009: 215-216). These three concepts, I argue along with

Panich, are essential for creating a holistic and nuanced approach for researching the materiality of persistence.

History of the Northern Paiute in the Great Basin

The Northern Paiute originate from the western Numic branch of the western

Great Basin area and have occupied this area since 8,000 BCE (Arkush 1990: 28; Pritzker

2000). For Indigenous groups, however, they have occupied this land “from time immemorial” (Perry 2010: 8). The term “Northern Paiute”, keep in mind, is a modern construction. Prior to Euromerican contact, seminomadic groups who made up the

Northern Paiute were united by the language Shoshonean from the Uto-Aztecan linguistic family (Pritzker 2000: 223-224). The term “Paiute” means the “True Ute” or “Water Ute” and was originally applied to the Southern Paiute until the 1850s. The term Numa, which means “People,” was used by the Northern Paiute to refer to themselves while historic non-Indigenous writers would, derogatorily, refer to them as Digger Indians, Snakes, or the Northern Paiute of Oregon, or the Paviotso (Pritzker 2000: 223). One branch of the

Northern Paiutes, known as the Bannock, originally resided in eastern Oregon until they incorporated horses into their lifeways during the early eighteenth century and moved into Northern Shoshone territory (Arkush 1990:29; Pritzker 2000: 223).

The western-central Nevada area that the Northern Paiute occupied pre-contact included Pyramid Lake, Carson River, and the Walker River basins, all of which fall within the Sierra Nevada Mountains’ rain shadow and extended as far as Walker Lake

(Parks 1965: xxiv). The Great Basin’s annual precipitation on valley floors average 2-5 inches per year on valley floors and 5-15 inches on intervening slopes and water is provided to these valleys through streams and runoff from the mountains’ snow pack

(Parks 1965: xxiv). This semi-arid environment, low annual precipitation, and high evaporation rate means that the vegetation and fauna were varied, but low in population.

As a result, a system of broad-based hunting, gathering, and fishing was a cultural characteristic of the Northern Paiute (Parks 1965: xxiv).

The Northern Paiute territory extended into two vegetation zones: the Lahontan and Reno sections. The Lahontan region includes Honey Lake, Pyramid Lake, the Walker

Lake basins, and the Humboldt and Carson sinks and consists primarily of playa remnants and alluvial flats (Parks 1965: xxiv). The soils within this zone are salty near the playas and the zone itself is set at a higher elevation, with a base elevation at 3,000 feet above sea level with summits reaching to approximately 6,000 feet above sea level.

The playa and alluvial remains are the result of Lake Lahontan, a Pleistocene lake that covered much of the Great Basin (Parks 1965: xxvi). The vegetation within this area is mainly little greasewood and shadscale instead of sagebrush. Along the playa margins, the sandy soils have pickleweed, iodine weed, saltgrass, rabbit and horse brush, and

Indian ricegrass, which was a significant resource for the Northern Paiute. The streams have cottonwood, a sparse amount of willow trees, and marsh brush, including alkali bulrush, American bulrush, and cattails (Parks 1965: xxvi). The Reno zone is a narrow

6 section of land that is located between the Sierra Nevada Mountains and the Lahontan zone. The Reno zone differs from the Lahontan zone due to its proximity to the Sierra

Nevada mountains and its higher elevation, which averages 4,200 through 4,400 feet above sea level (Parks 1965: xxvi). Sagebrush is much more characteristic of this region along with pinyon-juniper woodlands, from which pinyon nuts were harvested in the winter, Jeffrey pines, Ponderosa pines, and white fir trees in the mountain ranges

(Pritzker 2000: 221). Other Reno vegetation includes chokecherry, elderberry, bitterroot, desert parsleys, and Nevada bluegrass, along with Lahontan grasses such wheat grass and

Great Basin wild rye (Parks 1965: xxvii).

The fauna within the western-central Nevada area are denser in marsh and lake regions, particularly at breeding and nesting times of the year. The Lahontan region hosts multiple migrating species, such as white pelican, mallards, northern pintails, Canadian geese, and American avocet (Parks 1965: xxvii). Fish, found within Pyramid and Walker

Lake, include the Lahontan cutthroat, Tahoe sucker, tui chub, and cui-ui. Larger mammals are more common in the Reno section in comparison to the Lahontan section, and include deer, pronghorn, and mountain sheep, all of which were hunted for their skins and for food (Parks 1965: xxvii). Smaller mammals are common between both regions and include cottontails, jack rabbits, desert squirrels, woodrats, yellow bellied marmots, and badgers. Other fauna includes land birds, such as sage grouse, mountain quail, mourning doves, and insects, such as Mormon crickets, white-lined sphinx moths, shore flies, and cicadas (Parks 1965: xxvii).

The main forms of subsistence among the Northern Paiute were seed bearing grasses and plants, pinyon seeds, roots, and berries. Some of these forms of subsistence,

7 specifically pinyon pine nut gathering, continue among Paiute individuals to this day

(Thompson 2016). Seeds were gathered from grasses, such as Indian ricegrass, seepweed, wild rye, and pigweed, and other seed-bearing plants from sunflowers, goosefoot, and mustard families (Parks 1965: 44-48; Pritzker 2000: 221). These seeds would be gathered during the summer months using sticks, seed beaters, and conical baskets and would later be processed by metates. The flour resulting from these seeds would then be mixed with water, heated with ten to twelve rocks, and made into a dough to eat. Berries and roots, while not as large of a staple as seeds and pine nuts were, were gathered in September and April through June respectively. Berries included chokecherries, silver buffalo berries, elderberries, wolfberries, currants, and juniper berries while roots included lily, parsley, and pustane botanical families (Parks 1965: 43, 49; Pritzker 2000: 221). The berries would then either be eaten ripe, dried, stored, or mashed into a pulp to be made into small cakes (Parks 1965: 49). Roots, on the other hand, were gathered using three- foot-long digging sticks made from greasewood and were roasted, boiled, ground into either flour, mush, or soup (Parks 1965: 43).

Pinyon pine nuts were and still are a staple among the Paiute, specifically a winter staple. Because of the pinyon pine trees' location near the Truckee and Humboldt River regions and the Sierra Nevada Range, a pinyon pine nut trade emerged amongst bands who could not harvest pinyon nuts within their immediate area (Pritzker 2000: 51).

Pinyon nut harvests began in August where, according to ethnographic accounts, men would knock pine cones from trees and women would gather the cones in heaps. After a month, the pine nuts are shaken out, or are gathered in trenches three to four feet wide and five feet long, covered in pine boughs, and set alight. Afterwards, these nuts are

8 sifted through a coarsely woven tray to separate them out of the ashes (Parks 1965: 52).

The Northern Paiutes used three basket types to process pine nuts: a yadu, a coarsely woven tray, sayatuma, a closely woven tray, and a tuma’a, a heavy and closely woven basket tray. To prepare pine nuts, hot coals are placed with nuts in a yadu, shaken until cooked, and then covered with a tuma’a until they are steamed. The nuts are then ground slightly on a metate to break the shell, winnowed in a sayatuma, and then placed in a yadu with coals to dry. The nuts are then placed on a metate and ground with water, which is then added to a cooking basket, an opu, and made into a batter that can be eaten with deer, rabbits, or made into an ice cream-like desert after being left out on winter nights (Parks 1965: 52; Pritzker 2000: 221).

Twenty-five percent of Northern Paiute diet was based on hunting fauna. For large mammals, the Northern Paiute would hunt deer and mountain sheep in the Walker

River District, and antelope near Pyramid Lake between the Fall and Spring, and bear between both (Parks 1965: 11). For all mammals the most common strategies included bows and arrows, pitfall traps, running drives, pitfall traps, and corrals (Parks 1965: 11-

14, 24-29) To hunt larger mammals, the Paiute would use additional tactics such as trailing, lying in wait, and stalking mammals by disguising themselves as their prey

(Parks 1965: 11-14). Small to medium-sized animals, which includes cottontail, jackrabbits, rodents, badgers, coyotes, wildcats, squirrels, and birds, were hunted for food and for their fur and feathers. Hunting implements to catch smaller mammals included nets, nooses for snaring, sticks for extracting them from their burrows, lean-to traps, or small stone structure traps filled with bait for predators (Parks 1965: 24-29). Rabbit pelts were valuable because they would be made into rabbit skin blankets, which were used

9 during harsh Sierra Nevada winters (Stewart 2004: 54; Shaw 2009: 91). With birds, the

Paiute would either use decoys made of reeds, snares, and nets or collect birds' eggs

(Parks 1965: 54-55). Fishing, common in the Pyramid Lake, Walker Lake, and Humboldt basins, would occur often in the Spring and Winter seasons. Fishing implements included weir and platform tactics, where willow platforms were built over bodies of water and large nets, hooks, basket traps and sometimes harpoons and spears were used to gather fish (Parks 1965: 29-31). Insects such as locusts, crickets, Ephydra fly larvae, wasps, ants, and caterpillars and were processed like seeds, where they are ground into a flour and worked into a paste (Arkush 1987: 174; McGrath 1984: 17; Schrader et al. 2016:

114-115).

Because of limited resource availability, band membership among the Northern

Paiute was flexible. Bands are based on the availability of resources from year to year and their family ties rather than on ethnic differences (Parks 1965: 4; Pritzker 2000: 220).

Because of this fluid membership, attendance at communal gatherings and events, such as battles, hunting runs, and seasonal dances, were open to all qualified Paiute. People also crossed band lines constantly to access fishing sites and pine tree groves owned by family units. As a result, families were the fundamental social and economic units in Paiute life, meaning that social and political organization, and in conjunction leadership, were largely decentralized (Parks 1965: 4; Pritzker 2000: 220). Families would stay in specific locations with high amounts of resources for one to two seasons. Because of the emphasis on resources, Northern Paiute bands were described in terms of which resources they exploited.

The Northern Paiute consist of five main loosely organized and localized bands.

The Kuyuituked were located around Pyramid Lake, near the mouth of the Truckee river, and harvested a specific variety of fish called the kuyui. The Agaituked was a group that wintered on the banks of the Walker River, close to the point that it empties into Walker

Lake and fished trout. The Wadatuked was in Long Valley as well as the shores of Honey

Lake during the winter and would harvest wadá, which were small seeds from an unidentified plant. The Taituked used to live along the Carson River and fish tule, or tai.

The hapuDtuked would winter along the banks of the Humboldt River and harvest hapuD, an unnamed plant resource (Parks 1965: 1).

Other minor bands included the Kamutuked, who lived in the Winnemucca Valley between the Reno zone and Pyramid lake and would hunt rabbit, or kamu, and the

Ko.supatuked, who would return each year to a small lake east of Fallon to collect ko.sipa, or seed grass found near Fallon. Of important note are the Kutzadika’a, or

Koo’saa’vii’tu’ka’du,," who were Mono Lake Paiute, from whom the Aurora Paiute originated, and would collect, dry, and consume kusa, or brine fly maggots (Marlin

Thompson 2016; Parks 1965: 1,6; Pritzker 2000: 2; Schrader 2016: 114-115; Shaw 2016:

174; See Figure 1 for Band Ranges).

Figure 1.1. Names and locations of Northern Paiute Band subgroups (Parks 1965: 2).

Contact between white American settlers and Great Basin Indigenous groups occurred more recently in comparison to other territories within the continental United

States. In earlier expeditions led by Peter Skene Ogden and Joseph Walker, in 1829 and

1834 respectively, interactions between the Paiute and white settlers were highly violent.

These violent incidents included the deaths of several Mojave during Ogden's expedition in 1829 during a dispute over horses. Thirty-two Paiute died in 1833 along with fourteen more in the Spring of 1834 because of Walker’s expedition (McBride 2002: 3; Hattori

1975: 3). These racial tensions passed over into the 1850s. Most conflicts during this decade included murder and brawls perpetrated by both sides. Activists who tried to relieve these tensions included Captain Truckee, a Paiute guide who assisted Joseph

Walker, and Sarah Winnemucca, a Northern Paiute activist who worked to ensure better treatment from the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) (Michno 2007: 5; Stewart 2004: 56).

The 1860s, however, were defined by the Owens Valley Indian war. The conflict began among the Owens Valley Paiute and white cattle drivers from Mono and Inyo

County and lasted from 1862-1865 (Walton 1992: 18). The roots of this conflict lie in the sharp increase in mining camps and claims post-1859 between the Mojave Desert and

Mono County, with an emphasis on Owens Valley. Permanent white settlements began arriving in August 1861 with Samuel A. Bishop’s mining camp, which would eventually develop into the town of Bishop (Walton 1992: 17). Samuel A. Bishop played a crucial part in the eventual conflict between the Owens Valley Paiute and the white settler cattle drivers. Bishop was a cattle driver who drove around five to six hundred head of cattle and fifty horses from Fort Tejon into Owens Valley for both grazing purposes and selling beef to mining claims (Walton 1992: 17). With herds as large as 1500, his following

13 drives from the southern San Joaquin Valley to Aurora during the Summer and fall of

1861 had immediate impacts on the environment (Walton 1992: 17). Indian agents were concerned about the influx of miners and settlers on the regions, specifically citing its potential effects on white-Indian tensions and the flow of precious metals to and from the rest of the country (Chalfant 1933: 172; Walton 1992: 17).

Despite these concerns, the white settlers did not consider these after effects as a major issue. Because of the cattle drives through the Owens Valley region, grasses and grains necessary for winter store for the Paiute were consumed or trampled by livestock, leading to low seed harvests and threatening the already fragile environment of the valley

(Stewart 2004: 56-57; Walton 1992: 17). Tensions caused by this decrease in resources were further exasperated by white cattle drivers discouraging Paiutes from collecting seeds, claiming that collecting them would affect the white settlers’ cattle and horses’ health. According to Mattie Bulpitt, a Paiute woman present at the early settlement of the valley, white settlers eventually became more forceful and would chase them from areas that contained necessary winter store resources into the valley mountains (MABL: Mattie

Bulpitt; Walton 1992: 17-18).

The Owens Valley Indian War began with the Paiutes’ rustling and killing of livestock. Except for a few sympathetic BIA agents, white settlers failed to understand the impact of the herds on the Paiute subsistence economy, leading the Paiute to take up alternate methods to sustain themselves (Walton 1992: 18). The cattle raiding began in the Winter of 1861 and 1862. This winter was unusually severe, which was incensed by previous resource shortages due to cattle driving and a poor pinyon nut harvest for that year (Stewart 2004: 56-57; Walton 1992: 18). While the Paiute admitted to killing the

14 horses for food, they also noted that Shoshone bands residing outside of the valley would commit these acts more frequently (Walton 1992: 18). Despite this claim, white settlers in Owens Valley were indifferent to this fact and conflated both groups together, blaming attacks on their livestock on both tribes. The first casualties occurred in late 1861, when a

Paiute man was shot during the act of taking cattle, incidentally not long after a cowboy was killed by a Paiute in revenge for the raiding (Stewart 2004: 56; Walton 1992: 18). A truce was drawn up by the Bishop mining camp in January 1862, but because it did not address any of the issues underlying the conflicts, the attacks continued. The Paiutes were divided over what they should do, with many wanting to accommodate the Euromerican settlers while others aligned themselves with the Mono and Shoshone who were led by

Joaquin Jim, a Western Mono war leader (Chalfant 1933: 107).

The Owens Valley Indian War officially began in the winter of 1862 when settlers attacked the Paiute in revenge. The civilian troopers pushed the Paiute forces up to the northern end of the valley before being repelled by Joaquin Jim’s armed contingent

(Walton 1992: 18). As civilians escaped south, taking with them 4,000 head of steer and

2,500 sheep, the U.S. Army arrived at Owens Valley (McGrath 1984: 28; Stewart 2004:

29-30; Walton 1992: 18). While the removal of livestock and civilians let the Paiute reclaim the valley, this changed with the establishment of Fort Independence on July 4,

1862 (Walton 1992: 19). The fort began to implement starvation tactics to drive the

Paiute from the valley and foothills. The ultimate strategy was that after the Paiute were driven into the mountains, they would be kept from the valley through armed force. This would keep them from collecting the necessary winter resources and lead them to sue for peace before succumbing to starvation (Walton 1992: 19).

Despite its distance from the valley, Aurora became the focus for what newspapers between Nevada and California called “the excitement” (Stewart 2004: 55).

This was because the cattlemen who participated in the war sold their products in town and bought supplies in Aurora. Aurora settlers also worried about a possible alliance between the Mono Paiute from Aurora and the Paiute, Shoshone, and Mono militants down in Owens Valley (Stewart 2004: 56-57). A public meeting was held on March 12,

1862 to discuss the ongoing hostilities and, following the meeting, John J. Kellogg, a former army captain, led a group of eighteen men to aid the settlers (Stewart 2004: 55).

The volunteers relieved the cattlemen down at Independence Creek, located seventy miles south of Mono Lake. Their combined forces numbered sixty and they were led by

Colonel William Mayfield. Upon their arrival, the men had a skirmish with the combined

Indigenous forces, resulting in the death of Cage J. Pleasant of Aurora and Harrison

Morrison of Visalia, and later the Sheriff of Aurora, N.F. Scott (Stewart 2004: 55). After the death of Scott, Mayfield’s battalion escaped to the camp at Independence Creek, leaving behind their ammunition supply and horses.

Following the implementation of starvation tactics and a second wave of attacks from Aurora, the fall of 1862 was marked by many Paiute surrendering themselves to

Fort Independence and the signing of a Peace Treaty in October 1862. Historic interviews with Paiute survivors stressed that, in contradiction to white settler accounts, this was a sign of Paiute acquiescence, as the Paiutes were tricked into surrendering themselves to the forts, believing that they would be fed there only to be held hostage at arrival (Walton

1992: 20-21). The war renewed once again in March 1863, fueled by the disillusionment of Paiute chiefs towards the fort system and the lack of settler awareness towards the

Paiutes’ plight. The Paiutes began to return to the valley to try and reclaim their land, to which the army responded by calling in reinforcements consisting of one-hundred and twenty troopers and thirty-five civilians (Walton 1992: 21). Following these new attacks on Indigenous settlements and resources, Paiute families began surrendering more to the local forts. Once the Paiute population at Fort Independence grew to nine-hundred and eight, an armed guard of ninety-five troopers escorted the Paiute via wagon and on foot to the Sebastian Indian Reserve near Fort Tejon. An estimated fifty individuals escaped during the twelve-day trek, either during the night or by hiding among the reeds in the

Owens Lake marshes, and more left Fort Tejon after arrival and settled back in the

Owens Valley mountains (Walton 1992: 21). Following this escort, the Owens Valley

Paiute began to return to their valley, living in camps along the edges of white settlement towns when work was available (Shaw 2009: 29-30; Stewart 2004: 57; Walton 1992: 21-

22).

The Northern Paiute near Aurora, Nevada adapted to the new mining town similarly. Northern Paiute established camps in the foothills and would take up wage labor in Aurora to make ends meet. Participation in the Aurora economy increased as mining and development around the town diminished the pinyon pine forests and overhunted the fauna that were necessary to the Paiute diet (Shaw 2016: 167). The types of labor the Paiutes took up include mining and panning, postal service, firefighting, fishing, lumber work, laundry work, selling pine nuts, and selling hunted or trapped game for food or entertainment (Bodie Daily Free Press: May 8, 1881; January 20, April 15,

June 25, November 15, 1882; February 6, 21; March 8, 1883; Daily Bodie Standard: July

12, 1879; May 27, 1880; Shaw 2016: 175-176). Outside of wage labor, the Paiutes would

17 put on war dances for the general populace of Aurora for an admission fee (Bodie Daily

Free Press: May 28, 1881).

That is not to say the Paiute abandoned previous lifeways altogether. The Paiutes would still gather pine nuts over the summer for winter consumption, performed pow- wows at Mono Lake, and collected brine fly larvae for later use (Shaw 2016: 167, 174-

175). For leisure, the most common activities included gambling, playing sports, such as football, large gatherings called “fandangos”, horse flag pole races, foot races, and local

Aurora dances (Bodie Morning News: April 1, 1879; May 8, 1880; Daily Bodie Free

Press: July 6, 1882; February 23, 1883; Shaw 2016: 170). Racism towards the Northern

Paiute was still an issue, ranging from the Paiute being portrayed as inherently drunk or

“savage” in the Aurora and Bodie newspapers to interracial violence towards the Paiute.

In the latter case, the Northern Paiute were either the targets in bar brawls or killed by

Euromerican settlers, who in some cases are acquitted (Mono Alpine Chronicle: June 19,

1880; Bodie Daily Free Press: August 11, 1880; Bodie Standard-News: August 10,

1880). These issues, ranging from stereotypical portrayals to interracial violence, continues to now.

Today, the Northern Paiute population, according to the United States 2000

Census, is estimated at 13,204, including the Paiute-Shoshones, and can be found within reservations, colonies, and rancherias (United States Census Bureau [USCB] 2000).

Reservations include the Duck Valley Reservation, located in Elko County, Nevada and

Owyhee County, Idaho, the Fallon Reservation in Churchill County, Nevada, the Fort

McDermitt Reservation in Malheur County, Oregon, and Humboldt County, Nevada, the

Summit Lake Reservation, located in Humboldt County, Nevada, Pyramid Lake

Reservation, located between Lyon, Storey, and Washoe Counties, Nevada, the Walker

River Reservation, shared between Churchill, Lyon, and Mineral Counties, Nevada, the

Warm Springs Reservation, located between Clakamas, Jefferson, Marian, and Wasco

Counties, Oregon, the Yerington Reservation and Trust Lands in Lyons County, Nevada, the Benton (Utu Utu Gwaitu) Paiute Reservation in Mono County, California, the Burns

Paiute Reservation and Trust Lands in Harney County, Oregon, and the Fort Bidwell

Reservation in Modoc County, California (Pritzker 2000: 226-227). Colonies include the

Lovelock Indian Colony in Pershing County, Nevada, the Fallon Colony in Churchill

County, Nevada, the Reno-Sparks Indian Colony in Washoe County, Nevada, the

Bridgeport Indian Colony in Mono County California, the Winnemucca Indian Colony in

Humboldt County, Nevada, and the Burns Paiute Indian Colony in Harney County,

Oregon (Pritzker 2000: 226-227). Rancherias include the Cedarville Rancheria in Modoc

County, California and the Susanville Rancheria in Lassen County, California (Pritzker

2000: 227; see Figure 1.2.).

Figure 1.2. Tribal reservations, colonies, and rancherias of Nevada (Taken from the EPA, https://www3.epa.gov/region9/air/maps/nv_tribe.html).

History of Aurora, Nevada

The 1860s marked a huge wave of migration into Nevada Territory because of the discovery of silver ore known as the Comstock Lode and Esmeralda Lode. While Aurora was situated on the Esmeralda Lode, its growth was influenced by the attention received by the Comstock Lode as well. Other cities that Aurora was connected to during this silver rush included Bodie, Tonopah, Virginia City, Silver City, and Gold Hill (Kersten

1964: 490; Moehring 1997: 343).

Aurora originated as a mining camp set up in 1860 by J.M. Corey, E. R. Hicks, and J. M Braly after they struck the Esmeralda Lode (Dale 2011: 12; Kersten 1964: 495;

McGrath 1984: 1; Stewart 2004: 1; Withee 2015: 4). Established as a town in the fall of

1860, Aurora was also referred to as Esmeralda because of its location within the

Esmeralda Mining District (Shaw 2009: 48-49). Thousands of residents moved into the valley and began establishing brick, stone, and wooden buildings, saloons, general stores, as well as a large variety of businesses (Shaw 2009: 3-8; Withee 2015: 4; See Figure 1.3. for town overview). Before long the town had a highly diverse population including around one thousand to one thousand five hundred Paiute (Shaw 2016: 175). One of

Aurora’s most celebrated residents was Mark Twain, also known as Samuel Clemens, who wrote about his five-month residency in Aurora during the spring and summer 1862 in his travelogue Roughin’ It (McGrath 1984: 3). Within his account Clemens, among other anecdotes, described how his initial claim prospered and busted quickly within this short span of time, reflecting Aurora's brief time as a mining town (Stewart 2004: 71, 75-

76; Twain 1872; Withee 2015: 4).

Figure 1.3. Photograph of Aurora, Nevada. Typed beneath image: Photograph of main street of Aurora, Nevada; Picture taken about 1870." Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Nevada-Reno.

Aurora was notable within Nevada for its high yet brief silver yield from 1861-

1865, which was buoyed by its road connections to Carson City and, in conjunction, with the San Francisco Stock and Exchange Board (Kersten 1964: 499-500; Stewart 2004: 2).

At its peak, Aurora held a population of 5,000 and produced an estimated total of $16 million, although recent research indicates Aurora’s bullion production may have been as low as $3 million during the 1860s (Stewart 2004: 2; Shaw, 2016: 307-314). Aurora’s time as a prosperous mining town, however, was short as its surface ore deposits ran out only one-hundred feet below the surface. Despite three small mining booms during the

1870s, 1880s, and WWI, the sixty-year-old town was virtually abandoned by 1920 (See

Figure 1.4; (Stewart 2004: 71, 75-76; Shaw 2009: 153-158; Shaw 2016 89-112, 183-188).

Figure 1.4. Aurora, Nevada circa. September 1932 post-abandonment. Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Nevada-Reno.

Conclusion

Through studying Aurora’s archaeological records, historic documents, and the

Paiute’s oral historical accounts, one can understand how persistence was fostered among the Northern Paiute of Aurora. Six Paiute campsites located outside the townsite of

Aurora will serve as the location for this study. The retention or alteration of the sites’ and artifacts’ cultural aspects, with the accompanying historic documentary and oral accounts, will inform how the Paiute survived within the colonialist setting of Aurora.

Chapter One introduces the subject of persistence for this research project and the frameworks that will be used. The chapter presents a history of the Northern Paiute, first a historical and cultural background of the group followed by a history of Northern Paiute interactions with white Americans. Of note are the white American expeditions into

Great Basin territory, such as Joseph Walker’s and John Ogden’s excursions, and the

Owens Valley Indian War in the 1860s. The chapter concludes by providing a summary of the history of Aurora, Nevada.

Chapter Two introduces and elaborates on the concept of persistence, which will be used to assess the sites surveyed for this research. The chapter also contextualizes the framework of persistence by summarizing previous frameworks used to assess colonial interactions between European settlers and Indigenous groups and the effects resulting from first colonial encounters. Chapter Three summarizes the items photographed and cataloged within the six sites surveyed and mapped for thesis research as well as notable features found within each site.

Chapter Four elaborates on the connection between the material remains of the site and their connection with the concept of persistence. In addition to the archaeological remains, documentary evidence, deriving from Aurora and Bodie newspapers, journals, and oral descendant accounts, are used to substantiate the concepts underlying persistence, which are identity, practice, and context.

Chapter Five concludes by summarizing the ideas of persistence in relation to the

Aurora Paiute and presents future research ideas for the project.

Chapter 2: Culture Contact and Colonial Archaeology

This chapter will describe the theoretical frameworks and methods that informed my research. I will first provide the historical context behind my methods. I will describe previous theories and methods used in research about colonialism starting with the late nineteenth century and ending with current approaches. Following this history, I will explain why I will not implement these older approaches and why I believe the criticisms of older methods are vital to my research. In the following section, I will provide a background of cultural persistence, using Lee Panich’s concept of persistence as a starting point. I will then describe persistence’s place in the archaeology of colonialism.

Specifically, I will summarize the archaeological discourses surrounding the five- hundredth anniversary of Christopher Columbus and how this discourse contributed to the study of cultural persistence as relating to Indigenous studies. In the last section, I will explain which theories and methods will be integrated into my approach and which will not. For my thesis research approach, I will implement Panich’s concept of persistence, splitting up my analysis between the underlying characteristics of persistence: identity, practice, and context. I will also integrate the criticisms I make against older methods into my approach to avoid ethnocentric tendencies.

Past and Current Approaches to Cultural Persistence

The framework of cultural persistence is built upon previous attempts to understand subaltern lifeways and reactions to colonial systems as well as the critiques to these previous approaches. These studies are fall under the umbrella of the subfield

25 known as the archaeology of colonialism. It should be noted that the archaeology of colonialism should not be confused with colonial archaeology. Archaeology of colonialism focuses on the material culture and documentary evidence resulting from ancient and more recent systems of imperialism, usually European forms of colonialism, and the consequences of these systems on the descendants of Indigenous groups and the colonizers (Ferris et al. 2014: 5; Gosden 2004; Jordan 2009: 31; Paterson 2011: 9-12;

Silliman 2010b: 29, 31). Colonial archaeology emphases on material culture and architecture resulting from colonial systems and the structure and symbolism that informed such designs (Gosden 2008: 161-162). A notable example includes James

Deetz’s In Small Things Forgotten with his research on the cultural context of Georgian architecture (1977).

The earliest model used by historical archaeologists to analyze these reactions was acculturation. Acculturation is the process through which different cultures interact with one another and the ways one or both cultures change in terms of material culture and/or identity presentation following first contact (Paterson 2011: 37-38, 42). Following its introduction in the late nineteenth century (McGee and Fontana 2000), the definition of acculturation was refined to emphasize Native American and European interactions

(Redfield et al. 1936: 149) and to include different types of acculturation results (Paterson

2011: 38; Powell 1883; Rubertone 2000: 427-428; Spicer 1961).

The main methods used to study acculturation are artifact ratios and the direct historical method. Artifact ratios are comparative ratios based on the idea that cultures are units defined by a collection of traits. Therefore, if one cultural trait is more prevalent in a site, that cultural group or individual inhabited that site (Deetz 1977; Jordan 2009: 33;

Paterson 2011: 39; Rubertone 2000: 428). The direct historical method uses cultural concepts recorded within ethnographic and historical materials, such as journals, newspapers, and census data, and applies them to the prehistoric past (Jordan 2009: 33;

Paterson 2011: 32; Rubertone 2000: 427).

During the 1960s, archaeologists criticized acculturation for its reliance on unilinear change, its assumption that Indigenous groups were passive in the face of cultural change, and its omission of material culture contexts. Acculturation implies passive cultural change where the assumed direction of the change was always

Indigenous assimilation into a dominant European lifeway. The assumption does not account for active choice, focuses on how rather than why European material culture was adopted, and reinforces terminal narratives where Native American groups either assimilated or died out (Lightfoot 1995: 206; Lightfoot et al. 1998: 200; Panich 2013:

106; Paterson 2011: 39; Rubertone 2000: 430; Silliman 2004: 285 and 2005: 61).

Because acculturation did not explain why certain items were adopted, the framework fails to address the cultural, historical, and material contexts of changing Native archaeological assemblages (Rubertone 2000: 430-431). Last, since acculturation ignores specific cultural and historical contexts, European and Indigenous groups are treated as monolithic, generalized entities (Jordan 2009: 33; Silliman 2010: 31).

The methods used within acculturation studies were similarly criticized. In addition to the critiques brought up against acculturation in general, Archaeologists criticized the tendency for artifact ratios to equate artifact categories with specific ethnic identities and create arbitrary classifications for what was considered “Indigenous” and

“European” ((Lightfoot 1995: 206; Silliman 2010: 32, 35). Archaeologists also critiqued

27 the direct historical method for its uncritical use of ethnographic and historical documents

(Lightfoot 1995: 206; Lightfoot et al. 1998: 200; Rubertone 2000: 427-429, 432-434;

Paterson 2011: 32-33). Applying documents written from a Eurocentric perspective to the past created and perpetuated ethnocentric interpretations and terminal narratives. This resulted from archaeologists ignoring the ethnocentric biases in historic documents and privileging written sources over archaeological materials (Lightfoot 1995: 204-205;

Lightfoot and Simmons 1998: 161; Spivak 1988).

Following acculturation, archaeologists turned to post-processual archaeology as an alternative to Eurocentric archaeological approaches. Post-processual archaeology was viewed as a remedy for processual and functionalist archaeological models that defined most social sciences during the 1960s and 1970s (Dornan 2002: 303). Post-processual archaeology emerged during the 1980s and emphasized the importance of practice theory, feminist, and Marxist archaeology as well as the importance of individual narratives and experiences in the archaeological record (Ferguson 1996: 70; Lightfoot et al. 1998: 201;

Paterson 2011: 170; Silliman and Ferguson 2010: 58; Trigger 2006: 444-459, 476-478).

One major method adapted from post-processual archaeology is agency (Dornan 2002:

303). An advantage of agency is that it acknowledges purposeful actions, their effects on the external world, and helps explain how these actions are constrained, enabled, constructed, or manifested within larger systems (Dornan 2002: 303; Ortner 1984: 148).

One shortcoming of agency, in my opinion, is its ambiguous status as both a theoretical framework and a researchable concept. Even the definition of agency as a concept has been a matter of philosophical and anthropological debate (Dornan 2002:

304; Ortner 1984: 127). Some definitions of agency include what it means to be an

“individual”, unique cognitive thought, resistance, the capacity for skillful social practice, freedom from structural constraints, institutional unintentional action, and rational action

(Dobres and Robb 2000: 3; Dornan 2002: 304). Because of these conflations, agency is often conflated with topics such as resistance, which, while resistance is an important topic, can lead to the romanticizing of Indigenous experience within colonial structures and the exclusion of overarching colonial violence.

The two major contributors to the study of agency are Pierre Bourdieu and

Anthony Giddens. Bourdieu’s main contribution to agency, practice theory, uses terms related to human domination and resistance to understand how actors affect social systems and vice versa, using class and social inequality as a key element (Bourdieu

1972; Dornan 2002: 305). The main underlying concept of practice theory is habitus, which is our unconsciously internalized social dispositions and the ways that human external systems are structured around these dispositions (Bourdieu 1972: 164; Dornan

2002: 305-306). A major critique brought against practice theory and habitus is that while both acknowledge the ability for individuals to affect external systems, both are still deterministic for assuming that most changes are accidental due to the ingrained nature of systematic social inequalities (Dornan 2002: 305-306).

The second notable contribution to agency studies was Anthony Giddens’ structuration theory. Structuration theory focuses on the enabling and constraining nature of social systems and integrates notions of creativity and innovation into its ideas of practice (Dornan 2002: 307; Giddens 1979: 150). The difference between structuration theory and practice theory is that structuration theory assumes that social relationships and interactions are based on practical decision making and habitual action (Giddens

1979; Dornan 2002: 307-308). The emphasis on creative decision making allows a degree of change to occur not found in practice theory. A major critique of structuration theory is that it assumes all individuals make only rational decisions without addressing the possibility that decisions could also be informed by external systems or complex motivations and desires.

I include both Bourdieu and Giddens in this section as I believe both are essential in colonial archaeological investigations. Specifically, I argue that the differences in each approach mirrors the difficulty in studying agency in archaeology. The struggle to study agency archaeologically has led to the formation of three main conflicts. This conflict can by split into three dichotomies: knowledgeable versus habitual agents, creativity versus cultural determinism, and whether social change is intended or a consequence (Dornan

2002: 308-309).

One side of this dichotomy is habitual action, cultural determinism, and the unintended consequences of social change. These three topics are important when studying on a systematic scale of analysis and are effective when applied to overarching social structures. More specifically, archaeological studies into colonial systems, such as hegemonic studies that focus on the power inequalities between colonizers and the colonized, apply to this category (Paterson 2011: 40; Silliman 2004: 285). Like previous critiques of acculturation and practice theory, these three topics risk falling back onto assumptions of passivity within Indigenous groups and denying the possibility for change and resistance.

The opposite side of this conflict includes knowledgeable agents, creativity, and intended social change. The three topics are crucial to archaeologists, especially in post-

30 processual circles, when they focus on agency. Because the three topics focus on active decision-making processes, individual action, and working against dominant social systems, agency studies in archaeology is often conflated with resistance studies

(Lightfoot 2004a: 182; and 2004b: 86-89; Silliman 2010: 36). All three are essential in studies where the purpose is to grant Indigenous groups more agency than previously allowed in earlier archaeological studies (Orser 2012: 738, 742). Archaeologists have criticized this approach because its sole focus on individual action and resistance can romanticize Indigenous agency while ignoring the systematic colonial violence perpetrated against colonized groups (Jordan 2009: 34 and 2014: 110, 113; Orser 2012:

738, 742). The approach also risks relying on antiquated ideas of equating material culture with ethnicity, as the presence of so-called Indigenous typed artifacts are sometimes interpreted as indicators of “authentic” Indigenous identity and resistance

(Panich 2013: 108).

The history behind the use of acculturation and agency are necessary to understand why cultural persistence has become a topic of discussion in historical archaeology and how persistence functions as a theoretical framework in my study. First, the postcolonial critiques against acculturation and its methods are crucial to avoid an ethnocentric interpretation of the Paiute sites I studied and any assumptions of passively accepted assimilation. Even though the sites have a mixture of historical and lithic artifacts, I will not use antiquated approaches like the direct historical approach or artifact seriation. Second, the critiques placed against agency are equally important, since I believe agency as a concept and framework is still ill-defined and the ways that agency has been implemented have been strictly dichotomous between systematic and individual,

31 and habitual and intentional interpretations. For my work, I will implement the strengths of both sides of the agency dichotomy by using both the overarching colonial and

Indigenous context while acknowledging the possibility of action against these systems.

To better describe how individuals either worked against, with, or manipulated these systems, the following section will describe the system of cultural persistence to answer these questions.

Cultural Persistence: Definition and Applications

While cultural persistence is not a new topic of study, the approach I believe is appropriate for my research is the type of persistence defined by Lee M. Panich in his article “Archaeologies of Persistence: Reconsidering the Legacies of Colonialism in

Native North America” (2013). Archaeologically, persistence is the ways that identity and cultural lifeways change, how these changes are integrated into daily practice, and how identity and its associated lifeways are sustained (Panich 2013: 107). Panich’s definition stresses the similarities between change and continuity, which acknowledges the figurative and symbolic repercussions of colonialism, and the group and individual forms of agency and resistance. For persistence to be holistic, Panich states that it needs to be based on identity, practice, and context. Identity, whether individual or collective, is a socially constructed concept based on active decision-making processes (Panich 2013:

107-108). These decisions are based on either foresight for the group’s future or pragmatism based on survival at that moment. Practice, based on Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus, is how individuals or groups use specific artifacts and how the items’ use molds the items’ cultural meaning (Silliman 2009: 215). Panich’s definition of practice

32 acknowledges the constraints and empowerment imposed by social and material contexts on individuals. Context is the historical events that either inform the present or a specific historical period. Notable contexts in persistence studies are pre-contact, early colonial, and postcolonial time periods. Comparisons between these scales of analyses acknowledges the dynamic changes that Indigenous groups integrated in their lifeways.

The acknowledgement of these changes counters terminal narrative interpretations that have been entrenched in anthropological studies (Ferris 2009: xiv; Panich 2013: 109-110;

Silliman 2009: 215-216).

Panich’s article is one of the first attempts to define persistence and outline how it should be read archaeologically. His article was not the first to research cultural change and continuity in colonial contexts. Cultural persistence, in archaeological studies, is the change and continuity of cultural lifeways found within the material record. The questions asked within persistence studies are how and why people change and in what ways that they stayed the same (Lightfoot et al. 1998: 200; Silliman 2009: 213). Most studies that focus on cultural persistence are based on accommodation. Accommodation is a pragmatic strategy that cultural groups or individuals use when adopting other cultural ideas into their lifeways or when deciding which of their cultural traits they should retain (Paterson 2011: 44). Accommodation is present in areas of high power inequality, making the concept appealing for analyzing pluralistic colonized populations within colonial contexts. In some instances, cultural persistence is conflated with passive or active resistance (e.g. Arkush 2011; Liebmann et al. 2005) and the associated strategies that retain specific important cultural traits. That is not to say that persistence cannot allow for resistance or provide Indigenous groups with strategies that would allow

33 them to survive until an opportunity for resistance arrives (Silliman 2014: 61-62). Most research into cultural persistence, however, focuses on the strategies of accommodation than outright resistance. Cultural persistence’s emphasis on accommodation with its allowance for possible resistance will be an integral part of my approach.

Interest in cultural persistence spiked during the 500th anniversary of Christopher

Columbus’s expedition to the New World. The 1992 Columbian Quincentenary and the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) both fueled discourses about the relationship between archaeology and colonialism’s legacy into postcolonial times (Lightfoot 1995: 199; Schneider 2015: 695; Wylie 1992: 591).

The events that celebrated the survival of Indigenous groups in a postcolonial world were especially integral to these discussions. The main split was between those who pushed back against his legacy, citing the imperial systems of oppression that emerged following his arrival, and those who advocated for Columbus, arguing that his actions were a turning point in the development of human history (Wylie 1992: 591-592). These discussions acted as a starting point for archaeologists working within the archaeology of colonialism to re-examine their position within Columbus’ imperial legacy.

Questioning Columbus’s impact led archaeologists to critique the theoretical and methodological short comings within the subfield of the archaeology of colonialism.

Archaeologists of the early 1990s addressed and criticized archaeological approaches that failed to present a comprehensive view of colonial contexts, especially where Indigenous groups were concerned. The major critiques focused on the models used for analyzing colonial interactions, issues of ethnocentrism within ethnographic texts, and the need for collaboration between archaeological and Indigenous stakeholders (Lightfoot et al. 1998;

Silliman and Ferguson 2010). Archaeologists during the Quincentennial called for a need for more refined models when studying first contact and the changes that followed.

Archaeologists called for more nuanced iterations of previous models that tracked change, frameworks that did not fall back on false dichotomies of assimilation and resistance, and additional new models (Ferris et al. 2014: 10; Lightfoot et al. 1998: 200;

Paterson 2011: 39; Rubertone 2000: 430-432). New models introduced during the anniversary and following it attempted to pursue these calls for more holistic interpretations. The new models focused on emerging ethnic identities, such as ethnogenesis, and decision-making processes (Paterson 2011: 44).

The second main issue was the ethnocentrism found within journalistic accounts, narratives, and ethnographies used as references for pre-contact lifeways and first contact. Archaeologists would uncritically apply these texts without evaluating the source’s biases. The concern was exacerbated by the fact that the perspectives in these resources were Eurocentric and alternate Indigenous accounts were not sought out in previous studies (Ehrhardt 2005: 367; Lightfoot 1995: 201, 204-205; Lightfoot and

Simmons 1998; Ferris et al. 2014: 4; Wylie 1992: 592). Following this critique, archaeologists emphasized the need for methods that would critically evaluate and apply ethnographic sources without taking the biased materials at face value (Lightfoot 1995 et al: 201, 204-205; Lightfoot and Simmons 1998). The third main critique focused on the need for collaboration, especially following the passage of NAGPRA. The main argument was that increased community involvement among Indigenous stakeholders could allow for shifts in research design, allow more holistic interpretations and methods, improve heritage laws, and, most importantly, give Indigenous stakeholders a stronger

35 say in what happens with their own material culture (Paterson 2011: 173; Wylie 1992:

593).

Using these critiques as a jumping off point, archaeologists started considering cultural continuity and change as viable frameworks and subjects. This interest coincided with discussions asking for more diachronic and holistic archaeological interpretations.

Holistic interpretations within this context refer to interpretations that are multivocal, which integrate multiple perspectives to create a comprehensive narrative (Lightfoot

1995: 199; Lightfoot 2005; Paterson 2011: 33-34; Silliman 2010a: 219; Wylie 1992: 592-

593). The call for more holistic interpretations was also based on previous critiques of the ethnocentric nature of ethnographic materials. The acknowledgement that colonial spaces were pluralistic communities, rather than spaces comprised of the monolithic categories of colonizers and the colonized, informed the need for holistic archaeological methods

(Ehrhardt 2005: 366-367, 371; Rubertone 2000: 437-439; Voss 2005: 461; Wylie 1992:

592). Therefore, the call for holistic interpretations is practical given the pluralistic nature of most colonial spaces. The need for multivocality is also symbolic since the acknowledgement of plurality can correct Eurocentric biases.

Tracking cultural change and continuity using holistic interpretations is tied with the demand for using different scales of analyses to create a comprehensive perspective.

The idea to use varying time scales within archaeological analyses was inspired by the

Annales School of French History, which uses two different time scales to track cultural change. The first is the long durée, which studies change on a larger time scale, and short purée, which looks at change over smaller time periods (Lightfoot 1995: 199; Silliman

2012). By comparing both scales, archaeologists can track material changes that only

36 lasted over smaller time scales, or ones that were systematic and were eventually integrated into cultural continuity over the long durée. Diachronic, or multiscalar, approaches compare macroscale and microscale processes to track cultural change or continuity (Lightfoot 1995: 209 and 2005: 29; Lightfoot et al.: 1998: 199-200). To implement a multiscalar approach, three conditions must be taken into consideration to strengthen research into change and continuity. The conditions include the scales that change occurred on, if the change had any effect on cultural lifeways on higher or lower scales of analyses, or if change eventually became integrated on a national level to be considered as continuity.

Following the Quincentennial anniversary, the types of models used to address cultural persistence increased. In addition to emphasizing the importance of daily practice and pluralism, archaeologists encouraged studies that addressed the concept of cultural persistence. As a result, multiple frameworks emerged from their attempts to research persistence. Some persistence models are based on the creation of new identities, the combination of two or more cultural identities, or the integration of certain cultural traits.

Such ideas are found in the models of ethnogenesis and creolization, a framework conflated with the concept of hybridity.

Creolization is either the emergence of a colonial culture that may or may not be the result of ethnic or cultural mixing or the hybridization of material culture and ethnic characteristics (Dawdy 2000: 1; Ewen 2000: 36; Liebmann 2013: 27; Lightfoot and

Martinez 1995: 474). Ethnogenesis, while sometimes conflated with creolization (Delle

2000), refers to the creation of a new ethnicity, usually through changing racial,

37 gendered, or ethnic cultural characteristics, either in an area of high cultural contact or engrained colonialism (Voss 2005: 465).

What makes these frameworks appealing for archaeologists studying cultural persistence is the presence of accommodation practices in both methods. These accommodation practices become essential when studying chaotic earlier intercultural contact or areas of contention. Areas of contention are defined by either conflict between

Indigenous groups and encroaching colonial powers, Indigenous groups trapped in an area between two or more colonial powers, or Indigenous groups transplanted from their homelands and placed in a wholly colonial context (Cusick 2000; Lightfoot 1995;

Mullins and Paynter 2000; Voss 2005). As presented in Cusick’s (2000) article and many others (Ewen 2000; Lightfoot 1995; Lightfoot et al. 1998; Mullins and Paynter 2000;

Voss 2005), while creolization and ethnogenesis may produce what seem like completely new identities or so-called distillations of “authentic” Indigenous lifeways, the identities may also be strategies that Indigenous groups used to manipulate overarching colonial lifeways to survive. These new identities, resulting either from creolization or ethnogenesis, would then become aids for the persistence strategies of Indigenous groups from early intercultural contact to colonialism to postcolonialism now.

While cultural persistence is sometimes conflated with resistance, I view persistence as an aid to passive and active resistance. Although this conflation has come under fire in recent years (Ferris 2009; Ferris et al. 2014), other archaeologists, such as

Silliman, have argued that cultural persistence can assist future resistance activities

(2014). Silliman claimed that, while persistence may not always equal resistance, aspects of it aid in the survival of cultural lifeways and colonized Indigenous groups in general.

Survival among Indigenous groups include living through to a post-colonial era or enduring until an opportunity for resistance arrives. And even in cases where persistence may not be related to resistance, persistence can still be implemented through using negotiation tactics within colonial systems. Indigenous negotiation tactics in these circumstances includes manipulating these systems for various reasons. One reason includes survival, such as integrating Old World sustenance into their diet or mass- produced items into their tool set. Another includes using colonial systems for wealth and social status, such as using colonial-typed items for conspicuous consumption. A third includes social gain, such as adopting colonial type of dress and customs to move up in colonial social strata (Arkush 2011; Cusick 2000).

Cultural persistence can be seen in iterations other than material culture. Some examples include colonized groups’ relationships with landscapes and public and private performances. Archaeologists use landscape in colonial studies to map colonial structures and study how these colonial institutions operated within Indigenous landscapes.

Landscape can indicate how Indigenous site reuse aided cultural persistence among colonized groups as well (Anschuetz et al. 1999; Branton 2009: 53-54; Hauser and Hicks

2007; Knapp and Ashmore 1999; Rubertone 1989 and 2000; Schneider 2015: 526;

Silliman 2004 and 2010).

Landscape studies and private and public performances are similar in that both can be integral to cultural persistence and survival. Public performances are necessary for cultural persistence in that it helps colonized groups appear assimilated and acculturated.

Appearing assimilated could assist with surviving day-to-day interactions and could help earn social gain through manipulating the overarching colonial system (Arkush 2011;

Voss 2005). That is not to say that because colonized groups appear assimilated does not mean they are. For example, in Arkush’s study of ethnohistoric Ohlone native continuity within the California mission system, while documentary evidence indicated that neophytes would adopt missionary culture publicly, privately within Indigenous spaces their material culture and cultural lifeways still flourished (2011).

Current approaches to persistence integrate these aspects of public and private performance, landscape use, identity formation and retention, resistance, and holistic research to create more nuanced interpretations. Two of these approaches are survivance and resistance. Gerald Vizenor, an Anishinaabe scholar of Indigenous studies, introduced survivance to avoid the implication that the persistence of Indigenous groups is neutral or negative (Vizenor 1998: 15). Vizenor’s intent was to present the act of surviving within a colonial oppressive sphere, which includes adapting Euromerican technology or changing previous lifeways, as active in contrast to the connotation of the act of surviving being passive (Vizenor 1998; Silliman 2014: 58-59). Residence, based on Silliman’s concept of residence from his 2001 article, focuses on how the act of creating a space within an oppressive colonial context fosters persistence and resistance among colonized groups

(Silliman 2001: 194-195; and 2014: 62). Since these spaces are insulated from these colonial systems, colonized groups can foster their identity and practices safely as well as change certain cultural aspects and integrate colonial technology when their survival calls for it. Because these spaces can foster both survival and resistance activities, residence avoids the dominance and resistance dichotomy common in earlier research about

Indigenous colonial experiences.

Each approach I have described has exemplified one of three trends in modern archaeological investigations into Indigenous lifeways within colonial spaces. One includes critiquing previous models, such as acculturation and agency, and readjusting them to allow for more nuanced interpretations. The second includes introducing new factors, including landscapes and public and private performances, and applying them to archaeological investigations into Indigenous lived colonialism. The third involves introducing new or modified frameworks and models, such as creolization, ethnogenesis, and persistence, to meet the need for more holistic archaeological research into colonialism. In the next section, I will explain which of these factors and frameworks are appropriate for my research into the lives of Aurora’s Paiute residents.

Thesis Approach to Persistence

For this thesis, the main framework I will use will be Panich’s definition of persistence and its underlying concepts of identity, practice, and context. For Panich’s definition of persistence, I will explore each characteristic individually. For identity, I will analyze how aspects of the Aurora Paiute’s cultural identity were either modified for symbolic or practical reasons or retained for cultural or religious ones. Using the critiques presented in residence to explore how the campsites’ helped foster persistence and resistance activities. I will use the archaeological materials found within the sites that are integral to the Paiutes’ public and private spheres of identity to see if they indicate any type of change or retention. I will analyze the concept of practice through comparing two types of daily practice: economic activity and consumption habits. For each activity, I will look at how the items found in the sites and described in the historic documents were

41 used or how their usage changed during Aurora’s heyday. For practice, I will implement the critiques presented in Vizenor’s concept of survivance to avoid presenting the

Paiutes’ practice as too neutral or negative. For context, I will contextualize these changes in identity and practice by describing the relationship between Aurora’s Paiute population and the Euromerican explorers. By contextualizing these, changes I hope to exhibit how these changes were integrated into Paiute cultural lifeways and avoid falling back on acculturative tendencies as described earlier.

Conclusion

I began this chapter by summarizing the previous, and in some cases still current, frameworks used by archaeologists to study colonial interactions. I detail both acculturation and agency studies, providing a summary of the concepts that underlie both frameworks and the critiques that have been presented against both fields. The synopsis and critiques of both frameworks inform how the cultural persistence framework is used today in studies of colonial interactions. I then define cultural persistence as presented by

Lee Panich in his 2013 article. I outlined the concepts underlying his idea of cultural persistence and how it could be applied archaeologically. I then follow Panich’s summary by tying the rise of interest in cultural persistence with the postcolonial discourses surrounding the Columbian Quincentenary. After describing the concepts explored with the cultural persistence framework, I present my own approach to my research and the ways in which the methods and theories described informed my work.

Chapter 3: Site Survey Summaries

To discuss the themes related to cultural persistence described in the previous chapter, I will provide evidence from Aurora, Nevada. I will summarize six ethnohistoric

Paiute sites located on the foothills found south of Aurora. I will present the artifacts and features and any environmental characteristics may be important to this thesis’ interest in cultural persistence.

Site Background

U.S. Forest Service archaeological volunteer Cliff Shaw first discovered these

Paiute archaeological sites in the summer of 2006. In 2015, Eric Dillingham, archaeologist on the Bridgeport Ranger District, Humboldt-Toiyabe National Forest, forwarded the results of his survey to the Aurora Neighborhoods Project at the University of Nevada-Reno for research purposes. Field work for the sites occurred from May through June 2015 and September 10-11, 2016. The sites were clustered north to south from 4239079 to 4239259 N and 332808 to 332873 E and were located at the approximate elevation of 7600 feet. Each site was grouped around one or more notable features, such as a residential feature, or function, such as residential or processing sites.

Six sites were surveyed and mapped (See Figure 3.1). Each site was coded AN-CC

(Aurora Neighborhoods, Culture Contact) followed by its site number. In the summer of

2015, the field crew included UNR students Emily Dale, Melody Zionch, Adam Calkins,

Leo Demski, Erika Schroeder, myself, Professor Carolyn White, and U.S. Forest Service

43 archaeological volunteer Cliff Shaw. The crew for the second field season of 2016 consisted of UNR student Shaun Richey and myself.

The sites were recorded using photography and mapping. Prior to mapping each site, artifact clusters around the major features were marked with colored flagging. The site boundaries were created based on the furthest extent of the artifacts, as marked by the flags, that were clustered around each site’s defining feature or features. Each item, instead of being collected, was photographed two or more times to record each artifact comprehensively and to identity any diagnostic information. Photographs were grouped by site location and logged. For each site, a volunteer sketched a map using either tape and compass or grid methods. For tape-and-compass maps, a datum would be set up near the site’s main feature or, in the case of sites with multiple ground features, multiple datums would be set with one near each feature. A volunteer then used a measuring tape attached to the datum and used a compass to record the length from the datum and the number of degrees to map the features and artifacts nearby. Another volunteer would sketch the feature out by mapping out the points to scale and drawing in the feature as well as artifact points. The tape-and-compass map technique was used for sites AN-CC-1 and AN-CC-2. The grid mapping was accomplished using two measuring tapes to create a grid over a ground feature, creating four X-Y grids. The volunteer would then sketch out important characteristics found within each grid, forming an image of the feature and any important environmental characteristics or artifacts within those grids. The grid technique was used for sites AN-CC-3 through AN-CC-6.

To map out the site’s boundary and its artifacts, a volunteer used a Garmin

Oregon 400t/Garmin Portland to map each site. The volunteer would set up a site

44 boundary based on the furthest extent of the artifacts that were clustered around each site’s defining feature or features. Points on the Garmin would represent either an artifact or a site boundary point. Summaries for each site and the reason for their placement and site organization are provided below.

Following the field work, the artifacts and their photographs were studied and compiled into a catalog. Later, artifacts were cataloged in order of the time their photographs were taken and their site location. Each item was given a catalog number and the following categories were used to describe each item: site number, the photograph numbers of the items’ photos, who photographed the item, how many items made up that artifact, the artifact’s material, the item classification, their primary and secondary function, color and decoration, and comments to further describe each artifact.

The following chapter describes each site, including the artifacts and features found within it, the general environment, and the historic context. Each site boundary was determined by the furthest extent of the artifacts surrounding each site’s more notable features.

Figure 3.1. Overview of sites. Map made by Lauren Walkling.

AN-CC-1

AN-CC-1 (Figure 3.2.) is the southernmost site within the survey area. This site is the largest site surveyed, measuring 1507.29 square meters. AN-CC-1 consists of two main features, a wickiup rock ring base and a pinyon cache, as well as a can scatter and a miscellaneous artifact scatter. The wickiup rock ring (Feature 1.1; see Figure 3.3. and

3.4.) is in the northern part of the site. Only a quarter of the rocks that make up Feature

1.1 remain. The feature is located near a mahogany tree and the artifacts found near it include chert and obsidian flakes, five cans, including hole-in-top and hole-in-cap cans, and a bead. Feature 1.1 is located near a basalt rock scatter.

Figure 3.2. Overview of AN-CC-1. Map made by Lauren Walkling. Note Can Scatter within the site’s eastern area (yellow border) and Artifact Scatter in the northern area of the site (blue border).

Figure 3.3. Site AN-CC-1, Feature 1.1 Rock ring. Photo by Lauren Walkling. Direction northwest.

Figure 3.4. Feature 1.1 Rock ring. Main datum is 4239092 N, 332865 E. 50

The pinyon cache (Feature 1.2; see Figure 3.5. and 3.6.) consists of thirty-four rocks clustered together and contained pinyon nut shells, pine cone fragments, and pine needles underneath the feature’s rocks. Glass bottle fragments and a horseshoe were located near Feature 1.2.

Figure 3.5. Feature 1.2 Pinyon cache. Photo by Emily Dale. 51

Figure 3.6. Figure 1.2. Pinyon cache. The subdatum is 4239080 N, 332873 E.

A survey of the site was conducted during the first week (May 25-29, 2015) and second week (June 1-5, 2015) of thesis research. One-hundred and twenty-two artifacts, including debitage and glass fragment scatters, were photographed and cataloged. This site contained a total of 122 artifacts, which consists of 103 historic artifacts and 19 lithic or fire-affected artifacts. It should be noted that the lithic and fire-affected artifacts consist of debitage and charcoal scatters consisting of two or more pieces of debitage or charcoal. The historic artifacts are particularly diverse within this site, ranging from items relating to personal adornment and clothing, food and drink, recreation, house construction, labor, hygiene, and items of unknown origin. Items relating to food and drink are the most numerous, mainly in the form of hole-in-cap and hole-in-top cans and glass bottle fragments. Items relating to personal adornment, which includes jewelry and clothing, ranges from buttons, beads, rubber and leather shoe fragments a shoe buckle, a 52

suspender buckle. Items that help with sewing includes a safety pin. Aqua glass vessel fragments with decoration, possibly from a candy dish, were noted among the sites’ glass fragments (see Figure 3.7.). Items relating to construction and housing includes a cut nail, pane glass fragments and wire fragments, although the use of the wire fragments on their own is more ambiguous. Items associated with everyday labor includes a bucket handle, a bucket, and horseshoes. One item relating to hygiene and grooming was found in the form of a comb fragment. Recreational artifacts included the remains of a stoneware pipe.

Items of unknown use included a non-ferrous strip of metal with drilled holes, metal caps, and an iron fragment.

Figure 3.7. Possible candy dish fragments from near pinyon cache (Feature 1.2). Note crown pattern on two of the seven pieces. Cat. # 1.27. Photo by Emily Dale. 53

Lithic artifacts included obsidian and chert scatters, with one scatter having both, which are concentrations of flakes numbering two or more flakes. Other lithic tools included a white chert core and retouched flakes. Evidence of fire use was seen through the presence of charcoal, burnt faunal remains, and fire cracked rock (FCR). Three obsidian projectile points were present on the site, including one corner-notched Elko point and two cottonwood triangular points. Shell fragments were found on the site as well.

Figure 3.8. Obsidian and chert debitage near wickiup remains (Feature 1.1). Cat# 1.29. Photo by Emily Dale. 54

Figure 3.9. Can scatter (Feature 1.3) overview. Photo by Emily Dale. Direction south- southwest.

The artifacts of this site were concentrated primarily between one can scatter

(Feature 1.3, see Figure 3.9) and one miscellaneous artifact scatter (Feature 1.4). Feature

1.3 was in the eastern portion of the site within a clearing and consisted over thirty cans, a bucket and bucket handle, glass bottle and unidentified glass fragments, a leather fragment, and nail. The miscellaneous artifact scatter was located north of the wickiup rock ring in the northern part of the site. This scatter included wire fragments, cans, one belt buckle, one shoe buckle, retouched and utilized flakes and one tertiary flake, charcoal, glass bottle fragments, one horseshoe, one comb fragment, metal caps, metal 55

fragments, and shoe leather fragments. A basalt rock scatter was noted to the east of the wickiup rock ring, but it was unclear if it was naturally occurring or not.

AN-CC-2

AN-CC-2 (Figure 3.10 and 3.11.) is a processing site located west of AN-CC-1 within a clearing of pinyon pine trees. The site measures at 437.40 square meters. AN-

CC-2 was the last recorded site during the week of June 2-5, 2015. The site contains forty-four artifacts. The site consists of a metate on the southern end of the clearing and an artifact scatter that consists of most of the site. The metate (Feature 2.1; Figure 3.12.) is a rhyolitic metate that is roughly triangular and is in the southern tip of the site. North of the metate is an artifact scatter made of chert and obsidian debitage. The artifact scatter consists of chert and obsidian debitage flake scatters and individual chert and obsidian flakes, which are flakes found too far apart to be counted as a debitage scatter. Compared to AN-CC-1, AN-CC-2 contained more lithic tools than the previous site, such as cores, flake tools and a scraper. 56

Figure 3.10. Overview of AN-CC-2. Note the Can Scatter in the northern portion of the site. Map made by Lauren Walkling.

The historic artifacts present in this site are fewer in comparison to AN-CC-1.

Historic artifacts include an individual glass bottle fragment, a glass scatter, possibly 57

from a bottle based on the curvature of the glass, a metal sheet folded into thirds, and a piece of black shoe leather. AN-CC-2, in addition to these historic artifacts, contains a can scatter, made up of a hole-in-top can, flattened cans, can lids, four external friction lids and one cut hole-in-cap lid, and can rim fragments. 58

Feature 3.11. AN-CC-2 artifact scatter. Subdatum 1 is 4239077 N, 332846 E, and Subdatum 2 is 4239109 N, 332839 E. Map made by Lauren Walkling. 59

Figure 3.12. Feature 2.1 Rhyolite metate. Photo by Leo Demski.

AN-CC-3

AN-CC-3 (Figure 3.13) is a residential and processing site located in the western portion of the site cluster. This site was recorded on September 10, 2016 and measures

180.52 square meters. The site contains sixteen artifacts. The site consists of a wickiup rock ring (Feature 3.1.; Figure 3.14 and 3.15) located in the southernmost aspect of the site. The rock ring is complete, made of rhyolitic and igneous rock, and the entrance opens to the northwest. The boulders seem to make up an entry way leading into the feature. The feature is partially covered by brush on its western, southeastern, and eastern edges and a desiccated tree limb lies at the northern edge of the feature. Glass bottle 60

fragments and obsidian flakes were noted within the feature. See Figure 3.14 and Figure

3.15 for more information.

Figure 3.13. Overview of AN-CC-3. Map made by Lauren Walkling. 61

Figure 3.14. Feature 3.1 Rock ring. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

Artifacts outside of Feature 3.1 include a leather belt fragment (see Figure 3.16), a can of unknown type, a mining pan, utilized flakes, or flakes that were used, but not retouched, and biface fragments. Outside of the feature are individual or small clusters of 62

obsidian flakes, in addition to an obsidian scatter numbering twenty-one flakes.

Figure 3.15. Feature 3.1 Rock ring. Map by Shaun Richey. 63

Figure 3.16. Leather belt fragment. Cat# 3.16. Photo by Lauren Walkling. 64

AN-CC-4

AN-CC-4 (Figure 3.17) is a residential and processing site recorded on September

10, 2016 and measures 211.996 square meters. Fifteen artifacts are in the site. The site consists of three features: one wickiup rock ring, one non-portable metate, and the remains of a lean-to. The wickiup rock ring (Feature 4.1; see Figure 3.18-3.19) is located on a slope slanted north to south with a pine tree and three bushes covering part of its eastern edge. The ring is complete and is made of rhyolitic boulders. South of the rock ring and on its northeastern edge is non-cultural bedrock. Southwest of Feature 4.1 is a piece of milled wood with a peg hole and partially covered in green paint. 65

Figure 3.17. Overview of AN-CC-4. Map made by Lauren Walkling. 66

Feature 4.2 is a non-portable pink and gray basalt metate. Surrounding the metate are five rhyolitic and sedimentary boulders, three of which seemed to be moved to that location.

Feature 4.3 is the remains of a lean-to placed against a pinyon pine tree. This feature consists of one wooden support, modified from a pinyon pine tree limb, leaning against a pinyon pine tree. The limb has had all its bark stripped and extraneous branches cut off to smooth the limb. Bailing wire is wrapped around one end of the wooden support and twisted on itself to be secured into place. The wire was woven over a tree branch and loosely wrapped around the branch.

Figure 3.18. Feature 4.1 Rock ring. Photography by Lauren Walkling. Direction southeast. 67

The artifacts within this site are primarily historic, making up thirteen of the site’s fifteen artifacts. Four notable ferrous artifacts include a frying pan sans handle, an iron bowl with a corroded bottom, a mule shoe with three nails inserted into it, and a crushed metal band from either a barrel or a bucket. Cans found within the site consist of a hole- in-cap can, a sanitary can, and two flattened cans of unknown origin. Other ferrous materials include a metal scatter made of twenty-one iron pieces, possibly the remains of the iron bowl’s bottom given its texture. Wooden artifacts include a modified tree limb, much like the limb found in Feature 4.3, with four branches sawed off, and a piece of rotting lumber covered in white paint.

The lithic- or stone-typed artifacts include an obsidian flake and a portable metate. The metate is made of a fracture piece of brown and black basalt and is porous.

The worked surface is black in relation to the brown basalt. 68

Figure 3.19. Feature 4.1 Rock ring. Map by Shaun Richey. 69

AN-CC-5

AN-CC-5 (Figure 3.20) is a residential site located on the northeastern portion of the site cluster and measures at 412.36 square meters. Ten artifacts and artifact clusters were recorded in this site. The site includes Feature 5.1 (See Figure 3.21 and 3.22), a wickiup rock ring made of rhyolitic boulders. Feature 5.1 is almost complete, with a series of boulders turned inwards at a ninety-degree angle on the feature’s southwestern edge. The entrance opens on the feature’s northwestern side. A small amount of vegetation is located on the feature’s south edge. In comparison to previous stone ring features, Feature 5.1 is devoid of artifacts. The artifacts are balanced between historic and lithic artifacts. 70

Figure 3.20. Overview of AN-CC-5. Map made by Lauren Walkling. 71

Figure 3.21. Feature 5.1 Rock ring. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

Three historic artifacts are found in the site but are not found on any of the other sites. The artifacts include a crushed bucket with a missing bottom and its handle still attached. A rusted whiskey flask with a non-ferrous opening (see Figure 3.23) was also recorded. The third artifact was a wash bin and its fragmented bottom; its most notable feature was a soldered seam on its side.

The lithic artifacts include individual obsidian flakes, an obsidian biface medial fragment, and an obsidian scatter consisting of eleven flakes. Obsidian projectile points were also recorded at the site. The first was a complete Elko Corner-notched point and an

Elko Corner-notched base fragment. 72

Figure 3.22. Feature 5.1 Rock ring. Map by Shaun Richey. 73

Figure 3.23. Whiskey flask. Cat# 5.9. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

AN-CC-6

AN-CC-6 (Figure 3.24) is a residential site located on the northernmost end of the cluster of sites and was surveyed on September 10, 2016. The area of the site measures

173.86 square meters. The site’s main feature (Feature 6.1; see Figure 3.25-3.26) is a wickiup rock ring made of rhyolitic and igneous rock. The feature is in a clearing surrounded by four pinyon pine trees with the feature obscured on its northern and southwestern edge. The rock ring itself is about fifty percent complete. Some of the boulders are likely natural based on the lack of evidence for disturbance. One crushed 74

flat-top can is in the northwestern interior of the rock ring. There is a can lid located in the western end of the feature that possibly originates from the flat-top can.

Figure 3.24. Overview of AN-CC-6. Map made by Lauren Walkling. 75

Figure 3.25. Feature 6.1 Rock ring. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

The artifacts are primarily historic, making up fifteen of the site’s seventeen artifacts. Most of the historic artifacts consist of cans, with three diagnostic cans. The first is the flat top can. The other two are beer cans, both with ring-tab openings and faded labels. One beer can has a blue and yellow label with white letters spelling out

“100-/-pe” (Cat. 6.2), and the other can has a blue label with white letters spelling

“CITRI-/D-/FLORID-/INGRED-/-ONCENTRAT-” on one side of the can’s length and

“Gra-” on the other with a white semi-circular design under this text. Another can of interest is a sanitary can, possibly a drink can, with two knife cut openings on its top.

Among other cans found within the site were two, small can scatters, one made of two flat-top cans and a hole-in-cap can and one with two crushed flat-top cans. Individual 76

cans include crushed cans of unknown origin and flat-top cans. Other ferrous items include a hole-in-cap can lid cut out with a can opener and a rectangular piece of partially rusted iron. Glass items includes two small glass bottle scatters, one made of amethyst glass, and consists of two body and shoulder body fragments and one body fragment, the other aqua, with all body fragments, and one body fragment made of amethyst glass. can lids, glass bottle fragments, a processed lumber fragment, a glass fragment, and a metal fragment. One processed lumber fragment was recorded on site, with part of a hole present on one side of the fragment. Prehistoric artifacts included an obsidian scatter made of seven flakes and a single obsidian flake. An important item of note was a modern plastic button, which could affect the historical integrity of the site. 77

Figure 3.26. Feature 6.1 Rock ring. Map by Shaun Richey.

Conclusion

The sites located on the Aurora foothills range in terms of size, variety and artifact composition. AN-CC-1, for example, has the largest area and number of artifacts out of the sites located in the area, totaling at 122 artifacts. The site also has a large 78

concentration of historic artifacts in comparison to its lithic artifacts. It is also one of two residential and processing sites found on the foothills. AN-CC-2 is the only processing site, consisting of one feature, a metate, and a large artifact scatter of forty-four artifacts, most of which are lithic-typed. AN-CC-3 is notable for having the most complete wickiup rock ring and, while only having fifteen artifacts, has unique historic items in the form of belt leather and a mining pan. AN-CC-4 is the second processing and residential site in the area and is unique for having the most features. Its three features include two residential features, a wickiup rock ring and a lean-to, and a non-portable metate. AN-

CC-5 has the smallest artifact count but has diagnostic artifacts in the form of two Elko

Corner-notched projectile point, a crushed bucket, a wash bin, and a whiskey flask. AN-

CC-6 has the highest ratio of historic to lithic-typed artifacts, with the most diagnostic artifacts found in the form of two beer cans. In the next chapter, I will review these items and analyze whether these items, along with Aurora’s documentary evidence, fit within the framework of persistence. 79

Chapter 4: Discussion

The following chapter will address the topic of persistence and its three underlying concepts: identity, practice, and context. The chapter will discuss how persistence can be read archaeologically and through Aurora’s documentary record. The chapter will compare the archaeological record provided by the six sites at Aurora with the documentary data (journals, newspapers, etc.) of Aurora and Bodie, Nevada (See

Table 4.1-4.3 for artifact counts and types). A holistic and multivocal approach will be integral to these comparisons, since it will take the biases found within the documents into account. Following this evaluation, the evidence provided will be used to see if the tenets of persistence are evident within the Indigenous history of Aurora, Nevada.

Before the I present my argument, I must address specific pitfalls common in studies about Indigenous colonial experiences that must be avoided here. While persistence was introduced to avoid the dominance and resistance dichotomy present in past colonial archaeological studies, persistence can unintentionally be portrayed as too passive or negative. Persistence could be passive if the individuals are presented as lacking agency, especially if their decision-making strategies are represented in submissive terms. Persistence could also be negative if Indigenous colonial experiences are framed solely in terms of victimization and assimilation at the expense of Indigenous agency. Frameworks have been introduced to address these issues, such as survivance and residence, to add more nuance and expand upon persistence to avoid these issues

(Silliman 2014). In the case of this study, I use Panich’s model to focus my research with those issues in mind. 80

Establishing an Ethnohistoric Time Period

Before I present my arguments, the historical period of the sites needs to be established and substantiated. A critique to keep in mind regarding any study that focuses on an ethnohistoric timeframe is the tendency for archaeologists to confuse two separate time periods as one based on scant or incorrect evidence. In the case of this study, I need to corroborate my claims that the archaeological record presented in this study is indeed from the late nineteenth century and not the aggregated result of two separate historic periods. To establish an ethnohistoric temporal boundary, multiple lines of evidence are needed to corroborate the sites’ settlement period. I will use three lines of evidence to verify the ethnohistoric nature of the sites: the sites’ artifact composition, Aurora and

Bodie’s historic documents, and oral narratives provided by Marlin Thompson.

Artifact Composition

As mentioned in Chapter Three, a total of 270 artifacts were photographed, mapped, and cataloged from the six sites. The artifact composition is split between lithic tools, historic artifacts, and ecological factors, or ecofacts, such as bone, fire-affected rock, shell, and charcoal. There are seventy-four lithic and ecological artifacts and scatters and 196 historic artifacts (See Table 4.1. and 4.2. for more information). The third category was formed due to the ambiguity of the item’s date of origin, while items such as lithic tools and historic items were separated due to not only their dateability, but their material of origin. 81

It should be noted that while I use the term “historic” to describe more current items introduced by Euromerican settlers, the problematic nature of the term should be addressed. As noted in Kent Lightfoot’s 1995 article “Culture contact studies: Redefining the relationship between prehistoric and historical archaeology,” Lightfoot addresses the major issues with using the term “historic”, especially in relation to Indigenous experiences within colonial spheres. By using the dichotomy between history and prehistory in studies on colonialism, several assumptions became ingrained in evaluations of Indigenous colonial lifeways. Some harmful assumptions include the idea that all

Native Americans are one entity associated with prehistory, that historic means that

Native Americans are completely assimilated, that colonial settings were strictly

European or Native American, ignoring the pluralistic nature of colonial settings, and implying a largely ethnocentric reading of colonial lifeways (Lightfoot 1995: 202-204).

Attempts have been suggested to counter the assumptions in this dichotomy, usually through replacing historic with a different term. Suggestions include adding on to the dichotomy, such as including “protohistoric”, “ethnohistoric”, or “contact period” between historic and prehistoric, replacing the two terms with pre-colonial and colonial, using calendrical terms such as late, middle, and early separated by specific time periods, or using specific terms related to regional cultural lifeways (Russel et al. 2018). Due to the larger issues with historic over prehistoric, with which I replaced with lithic and ecofacts, I will continue to use historic, but not without acknowledging the implications that come along with using such terms.

The date ranges of the items present are also necessary for establishing a temporal context for these sites. The sites’ cans, which includes hole-in-cap, hole-in-top, cans with 82

an external friction lid, and sanitary cans, are an especially strong source of dateability.

The date ranges for each can type are 1823-1940 for hole-in-cap, 1900s-1990s for hole- in-top, 1880s-present for cans with an external friction lid, and 1904-present for sanitary cans. Glass color, especially of the bottle fragments on site, are another strong indicator of date range. Any olive-green glass comes from 1860s-present, aquamarine glass originates between 1800-1920s, olive amber comes from 1815-1885, and any amethyst glass comes from 1880-1920.

Using artifact totals alone, the sites could be interpreted as historic rather than prehistoric. One issue with relying solely on historic items, however, are their broad time ranges, with some reaching well into the late 20th century. Because of the issue with past archaeological research falling back on assimilated versus Indigenous dichotomies, however, documentary evidence will be used to substantiate the sites’ ethnohistoric temporal boundaries. 83

Category Artifact Total Bifaces 3 Cores 7 Individual Flakes 26 Flake Scatters 15 Flake Tools 2 Projectile Points 5 Scrapers 1 Utilized/Retouched Flakes 7 Total 66

Table 4.1. List of lithic artifacts and their totals within sites AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-6 84

Category Artifact Total Beads 2 Bucket/Bucket Fragments 4 Buckle/Belt Buckles 2 Buttons 3 Cans 65 Can Lids/Fragments 24 Combs 1 Fry Pans 1 Glass Bottle Fragments 55 Glass Fragments 3 Horseshoes 2 Lumber Fragments 3 Metal Bands 1 Metal Caps 2 Metal Fragments 3 Mining Pans 1 Modified Tree Limbs 1 Muleshoe 1 Nails 1 Pipe Fragments 2 Safety Pins 1 Shoe Leather Fragments 11 Wash Bin 1 Whiskey Flask 1 Wire Fragments 5 Total 196 Table 4.2. List of historic artifacts and, total, with sites AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-6.

Category Artifact Total Burnt Faunal Remains 1 Charcoal Fragments 4 Fire Cracked Rock (FCR) 2 Shell Scatter 1 Total 8 Table 4.3. List of ecofacts and their totals from sites AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-6.

Historic Documents

The written evidence used within the thesis includes newspapers, journals, and census data from both Aurora and Bodie. Thirty-one newspaper articles, journal entries from Mary Ellen Ackley and Colonel Samuel Youngs, and the Aurora Census records were used as references. I scanned each article and journal entry and I recorded each mention of either Paiutes in general or a Paiute individual. The main goals in analyzing the documents were to confirm that the Paiute inhabited the foothills surrounding Aurora and to find evidence of persistence strategies within these documents. Newspapers from

Aurora indicated that the Northern Paiute lived in camps just outside of the town proper.

An article from the Bodie Daily Free Press on September 30, 1881, one of many articles published within Aurora and Bodie that recount stereotyped incidents of “Drunk Piutes,” indicated that there were camps on the surrounding hills and that the man and woman located there were “…able to navigate and the two wended their way to their wickiup on the hill” (Bodie Daily Free Press [BDFP], 30 September 1881). Aurora residents, such as

Col. Samuel Young also noted that there were Paiute campsites situated around the town, that functioned either as shelter from prevailing winds down in the valley or a vantage point over the town (Shaw 2009: 89). In an article in the Sacramento Daily Union,

Samuel Young described how “Their camps are about the hills far away from water…Their object in camping on the hills is probably on account of its being not so cold as the valley, or, as Kit Carson told me, the Indians always camped on the hills so that they could see all around them…Their camps are small, about ten or fifteen feet in diameter, with cedar or pine bushes put up to keep off the wind, but nothing overhead to keep off the rain or snow.” (Sacramento Daily Union: July 3, 1873). The orientation of

the rock rings at the sites were within or near pinyon pine groves, affirming the description by Samuel Young. The width and length of the wickiup rock ring features, barring the pinyon cache, in AN-CC-1, AN-CC-3, AN-CC-4, AN-CC-5, and AN-CC-6 fall measure between 9.48 to 16.5 feet. While the measurement range deviates slightly from Young’s assertion, the measurements confirm that these rock rings were the bases for wickiup shelters.

Census data indicates that 104 Paiute men, 112 Paiute women, and 148 Paiute children, totaling 364 Paiute individuals, lived within the foothills of Aurora (Esmeralda

Herald: July 3, 1880; Shaw 2016: 179; U.S. Federal Census, 1880). Kit Carson’s journal also substantiates the presence of Northern Paiute habitation within the foothills of

Nevada’s valleys. When using these documents, one should take the ethnocentric biases into account as the newspaper articles and journals reflect the prejudices towards Native

American common at the time. While this data substantiates the historic nature of the sites, material artifacts and oral accounts should be used to further strengthen this ethnohistoric context and avoid Eurocentric interpretations.

Oral Narratives of Descendants

During the research of this project, I have been in touch with Marlin Thompson, a

Northern Paiute Master Artist from Yerington, Nevada, over a series of emails. Marlin

Thompson is a registered member of the Yerington Paiute Tribe and grew up on the East

Walker River. Marlin Thompson is knowledgeable of Indigenous traditions from Mono

Lake, Walker River, and other Great Basin regions and of the Paiute languages, which he learned from his grandmother, mother, and his friends. He has been both a master and an

apprentice in the Nevada Arts Council’s Folklife Apprenticeship program. He is also associated with the Arts 4 Nevada, which is an online art advocacy program focused on

Nevada’s cultural identity. His foci include songs, storytelling, arrowhead making, edible/medicinal plants, and, primarily, languages and their continuation (Thompson

2018).

According to Marlin Thompson, a Master Artist from Yerington, Nevada, the

Aurora Paiutes descended from the Kutzadika’a, or Koo’saa’vii’tu’ka’du. As discussed in

Chapter 1, the Kutzadika’a originated from the Mono Lake Paiute, and were known for collecting, drying, and consuming kusa, or brine fly maggots (Marlin Thompson 2016;

Shaw 2016). The group was primarily situated at Pyramid Lake and Winnemucca Valley and would migrate into the mountains seasonally for pine nut harvests (Parks 1965: 1,6;

Pritzker 2000: 2; Schrader 2016: 114-115; Shaw 2016: 174). Based on Marlin

Thompson’s information, given that his family continued using the land for pinyon nut harvest, while Paiute residences moved elsewhere, use of this landscape was still an important tradition among the Paiute.

Based on this current knowledge, which includes the artifact ratios, the historic documents, and Marlin Thompson’s oral historical account, there is a strong argument to be made that the sites were established in an ethnohistoric context. With this context in mind, I will now argue how the evidence from these three branches fit into the three concepts of persistence: identity, practice, and context.

The Three Concepts of Persistence

As described in Chapter 1, the framework of persistence used in this thesis is based on Lee Panich’s definition (Panich 2013). Persistence, as used in this study, refers to the strategies implemented by oppressed colonized groups to maintain their identity and cultural lifeways. To sustain their identity, important cultural aspects were preserved or adjusted as they were reproduced in daily activities (Panich 2013: 107; Silliman 2009:

212). According to Panich, persistence is built on the aspects of identity, practice, and context of a group and their history. In this section, I will use the sites and evidence detailed in Chapter 3 and Panich’s definition of persistence from Chapters 1 and 2 to argue that strategies of persistence were implemented by the Northern Paiute of Aurora,

Nevada. The three concepts of persistence—identity, practice, and context—will be used to organize my argument.

Persistence: Identity

Among the Aurora Paiute, evidence of persistence based on identity is present through large public gatherings such as fandangos, parades, war dances, and clothing.

Public presentation is important especially in comparison to the private spheres of identity within the Paiute camps since these public displays were informed by Aurora’s colonial environment. Examples of Paiute public presentations are common in the newspapers of Aurora and Bodie, mainly through advertisements for town events and summaries of the events after they occur. One caveat to keep in mind, however, is that these advertisements and articles are presented from a Euromerican perspective. These advertisements and articles need to be compared to multiple lines of evidence to avoid

repeating racist interpretations from the past. Archaeological evidence will be used as a point of comparison to compare private versus public representations of Paiute culture and ideas. Paiute culture and ideas, it is important to note, will not be conflated with questionable ideas of Native American authenticity, but rather will be considered as material representations of how the Paiute see themselves and their lifeways.

Paiute war dances were public gatherings where Paiute groups would dance for the public’s entertainment. Information about these gatherings is evident in advertisements and summaries of the events after the fact (see Figure 4.1 for an example).

Samuel Youngs described a performance in his journal on April 7, 1861 when he saw

“…an Indian feast dance in town to amuse the citizens, who gave them a few shillings. 20 to 30 Indians form a circle, commence singing a humming nasal tune, stamp first one foot then the other, shaking their arms. Painted on faces, backs and bodies naked except cloth around their loins” (Young: April 7, 1861).

These war dances reflect a trend found among Native American groups in other mining town settings described in Susan Lee Johnson’s revisionist historiography

Roaring Camp: The Social World of the California Rush. In her book, Johnson presents the concept of white spectatorship and describes how the Miwok exploited this white gaze, or how the white settlers viewed Indigenous groups, to make a profit on white romanticization and fetishization (Johnson 2000: 307). For the Miwok, dances were a response to changing environmental conditions brought on by European intrusion and industrialization, which resulted in decreasing faunal populations and gathering grounds.

Both white romanticization and fetishization were exploited through adjusting ceremonial garb and dances to hide the more sacred aspects of these performances when present for

non-Native audiences (Johnson 2000: 310). The Paiute dances of Aurora may reflect the same strategy. War dances were often advertised as entertainment for the mostly

Euromerican population of Aurora. Because the white settlers of Aurora and Bodie viewed the Paiutes as representations of the racist “Noble Savage” stock character, it is possible that the Northern Paiute of Aurora would exploit these viewpoints to earn a profit, given that their circumstances matched that of the Miwok.

Indigenous groups implement persistence strategies through public performances for multiple reasons. One reason could involve pushing against commonly held prejudices of the time. The most prevalent racist attitude towards the Northern Paiute, was that they were alcoholics. These prejudices were perpetuated through the Aurora newspapers by running two popular topics. The newspaper topics included the apprehension of a publicly intoxicated Native individual or the arrest of a non-Native settler who was caught selling whiskey to the Paiutes, which was illegal at the time.

These articles were primarily the result of the stereotype of the “Drunk Indian” prevalent among white settlers (Bodie Daily Free Press: March 3, November 19, 1880, July 1,

September 30, 1881, January 12, February 1, 12, 15, April 8, 19, May 13, June 24, 28,

July 27, August 4, 6, September 24, October 11, 22, November 3, 22, December 13, 30,

1882, January 30, February 13, 23, April 1, 1883; Bodie Daily News: July 15, 1880; The

Bodie Miner: November 13, 1909; Bodie Morning News: April 12, 1879; January 7,

February 5, April 17, 1880; Daily Bodie Standard: December 27, 1879, January 21,

March 10, 1880; Weekly Bodie Standard: April 5, 1879; Weekly Standard-News: April

20, 1881).

Figure 4.1. Advertisement for Paiute War Dance at “Boone & Wright’s Corral”. (Bodie Daily Free Press: May 28, 1881).

Because the “Drunk Indian” stereotype was so engrained in the Euromerican consciousness, whenever there was a public disturbance that involved alcohol and the

Northern Paiute, these events would be more likely to attract the attention of Aurora’s

Euromerican settlers. By publishing these articles, the pre-existing ideas of the

Euromerican settlers towards Indigenous groups were further substantiated and entrenched within the town’s power dynamics.

An event that may have prompted strategies of persistence among the Paiute in

Aurora was the Fourth of July parade. Bodie’s Fourth of July parade was a popular event that would attract guests from outside of Bodie, including Aurora (Bodie Daily Free

Press: June 30, 1881). One of the prominent attractions of the parade was the Paiute volunteers who would march during the event (Bodie Daily Free Press: July 6, 1881).

Possibly by taking part in this event, the Paiute population wanted to avoid these stereotypes and, since the event is patriotic, this could present a more positive image to the white settlers. This presentation was as such: “…each [Paiute] with a red ribbon tied around his arm, carrying the Stars and Stripes and a banner labelled ‘Heap Good Union

Piute.’ At the hall [Armory] they marched in and gave their primitive style three cheers for the union. They attracted much attention and applause” (Esmeralda Daily Union: July

5, 1864; Shaw 2009: 65). Positive responses like this is corroborated by other newspaper articles of the time. As was reported by the Daily Bodie Standard, “…and finally about

100 Piute mounted and painted in the most fantastic styles with dignified bearing and feeling the importance of the occasion as much as anyone.” (Daily Bodie Standard: July

5, 1879). By appealing to the Euromerican settlers’ romanticized notions of the Paiute as well as their nationalistic ideals, the Paiutes could be pushing against the “Drunk Indian” stereotype they were associated with.

Clothing is an important component of public presentation. Documentary evidence of Paiute clothing usually discusses Paiute women’s clothing preferences.

Specifically, the articles would discuss how Paiute women preferred calico dresses

similar in to those worn by Euromerican women. Based on an article’s account on May

29, 1881 in the Bodie Daily Free Press, Paiute women would sew their own dresses

(Bodie Daily Free Press: May 5, 29 1881).

Material evidence provides examples of the type of clothing the Paiute might have preferred. Examples of clothing and personal adornment include shoe leather fragments, belt fragments, a shoe buckle, suspender buckle, and buttons (See Figure 4.2 for examples). The shoe leather fragments, with six fragments or fragment clusters present in

AN-CC-1 and one in AN-CC-2, are evidence that shoes were either bought from Aurora or other markets around the town or, due to the lack of diagnostic markings, were manufactured made from store bought leather. Evidence of manufacture can be seen in three shoe leather fragments where holes are punched into the leather for the shoe stitching. Clothing items such as a leather belt fragment, buttons, a shoe buckle, and a suspender buckle indicate that the individuals in this area bought and used miscellaneous pieces of clothing either from or around the Aurora area. The items indicate that the persons living within this study area made use of Euromerican clothing.

The integration of Euromerican items alongside lithic technology could reflect the

Paiute’s need for cultural continuity along with their practical daily needs. The practical need that encouraged the retainment of stone and lithic items could have invigorated this continuation of their cultural lifeways (Silliman 2001). This practicality would explain why the Paiute did not give up previous methods of hunting and gathering, since the

Paiute still used these practices after Aurora’s colonization. Documentation of these continued methods is present in articles detailing how the Paiute examined their pine nut crop during the heyday of Aurora (Bodie Daily Free Press: August 28, 1881, February 8,

1883). Archaeologically, this is reflected by the presence of items related to pine nut collecting. Those remains include the pinyon cache located in AN-CC-1, the metate in

AN-CC-2, and the non-portable metate and the portable metate in AN-CC-4. The continuation of these practices is further substantiated by Marlin Thompson’s family account of using the Aurora pine groves for pinyon nut harvest post-Comstock era

(Thompson 2016).

As mentioned prior, the Paiutes continued using lithic tools for hunting, as seen in the presence of projectile points and flake tools for processing game. Hunting was mentioned in an article from the Daily Bodie Standard on October 24, 1879 that described how jackrabbits were popular game among the Paiutes. The archaeological record yielded a variety of hunting implements. The hunting tools include five projectile points, one unknown point tip fragment, two Cottonwood triangular points, and two Elko

Corner-notched projectile points. The date ranges for the points are as follows: the

Cottonwood triangular points date from 700 BP to today and the Elko Corner-notched point dates from 3300-1300 BP.

Flake tools present within the sites included retouched and utilized flakes and a bifacially worked flake tool. Other lithic implements include bifaces, or lithic implements that are flaked on both sides and are eventually modified into specific lithic tools, and cores, or cobbles that have had flakes removed from multiple planes to be made into bifaces. Another lithic tool found among the sites include a scraper, a bifacially flaked tool that is worked on one side and left blunt on the other, that was used to scrape animal hair off hides or bark from wood. While the main goal for hunting changed within

Aurora’s colonial context, which changed from solely providing for the Paiute camps to

providing for themselves and selling for profit, the use of these tools continued. Even with the integration of other food items into the Paiute diet, the Paiute continued to use stone and lithic tools for hunting and gathering to not only fulfill their own nutritional needs, but also to survive within the Aurora economy.

The campsites could have acted as a space where the Paiute could maintain and modify their identity. As described earlier, the reasons posited by Euromerican Aurora residents are rooted in pragmatism. These reasons include using the hills as a vantage point over the town, using the trees and brush as protection against the valley winds, the presence of pine nuts, and the fact that the hills were warmer than the valley floor

(Esmeralda Union, January 21, 1865; Sacramento Daily Union, July 3, 1873). Much like with the campsite’s stone and lithic tools, the pragmatic needs that drove the Paiute to establish these camps could have also aided in establishing a private space separate from the colonial context of Aurora. Within this space, the Paiute could continue practicing their cultural lifeways safe from the colonial gaze and scrutiny of Aurora’s Euromerican citizens. And while the Paiutes would perform for Aurora citizens in the form of war dances, the sacred aspects of these dances could have been adjusted in a way to protect them from the town’s oppressive colonial atmosphere. These modifications, while on the surface changes how these dances are presented, work as a form of continuity on a deeper level. While the Euromerican citizens are exposed to a modified version of what they think is a “traditional” war dance, the Paiute could have created a form of protection through both these changes and their private spaces within the camps to preserve their integral cultural aspects.

Persistence: Practice

As noted in Chapter 1, practice is defined as the strategy used by individuals and people in relation to their material culture (Silliman 2009: 215). These strategies are also important in how they inform the cultural symbolism that forms from an item’s continuous use. Practice can be traced both archaeologically and documentarily. It is important to look at these strategies in terms of not only their practice, but also their symbolic meaning. To analyze practice as it pertains to persistence, I will look at two components: economic lifeways and consumption practices. For each section I will describe the archaeological and documentary evidence connected to each component.

Aurora and Bodie newspapers reported on Paiute labor and economic activities frequently. Labor activities included wage labor, mining and gold panning, pine nut gathering and selling, fishing, lumber work, hunting and selling game, and firefighting.

Popular game included ducks, jackrabbits, and coyotes, while other animals were hunted and used for animal fights, such as badgers (Bodie Daily Free Press: January 20, April

15, June 25, November 15, 1882; February 6, 21, March 8, 1883; Daily Bodie Standard:

May 27, 1880; Shaw 2009: 86; Shaw 2009: 91). Newspaper articles provide details on who brought what into town, who traded with local Paiutes, or which activities the

Aurora Paiute took part in. For example, one Euromerican Aurora settler traded with

Paiutes at Walker Lake for fish to sell in Bodie, a Paiute fish merchant named Jim Lynch brought his catch to town to sell, and Captain Bob, a local Paiute resident and hunter, brought game, such as jackrabbit, to market (Bodie Daily Free Press: May 8, 1881,

February 25, 1882; Daily Bodie Standard: July 12, 1879, October 24, 1879).

Journal accounts also took note of Paiute labor activities. Mary Ellen Ackley, an

Aurora resident, described how the Paiute would occasionally work as wage laborers around town, including at her house. Ackley would describe how “The squaws often came with baskets of faggots [bundle of sticks] on their backs, which they would sell for

25 cents. I often had the Indian men shovel snow, cut wood and draw water from the well. One old Indian came every morning and filled my water barrel at the kitchen door”

(Ackley 1864; Shaw 2009: 86-87).

Remains of labor activities are present in the six sites on the foothills. Feature 1.2, the pinyon cache in AN-CC-1, is one example. Feature 1.2 substantiates the recorded pine nut gathering activities of the Paiute and the selling of these items within Aurora.

The presence of a possible metate in AN-CC-2 and two in AN-CC-4 demonstrate the continued use of stone processing tools into the nineteenth century. The use of lithic technology continued as described earlier in relation to identity. Examples include a scraper in AN-CC-2 and five projectile points. These projectile points include two

Cottonwood Triangular points and one unknown point in AN-CC-1 and an Elko and

Pinto point in AN-CC-5 (See Figure 4.3, B.5., B.6., and B.12.). The continued use of these lithic tools in relation to personal subsistence and the Aurora market is an indicator of the changed meaning behind these items. While the use of these tools did not change, the end goal of these activities was adjusted to survive within Aurora’s colonial context and the radically changed environment caused by Aurora’s settlers.

Figure 4.3. Clockwise from top left: Unknown point type (1.8), Elko corner-notched point base (5.4), Cottonwood Projectile Point (1.20), and Elko corner-notched point (5.2). Photographs by Emily Dale and Lauren Walkling.

The Paiute also integrated new technology into their lifeways. Two horseshoes are in AN-CC-1 (See Figure B.1. for an example) and a mule shoe in AN-CC-4, which reflects the accounts of the Paiute using livestock to transport goods or sell the livestock itself. The mining pan located in AN-CC-3 further supports the articles that mentioned the mining and panning practices of the Paiute. Specifically, the newspaper accounts discussed how a majority of Paiute placer miners were women who would go in after

Euromerican miners were done with their plots and mine on their own time using the same panning techniques as the Aurora miners (Bodie Daily Free Press: July 13, 1881;

March 4, 1882) Other articles described the Paiutes’ mining schedule and when mining stopped, usually during the winter when the river froze, the tendency for the Paiute to sell gold dust to prospectors and local businesses, which would sometimes result in a profit of

$200 per week, and quartz mining that would occur at old mining dump piles to the local mills (Bodie Daily Free Press: October 4, 1882; Bodie Morning News: October 22,

November 13, 29, December 19, 1879). The two lumber fragments found within AN-CC-

4 (See Figure B.9.), one covered in white paint and the other with green paint, and one lumber fragment found in AN-CC-6, indicate either the use of milled lumber or the processing of wood into lumber. Two of these fragments were milled because of the holes drilled in the fragments’ side. The presence of these pieces of lumber further support the instances of the Paiute gathering lumber and buying lumber from Aurora.

In addition to labor practices, consumption activities were also reported. The most common activities reported on in the Aurora and Bodie newspapers involved any type of alcohol consumption. These articles were entrenched within the racist attitudes of the

100

time, where the Paiutes were presented in the articles as lazy, gambling alcoholics. Other consumption practices were recorded as well, such as Paiutes buying fish and game, such as badgers, for entertainment. Alcohol, however, was the main item of gossip in the papers. For Euromericans, the Paiutes’ adaptation of Euromerican items and activities were the result of assimilation, not pragmatism. The Euromerican view was couched in racist terms of assimilation, where journalists would describe how “civilized” the Paiutes are and how they “adopted the ways of the whites” and were “anxious to better their condition” (Chicago Tribune: September 24, 1872). While Euromericans viewed the adaptation of Euromerican items as assimilation, the archaeological and documentary research argues that the adaptation is a form of pragmatism.

The archaeological record has a diverse array of consumer items in comparison to the newspaper account. These products include numerous of hole-in-cap, hole-in-top, and sanitary cans that are present at all sites but one. The presence of these items indicates that the individuals in this area received a large amount of their foodstuffs, in addition to their own hunting and gathering, from canned goods. The presence of glass bottle fragments in AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-3 and AN-CC-6 indicate the same possible interpretation. The persons would also buy non-alcoholic beverages from Aurora as indicated by a juice can with a pull-ring tab opening and a faded label. While much of the label was worn away, the label indicated that the can used to contain a citrus juice (See

Figure 4.4 for details; see Figure B.14 for another example of can use). Evidence for processing these foodstuffs is seen through the presence of a frying pan in AN-CC-4 as well as the remains of fire cracked rock (FCR) and charcoal in AN-CC-1. The presence of these foodstuffs, cooking utensils, and lithic tools indicates a change in consumer

101

activities to match nutritional needs that could not be fulfilled by previous hunting activities.

This pragmatism may be because the Paiutes had to adjust to an environment disrupted by Euromerican colonists. Because of the excessive hunting and lumber activities occurring within Aurora, the Paiute had to change their hunting and gathering activities to survive. While their practices of gathering pine nuts and hunting did not disappear, other food products were bought in conjunction with their previous lifeways to meet their dietary needs.

The types of clothing and adornment found within the sites had a relatively high amount of variety. Decorative elements, such as buttons and seed beads were common amongst Paiute dress as well. The beads included one white glass seed bead and one red glass seed bead with with a white interior. The buttons include the female part of a metal fastener, two white prosser button with four holes, and two possible metal button fragments. As noted above, two buckles, one belt buckle and one suspender buckle were found in in AN-CC-1, and a belt fragment in AN-CC-3. Sewing and tailoring could possibly be inferred from a safety pin located in AN-CC-1. Evidence of laundry and transportation of water include a washing bin from AN-CC-5 and buckets found in AN-

CC-1 and AN-CC-5.

102

Figure 4.4. Sanitary can (6.3) with label remains. Words (Top photo): CITRI-/D- /FLORID-/INGRED-/-ONCENTRAT-, (bottom photo) Gra- with white circular design below word. Photographs by Lauren Walkling.

The presence of western clothing items and a comb indicate that the Paiute would use these items from time to time. Despite the material evidence, it would be a generalization to presume that previous forms of dress were abandoned.

103

The only evidence of alcohol consumption within the sites is a whiskey flask

(Figure 4.5) found at AN-CC-5 and olive-green bottle fragments in AN-CC-1. Compared to documentary evidence, the archaeological record presents a variety of consumer choices among the Paiute within the Bodie and Aurora economy. The material record suggests that while alcohol consumption did exist in some form among the Paiute, it should not be conflated with the racial prejudices common at the time.

Figure 4.5. Whiskey flask, cap missing (5.9). Photograph by Lauren Walkling. Based on the variety of items found within the sites, it can be inferred that the items bought in Aurora in conjunction with the lithic and stone-typed artifacts reflects the

Aurora Paiute residents’ need to survive. As discussed previously, the Paiutes would hunt local game and collect pine nuts to be sold on the Aurora market according to Aurora and

104

Bodie newspapers. It could be implied that the Paiutes retained lithic and stone-typed artifacts and features because they were still the most effective way to hunt and collect pine nuts even if the activities intended goal had changed. A whiskey flask was found within the site and it should be noted that even though alcoholism among Aurora Paiutes was written about extensively, this item should not be conflated with these racial attitudes and should only be interpreted as an example of alcohol consumption. For dietary needs and food preparation, the Paiutes seemed to use Euromerican items more often than lithic artifacts, although the three metates found in the sites indicates a practical use of both.

While Euromerican clothing items are present, it should not be assumed that these were the only items used and previous forms of dress were discarded.

Persistence: Context

Context, according to Lee Panich, is the range of historical events that inform the present or a specific historical period. The archaeological and documentary evidence will help contextualize the changes that are representative of persistence strategies among the

Paiute. By contextualizing the changes, one can understand how persistence informs current trends. Based on the diagnostic lithic artifacts found within the sites, specifically two Elko points found within AN-CC-5, the oldest point of occupation within these sites date between 3300-1300 BP (See Figure 4.3). Because of the presence of the lithic items, one piece of criticism is that the sites are prehistoric, and the historic artifacts are the result of later Euromerican mining and lumber camps rather than historic Paiute camps. I argue, however, that the newspaper accounts of the Paiute living in campsites on the foothills outside of Aurora and the composition of historic and lithic artifacts support its

105

ethnohistoric period. The lithic artifacts found establishes long-term continuity of the

Paiute within the immediate area. The lithic items present within the sites, including Elko and cottonwood triangular point, metates, cores, scrapers, flake tools, bifaces, and lithic scatters, provides a point of comparison for pre-contact lifeways for the ethnohistoric period of Aurora. Marlin Thompson’s account of his family’s continued use of the pine groves after the end of Aurora’s prime, also substantiates the Paiutes’ occupation of the area as well as its importance to Paiute subsistence tradition (Thompson 2016).

The history of the Paiutes’ first contact with Euromerican settlers is necessary to contextualize the persistence strategies they adapted, especially as colonialism became more entrenched in Aurora. These first contact scenarios, specifically the encounters between Great Basin Native American groups and the expedition crews of Peter Skene

Ogden and Joseph Walker, inform the changes in material culture taken up by the Aurora

Paiute. One of the notable characteristics of the early contact period is its violent and chaotic first encounters. The most violent encounters occurred between these expedition parties and local Indigenous groups. Peter Skene Ogden’s expedition in 1829, for example, resulted in the death of several Mojave during a dispute over horses between the white European travelers and the Native groups and Joseph Walker’s separate expedition resulted in thirty-two Paiute dead in 1833 and fourteen dead in the Spring of

1834 (McBride 2002: 3; Hattori 1975: 3). The introduction of white settlers into the Great

Basin fueled the interracial violence. The settlers’ effect on the environment, which decimated local animal populations and the pinyon pine groves as well as introduced old world diseases to the Paiute population did little to assuage these tensions (Stewart 2004:

54; Shaw 2009: 91). These tensions seemed mitigated on a surface level, mainly through

106

the influence of Captain Truckee, a Paiute guide who assisted Joseph Walker, and Sarah

Winnemucca, a Northern Paiute activist who advocated for better treatment of the

Northern Paiute from the BIA, they never wavered through the history of Aurora

(Michno 2007: 5; Stewart 2004: 56).

By using both precontact and early contact contexts, the persistence strategies used by the Paiute within the latter forms of cultural entanglement seen in the 1860s through the 1880s are more apparent. The tensions present between the Paiute and the white settlers were still as chaotic as the early contact period of the Paiute. Violent incidents occurred regularly, such as the Owens Valley Indian War. Although this battle did not spill over into Aurora as feared by Aurora’s white residents, the incident reflected the tense racial atmosphere within this colonial sphere (Shaw 2009: 29-30; Stewart 2004:

56-57). Aurora and Bodie newspaper articles recorded other incidents of interracial violence, such as the murder of Paiutes by white settlers. One instance involved a

Euromerican man named Henry Martin who shot and killed a Native American man on his ranch and was acquitted (Mono Alpine Chronicle: June 19, 1880; Bodie Daily Free

Press: August 11, 1880; Bodie Standard-News: August 10, 1880). Another incident involved a shootout between a gardener and a group of Paiutes, resulting in the death of one of the Paiutes (Daily Bodie Standard: June 15-16, 1880). What is notable about this latter incident was the refusal of the Aurora Paiutes to go to the Fourth of July parade because of this murder (Daily Bodie Standard: June 26, 1880). With an environment like this where they are targets of violence, adapting strategies that allow for persistence makes sense. Persistence allows for resistance against repressive systems, as seen with the protest the murder of one of their own. What allowed for this resistance was the

107

Paiute’s participation in Aurora’s special events that put them an integral position because of the Aurora citizens romanticization of them. While the romanticization of the

Paiute was a thin cover for the vilification that also occurred against them, this idealization gave the Paiute a trump card when going against oppressive colonial systems.

The archaeological record supports this ability to use Euromerican viewpoints and items to their advantage. It should be noted that while there are Euromerican goods present in the sites, that does not mean the Paiute group was assimilated into colonial lifestyles. The numerous Euromerican items, such as a frying pan, a mining pan, a comb, belt and shoe leather, glass bottles, and cans indicate that Paiute would use these items on a regular basis in addition to lithic technology and local subsistence. It can be argued that

Euromerican items were integrated into Paiute lifeways and not the only preferred items of the Paiute since lithic and stone items were still used in conjunction with these to optimize subsistence activities. Optimizing subsistence practices is also important as the

Aurora environment was changing rapidly because of Euromerican colonization, causing the Paiute to take up different hunting and gathering strategies to survive.

Regarding using Euromerican viewpoints as a survival strategy, archaeologically this tactic can be tied with how the Paiute presented themselves to Euromerican citizens.

Items relating to public presentation include buttons, beads, shoe and belt leather, suspender and belt buckles. While these are more related to everyday dress rather than special events, the act of wearing these items could be a way to protect themselves against Euromerican prejudice by adapting parts of the Euromerican lifestyle. The documentary record has the most evidence of the Paiutes’ involvement in special events.

108

The newspapers and journals would describe how popular the war dances, fandangos, and parades were for Aurora citizens as the performances played to the citizens’ idealized notions of Native Americans. By denying the Euromerican citizens their performance in the parade because of the death of a Paiute citizen, the Paiute used that admiration that they earned to protest their treatment within the colonial framework.

Conclusion

By consulting the documentary record of Aurora and Bodie and the archaeological remains of sites AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-6, persistence is apparent within these six sites. In terms of identity, cultural presentation was necessary for public events such as fandangos, parades, and dances for two reasons. First, the Paiute adjusted their dances to participate in the town’s economy by playing to white settler expectations of how Native Americans lived and presented their lifeways in a way that protected its more sacred aspects while making their dancing publicly acceptable. It could also be argued that the participation in events such as the Fourth of July parade was an attempt to present themselves in a way that counters white settler ideas of how the Paiute lived, especially in contrast with the newspaper articles that painted the Paiute as drunkards.

Practice is exemplified differently between the labor activities and consumer practices by the Paiute population. The labor practices presented in the newspaper and journal records are substantiated by the archaeological record. The historic documents, however, present a more stereotypical view of Paiute consumption in contrast to the highly diverse amount of consumer items present in all the six sites. For context, the violent early years of first contact informed why the Paiutes adapted the strategies that they did. Specifically, the

109

newspaper accounts of interracial violence perpetrated against the Paiute informed why the Paiute adapted certain consumer products while retaining lithic and stone tools in other instances as a form of cultural protection.

110

Chapter 5: Conclusion

Within this thesis, persistence has been analyzed using its underlying concepts of identity, practice, and context as introduced by Panich (2013). I used archaeological materials, documentary evidence, and oral accounts to explore persistence within the

Aurora Paiute community. Using these three resources, archaeologists can trace how the drastic changes occurring at contact were internalized within daily practices and how these modifications enabled Native continuity (Panich 2013: 105). The purpose of this chapter is to first summarize the interpretations reached within this thesis. Second, the chapter will present future research goals in relation to this project.

Persistence

Persistence was evident in the six sites and the newspaper accounts to varying degrees in terms of identity, practice, and context. To analyze this concept, the historic period had to be established and confirmed for the sites. Between June 2015 and

September 2016, me and my crews surveyed and mapped six campsites, photographed and field cataloged the artifacts in each one, and mapped out all major features in each site. A total of 270 artifacts were cataloged, out of which 196 are historic, sixty-six are lithic, and eight are ecofacts. The artifact composition supports the idea that the sites are historic. Because of the pitfalls of artifact ratios, documentary evidence was used to substantiate the sites’ temporal boundaries. Multiple newspaper articles observed the tendency for the Paiutes to camp within the foothills surrounding Aurora in campsites

111

that resembled the sample sites (Bodie Daily Free Press, 30 September 1881; Shaw 2009:

89).

After establishing the period, we first examined identity. The thesis compared public versus private presentations of Paiute identity. Using Susan Lee Johnson’s arguments about white spectatorship and documentary evidence, I argued that the war dances advertised within Aurora and Bodie newspapers would modify cultural traits within these dances to not only to protect the more sacred aspects of these ceremonies, but also to appeal to white biases about Native Americans in order to make a living wage

(Johnson 2000: 310).

Another form of public presentation analyzed was the Paiute participation in the

Aurora and Bodie Independence Day parades. The intent behind the participation in these events is more difficult to determine than the outcomes of the war dances. Interpretations of the Paiutes’ intent behind their participation in the Independence Day parades could include parodying American nationalism, attempting to ally themselves to the white

American settlers and create peace, or to present a more positive image to white

American settlers in contrast to more negative representations of the Paiute found within newspaper accounts.

Private spheres of identity, focused on clothing and foodways, are based on both documentary accounts of Paiute women using calico as a common dress material and the artifacts relating to personal accessories found at the sites, including buckles, belt fragments, and shoe leather. I argue here that the decision to use Euromerican clothing has more to do with pragmatic decision-making rather than cultural change. Drastic

112

environmental changes were occurring at the time that depleted or wiped out the resources used to create traditional Paiute accessories and clothing.

Paiute subsistence practices are reflected in the items they used to hunt and gather and the foodstuffs they obtained from the Aurora market. The continued use of lithic tools and the integration of Euromerican goods into their diet reflects the changes caused by Aurora’s colonialism. The incorporation of settler food items reflected the inability for previous subsistence activities to completely satisfy nutritional needs because of the colonialists’ impact on the Aurora environment. The continual use of lithic technology is reflected old subsistence practices and were used to participate in the Aurora economy by selling the products the Paiute obtained through these activities.

Practice is presented in terms of economic lifeways and consumption practices.

Newspaper evidence presents Paiute economic lifeways as highly varied and the documentation about these practices is extensive. The archaeological record validates documentary accounts. Artifacts relating to mining and panning, pine nut gathering, lumber work, and hunting were identified. The artifacts substantiate the idea that these lifeways were taken up as a response to the changing environmental conditions of the time. Consumption practices, on the other hand, deviates from documentary accounts.

Newspapers presented Paiute consumption activity in the Aurora economy in homogenous terms, noting instances of bartering and alcoholism among the Paiutes.

Incidents relating to alcoholism among Paiutes were especially common in the newspaper records to a stereotypical degree. The archaeological record, however, presents a much more diverse array of goods that the Paiute bought or bartered for from the Aurora

113

market. In contrast with the documentary record, the archaeological record reflects the ability for the Paiute to integrate highly varied materials into their lifeways to survive.

Context, as defined by Panich, is the period that informs current events, especially when related to persistence in colonial spaces (Panich 2013: 109-110). Using this definition, I investigated three periods of interest: Paiute pre-contact, first contact with

Euromerican explorers and settlers, and the late nineteenth century. The last period is the focus in this thesis. After establishing these temporal boundaries, I described how the activities from pre-contact and first-contact history informed the changes and habitual activities present in the Paiutes’ daily life during Aurora’s heyday. I specifically focused on the how the strategies taken up by the Paiute to survive and resist within Aurora’s oppressive colonialist framework were derived from the Paiutes’ first violent encounters and conflicts with Euromerican settlers. The comparison of these three time periods helps emphasize Paiute agency while acknowledging the systematic violence perpetrated against them through Aurora’s colonial system.

Future Research

There is great potential for additional research at the sites in this thesis. More consideration of the time of the sites is one direction for future work. Limited excavations within each site or feature could be fruitful. While the survey of the six sites was systematic and thorough, excavations could refine the temporal assessment discussed in this thesis.

To provide a stronger holistic interpretation, comparison between other communities where the Paiute lived could expand our understanding of the persistence

114

practices described in this study. Towns such as Bodie and Virginia City could add a new scale of analysis by comparing the persistence strategies of Aurora against the lifeways of historic Paiute in the Nevada Territory in general.

Additional work with descendent communities to develop additional narratives would also be a fruitful direction for future work. While Marlin Thompson provided indispensable information, multiple descendant accounts could help develop or provide a counter narrative to that found in Aurora’s nineteenth century writings. Further collaboration could also provide a larger stakeholder position for current Paiute communities.

Final Thoughts

During the mid-nineteenth century in the Great Basin, great amounts of cultural change and disruption occurred among Indigenous groups, much like elsewhere in North

America. Like these Indigenous groups, the Paiute of Aurora adapted strategies relating to persistence to endure in these contentious times. While their decisions may not always read as explicitly resistive or intending to pass on Indigenous social memory and lifeways, the Paiute may have adopted these strategies to survive in a chaotic colonial space within the short term. These strategies can be based on economic, social, or cultural need, and can be implicit or explicit strategies. Regardless of intent, strategies of persistence were based on a need for stability in a changing world. While resistance may have not been the goal, persistence allowed small instances of resistance in addition to fostering cultural continuity.

115

The opposite can be argued for the integration of Euromerican goods. The incorporation of Euromerican goods, while it could certainly be interpreted as a type of assimilation, could be more akin to the adoption of American items to make up for the depletion of resources caused by a radically changing environment. Evidence of these strategies are also present through the retention of lithic artifacts and through the integration of Euromerican goods in the archaeological record. Cultural modifications of public performances, such as the war dances and parade performances, and records of economic activities in Aurora newspapers provide evidence for persistence strategies that are not explicit within the archaeological record.

The concept of cultural persistence has developed extensively since the

Quincentenary of 1992. Panich’s framework of persistence is a relatively new approach to cultural persistence in the field of the archaeology of colonialism. Within my work, I define the frameworks of persistence, how each concept could be read historically and archaeologically, and apply these frameworks to the culturally entangled space of Aurora,

Nevada. Using these frameworks, I detail the type of practical and cultural decisions that may have informed survival strategies within a culturally entangled space like that of

Aurora. Because of my work’s connection with the Aurora Neighborhoods Projects, I hope this study adds to the works of Katee Withee and Emily Dale, who have done extensive work within the Aurora Neighborhoods Projects. Both have studied the lifeways and daily experiences of Aurora’s Jewish and Chinese residents respectively and

I would like this thesis to allow for more holistic interpretations of the daily life of

Aurora’s residents. I also hope that my research will add to the growing subfield of the archaeology of colonialism that looks to construct alternative models of cultural

116

persistence to simple dominance and resistance frameworks, especially in the American

West during the protohistoric period.

117

References Cited

Anschuetz, Kurt F., Richard H. Wilshusen, and Cherie L. Scheick 2001 An Archaeology of Landscapes: Perspectives and Directions. Journal of Archaeological Research 9(2): 157-211.

Arkush, Brooke 1987 Historic Northern Paiute Winter Houses in Mono Basin, California. Journal of California and Great Basin Archaeology 9(2): 174-187.

1990 The Protohistoric Period in the Western Great Basin. Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 12(1): 28-36.

2011 Native Responses to European Intrusion: Cultural persistence and agency among mission neophytes in Spanish colonial northern California. Historical Archaeology 45(4): 62-90.

Ashmore, Wendy and A. Bernard Knapp 1999 Archaeological Landscapes: Constructed, Conceptualized, Ideational. In Archaeologies of Landscape: Contemporary Perspectives, edited by Ashmore, Wendy and A. Bernard Knapp, pp. 1-30. Wiley-Blackwell Publishing: Hoboken, NJ.

Bodie Daily Free Press 1880 “The Superior Court” Bodie Daily Free Press 11 August (II) 135, Bodie, CA.

1881a “In and Out of Town” Bodie Daily Free Press 5 May (IV) 43, Bodie, CA.

1881b “Hawthorne” Bodie Daily Free Press 8 May (IV) 46, Bodie, CA.

1881c “Piute War Dance” advertisement. Bodie Daily Free Press 28 May (IV) 63, Bodie, CA.

1881d “Coming to Celebrate” Bodie Daily Free Press 30 June (IV) 91, Bodie, CA.

1881e “The Third Division” Bodie Daily Free Press 6 July (IV) 95, Bodie, CA.

1881f “Gathering the Pine Nuts” Bodie Daily Free Press 28 August (IV) 141, Bodie, CA.

1881g “A Drunken Piute” Bodie Daily Free Press 30 September (V) 22, Bodie, CA.

118

1882a “In and Out of Town” Bodie Daily Free Press 20 January (V) 116, Bodie, CA.

1882b “Comforts of Fishing” Bodie Daily Free Press 25 February (V) 146, Bodie, CA.

1882c “Gold Washing” Bodie Daily Free Press 15 April (VI) 39, Bodie, CA.

1882d “In and Out of Town” Bodie Daily Free Press 25 June (VI) 100, Bodie, CA.

1882e “Fun Ahead. A Grand Opportunity for Foot-Racers” Bodie Daily Free Press 6 July (VII) 2, Bodie, CA.

1883a “In and Out of Town” Bodie Daily Free Press 6 February (VIII) 30, Bodie, CA.

1883b “In and Out of Town” Bodie Daily Free Press. 8 February (VIII) 32, Bodie, CA.

1883c “In and Out of Town” Bodie Daily Free Press. 21 February (VIII) 43, Bodie, CA.

1883d “P. P. P. Their Fifth Anniversary Masquerade Ball.” Bodie Daily Free Press. 23 February (VIII) 45, Bodie, CA.

1883e “In and Out of Town.” Bodie Daily Free Press. 8 March (VIII) 56, Bodie, CA.

Bodie Morning News 1879 “In and Out of Town” Bodie Morning News. 1 April (I) 21. Bodie, CA.

1880 “A Piute Pastime” Bodie Morning News. 8 May (III) 54. Bodie, CA.

Bodie Standard News 1880 “Notes About Town” Bodie Standard News. 10 August (IV) 32, Bodie, CA.

Bourdieu, Pierre 1972 Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, UK.

Branton, Nicole 2009 Landscape Approaches in Historical Archaeology: The Archaeology of Places. In International Handbook of Historical Archaeology, edited by

119

Teresita Majewski and David Gaimster, pp. 51-65. Springer: New York, NY.

Bulpitt, Mattie MABL Oral Account.

Chalfant, W.A. 1933 The Story of Inyo. Chalfant Press: Bishop, CA.

Chicago Tribune 1872 24 September

Cusick, James G. 2000 Creolization and the Borderlands. Historical Archaeology 34(3): 46-55.

Daily Bodie Standard 1879a “The Fourth” Daily Bodie Standard 5 July (II) 36, Bodie, CA.

1879b “A Bogus United States Official” Daily Bodie Standard 12 July (II) 42, Bodie, CA.

1879c “The ‘Bar’ Hunt” Daily Bodie Standard 24 October (II) 131, Bodie, CA.

1880a “Brief Mention” Daily Bodie Standard 27 May (III) 137, Bodie, CA.

1880b “A Piute Perforated” Daily Bodie Standard 15 June (III) 152, Bodie, CA.

1880c “Brief Mention” Daily Bodie Standard 16 June (III) 153, Bodie, CA.

Dale, Emily 2011 Archaeology on Spring Street: Discrimination, Ordinance 32, and the Overseas Chinese in Aurora, Nevada. Master’s thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Nevada, Reno.

Dawdy, Shannon Lee 2000 Preface. Historical Archaeology 34(3): 1-4.

Deetz, James 1977 In Small Things Forgotten: An Archaeology of Early American Life. Anchor: New York, NY.

Delle, James A. 2000 The Material and Cognitive Dimensions of Creolization in Nineteenth- Century Jamaica. Historical Archaeology 34(3): 56-72.

120

Ehrhardt, Kathleen 2013 “Style” in Crafting Hybrid Material Culture on the Fringes of Empire: An Example from the Native North American Midcontinent. In The Archaeology of Hybrid Material Culture, ed. Jeb Card, pp. 364-396. Southern Illinois University Press: Carbondale, Illinois.

Dobres, Marcia-Anne, and John E. Robb 2000 Agency in Archaeology: Paradigm or platitude? In Agency in Archaeology, edited by Marcia-Anne Dobres and John E. Robb, pp 3-17. Psychology Press: New York, NY.

Dornan, Jennifer L. 2002 Agency and Archaeology: Past, Present, and Future. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 9(4): 303-329.

The Esmeralda Herald 1880 “The Glorious Fourth.” Esmeralda Herald 3 July (IV) 3, Aurora, NV.

The Esmeralda Union 1865 “The Pi Utes.” Esmeralda Daily Union 21 January (2) 227, Aurora, NV.

Ewen, Charles R. 2000 From Colonist to Creole: Archaeological Patterns of Spanish Colonization in the New World. Historical Archaeology 34(3): 36-45.

Ferguson, T.J. 1996 Native Americans and the Practice of Archaeology. Annual Review of Anthropology 25: 63-79.

Ferris, Neal 2009 The Archaeology of Native-Lived Colonialism: Challenging History in the Great Lakes. University of Arizona Press: Tucson, AZ.

Ferris, Neal, Harrison, Rodney, and Matthew A. Beaudoin 2014 Introduction: Rethinking Colonial Pasts through the Archaeologies of the Colonized. In Rethinking Colonial Pasts Through Archaeology, edited by Ferris, Neal, Rodney Harrison, and Michael V, pp. 1-36. Wilcox Oxford University Press: Oxford, UK.

Giddens, Anthony 1979 Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure, and Contradiction in Social Analysis. University of California Press: Berkeley, CA.

Gosden, Chris

121

2004 Archaeology and Colonialism. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, UK.

2008 The Past and Foreign Countries: Colonial and Post-Colonial Archaeology and Anthropology. In A Companion to Social Archaeology, edited by Lynn Meskell and Robert W. Preucel, pp 161-178. John Wiley and Sons: Hoboken, NJ.

Hattori, Eugene 1975 Northern Paiutes on the Comstock: Archaeology and Ethnohistory of an American Indian Population in Virginia City, Nevada. Nevada State Museum: Carson City, NV.

Hauser, Mark W., and Dan Hicks 2007 Colonialism and landscape: power, materiality and scales of analysis in Caribbean historical archaeology. In Envisioning Landscape: Situations and Standpoints in Archaeology and Heritage. Ed. Dan Hicks, Laura McAtackney, and Graham Fairclough. Left Coast Press: Walnut Creek, CA.

Johnson, Susan Lee 2000 Roaring Camp: The Social World of the California Gold Rush. W.W. Norton and Company, Inc: New York, NY.

Jordan, Kurt 2009 Colonies, Colonialism, and Cultural Entanglement: The Archaeology of Postcolumbian Intercultural Relations. In International Handbook of Historical Archaeology, edited by Teresita Majewski and David Gaimster, pp. 31-49. Springer: New York, NY.

2014 Pruning Colonialism: Vantage Point, Local Political Economy, and Cultural Entanglement in the Archaeology of Post-1415 Indigenous Peoples. In Rethinking Colonial Pasts Through Archaeology, edited by Ferris, Neal, Rodney Harrison, and Michael V, pp. 103-122. Wilcox Oxford University Press: Oxford, UK.

Kersten, Earl W. 1964 The Early Settlement of Aurora, Nevada, and Nearby Mining Camps. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 54(4): 490-507.

Liebmann, Matthew 2013 Parsing Hybridity: Archaeologies of amalgamation in seventeenth century New Mexico. In The Archaeology of Hybrid Material Culture, ed. Jeb Card, pp. 25-49. Southern Illinois University Press: Carbondale, Illinois.

122

Liebmann, Matthew, Ferguson, T.J., and Robert W. Preucel 2005 Pueblo Settlement, Architecture, and Social Change in the Pueblo Revolt Era, AD 1680-1696. Journal of Field Archaeology 30(1): 45-60.

Lightfoot, Kent 1995 Culture Contact Studies: Redefining the Relationship Between Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology. American Antiquity 60(2): 199-217. 2005 Indians, Missionaries, and Merchants: The Legacy of Colonial Encounters on the California Frontiers. University of California Press, Berkeley.

Lightfoot, Kent, and Antoinette Martinez 1995 Frontiers and Boundaries in Archaeological Perspective. Annual Review of Anthropology 24: 471-492.

Lightfoot, Kent, Martinez, Antoinette, and Ann Schiff 1998 Daily Practice and Material Culture in Pluralistic Social Settings: An Archaeological Study of Culture Change and Persistence from Fort Ross, California. American Antiquity 63(2): 199-222.

Lightfoot, Kent and William Simmons 1998 Culture Contact in Protohistoric California: Social Contexts of Native and European Encounters. Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 20(2): 138-170.

McBride, Terri 2002 Exploration and Early Settlement in Nevada. Nevada State Historic Preservation Office: Carson City, NV.

McGee, W. J., and B.L. Fontana 2000 Trails to Tiburón: The 1894 and 1895 Field Diaries of W.J. McGee. University of Arizona Press: Tucson, AZ.

McGrath, Roger 1984 Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence on the Frontier. University of California Press: Berkeley, CA.

Michno, Gregory 2007 The Deadliest Indian War in the West: The Snake Conflict, 1864-1868. Caxton Press: Caldwell, Idaho.

Moehring, Eugene 1997 The Comstock Urban Network. Pacific Historical Review 66(3): 337-362.

Mullins, Paul R., and Robert Paynter

123

2000 Representing Colonizers: an Archaeology of Creolization, Ethnogenesis, and Indigenous Material Culture among the Haida. Historical Archaeology 34(3): 73-84.

The Mono Alpine Chronicle 1880 “Indian Killed” Mono Alpine Chronicle 19 June (XIX) 902, Bodie, NV.

Orser, Charles E. 2012 An Archaeology of Eurocentrism. American Antiquity 77(4): 737-755.

Ortner, Sherry B. 1984 Theory in Anthropology since the Sixties. Comparative Studies in Society and History 26(1): 126-166.

Panich, Lee 2013 Archaeologies of Persistence: Reconsidering the Legacies of Colonialism in Native North America. American Antiquity 78(1): 105-122.

Parks, Willard Z. 1965 Willard Z. Park’s Ethnographic Notes on the Northern Paiute of Western Nevada, 1933-1940. Compiled and Edited by Catherine S. Fowler. University of Utah Press: Salt Lake City, UT.

Paterson, Alistair 2011 A Millennium of Cultural Contact. Left Coast Press, Walnut Creek, CA.

Pauketat, Timothy 2001 Practice and history in archaeology: An emerging paradigm. Anthropological Theory 1(1): 73-98.

Perry, Richard J. 2010 From Time Immemorial: Indigenous Peoples and State Systems. University of Texas Press, Austin, TX.

Powell, J.W. 1883 Human Evolution: Annual Address of the President, J.W. Powell, Delivered November 6, 1883. Transactions of the Anthropological Society of Washington 2: 176-208.

Pritzker, Barry M. 2000 A Native American Encyclopedia: History, Culture, and Peoples. Oxford University Press: New York, NY.

Redfield, R., Linton, R., and M.J. Herskovits

124

1936 Memorandum for the Study of Acculturation. American Anthropologist 38: 149-152.

Rubertone, Patricia 1989 Landscape as Artifact: Comments on “The Archaeological Use of Landscape Treatment in Social, Economic, and Ideological Analysis.” Historical Archaeology 23: 50-54.

2000 The Historical Archaeology of Native Americans. Annual Review of Anthropology 29: 425-446.

Russell, Hannah, Charles S. Speal, Timothy Scarlett, Carl Steen, Jim Gibb, Julie Schablitsky, Geoff Carver, Robbie Mann, Robert Keeler, Robert L. Schuyler, Carol McDavid, John Worth, Roberta Greenwood, David R Carlson, Catherine Dickson, and John Foster 2018 Email. Protohistory on the Utah site form. Protohistory on the Utah site form. March 22

Schneider, Tsim D. 2015 Envisioning Colonial Landscapes Using Mission Registers, Radiocarbon, and Stable Isotopes: An Experimental Approach from San Francisco Bay. American Antiquity 80(3): 511-529.

Schrader, Joohi, Oonincx, Dennis G.A.B., and Maria Pontes Ferreira. 2016 North American Entomophagy. Journal of Insects as Food and Feed 2(2): 111-120.

Shaw, Cliff Alpheus 2009 An 1864 Directory and Guide to Nevada’s Aurora: Embracing a General Directory of Business, Residents, Mines, Stamp Mills, Toll Roads, Etc. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform.

2016 Aurora, Nevada 1860-1960: Mining Camp, Frontier City, Ghost Town. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform.

Silliman, Stephen 2001 Agency, practical politics and the archaeology of cultural contact. Journal of Social Archaeology 1(2). 190-209.

2004 Social and Physical Landscapes of Contact. In North American Archaeology, edited by Timothy R. Pauketat and Diana DiPaolo Loren, pp. 273-296.

2005 Culture Contact or Colonialism? Challenges in the Archaeology of Native North America. American Antiquity 70(1): 55-74.

125

2009 Change and Continuity, Practice and Memory: Native Persistence in Colonial New England. American Antiquity 74(2): 211-230.

2010a The Value and Diversity of Indigenous Archaeology: A Response to McGhee. American Antiquity 75(2): 217-220.

2010b Indigenous Traces in Colonial Spaces: Archaeologies of Ambiguity, Origins, and Practices. Journal of Social Archaeology 10(1): 28-58.

2012 Between the Long Durée and the Short Purée: Postcolonial Archaeologies of Indigenous History in Colonial North America. In Decolonizing Indigenous Histories: Exploring Prehistoric/Colonial Transitions in Archaeology, edited by Maxine Oland, Siobhan M. Hart, and Liam Frink, pp. 113-132. University of Arizona Press: Tucson.

2014 Archaeologies of Survivance and Residence: Reflections on the Historical Archaeology of Indigenous People. In Rethinking Colonial Pasts through Archaeology, edited by Neal Ferris, Rodney Harrison, and Michael Wilcox, pp. 57-75. Oxford University Press: Oxford, UK.

Silliman, Stephen and T.J. Ferguson 2010 Consultation and Collaboration with Descendant Communities. In Voices in American Archaeology: 75th Anniversary Volume of the Society for American Archaeology, edited by Wendy Ashmore, Dorothy Lippert, and Barbara J. Mills, pp. 48-72. Society for American Archaeology: Washington, DC.

Spicer, E.H. 1961 Perspectives in American Indian Cultural Change. University of Chicago Press: Chicago, IL.

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty 1988 Can the Subaltern Speak? In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, edited by C. Nelson and L. Grossberg, pp. 271-313.

Stewart, Robert E. 2004 Aurora: Nevada’s Ghost City of the Dawn. Nevada Publications: Las Vegas, NV.

Thompson, Marlin 2016 Oral Account.

Trigger, Bruce G.

126

2006 A History of Archaeological Thought. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, UK.

Twain, Mark 1872 Roughing It.

Vizenor, Gerald 1998 Fugitive Poses: Native American Indian Scenes of Absence and Presence. University of Nebraska Press: Lincoln, NE.

Voss, Barbara 2005 From Casta to Californio: Social Identity and the Archaeology of Culture Contact. American Anthropologist 107(3): 461-474.

Walton, John 1992 Western Times and Water Wars. University of California Press: Berkeley, CA.

Withee, Katee R. 2015 The Materiality of Family Identity: Archaeological Investigations of 19th Century Jewish Merchant Households. Master’s thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Nevada, Reno.

Wylie, Alison 1992 Rethinking the Quincentennial: Consequences for the Past and Present. American Antiquity 57(4): 591-594.

127

Appendix A: Additional Artifact Photographs

Figure B.1. Ferrous horseshoe from AN-CC-1. Cat#1.94. Photo by Adam Caulkin.

Figure B.2. Ferrous wire bucket handle from AN-CC-1, Can Scatter 1. Cat#1.52. Photo by Emily Dale.

128

Figure B.3. Amber neck and shoulder bottle fragment AN-CC-1. Cat#1.22. Photo by Emily Dale.

Figure B.4. Refitted stoneware pipe fragments from AN-CC-1, burn marks on inside. Cat#1.14. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

129

Figure B.5. White/multi-colored chert lithic core, worked side from AN-CC-2. Cat#2.2. Photo by Leo Demski.

Figure B.6. Bodie obsidian retouched flake from AN-CC-2. Cat#2.19. Photo by Leo Demski.

130

Figure B.7. Hole-in-cap can lid, opened with can opener, possibly ripped off along edge. From AN-CC-2. Photo by Leo Demski.

Figure B.8. Olive bottle fragments, two body and one base fragment, found in AN-CC-3, Feature 1. Bubbles present in glass, possibly hand blown. Cat#3.13. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

131

Figure B.9. Processed lumber fragment from AN-CC-4. Note green paint on face to camera, drilled hole on opposite face. Cat#4.17. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

Figure B.10. Iron bowl with corroded bottom from AN-CC-4. Cat#4.12. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

132

Figure B.11. Wash bin with bottom fragment from AN-CC-5. Note metal soldered on seam, possible remains of handle attachment. Cat#5.10. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

Figure B.12. Bodie obsidian biface medial fragment from AN-CC-5. Cat#5.3. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

133

Figure B.13. Amethyst solarized glass bottle fragments. Two shoulder and one body fragments. Cat#6.9. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

Figure B.14. Sanitary can from AN-CC-6. Crimped seam and stamped top and bottom. Knife cut opening, two holes. Cat#6.4. Photo by Lauren Walkling.

134

Appendix B: Artifact Catalog Appendix _ contains the full catalog of artifacts surveyed and photographed in sites AN-CC-1 through AN-CC-6. Information provided includes Catalog Number, Site Number, Photo Numbers, Photographer, Quantity, Material, Item Identification, Primary and Secondary Use, Comments, and Decoration.

Catalog Site Photo Photo Quantity Material Item Primary Secondary Comments Decoration Number Number Number(s) by Function Function 1.1 AN-CC- 126-0848- Lauren 1 Ferrous Button Personal Adornment Rusty Snap button 1 0849 Walkling fastener, female 1.2 AN-CC- 126-0848- Lauren 1 Prosser Button Personal Adornment Four holes, Black 1 0849 Walkling slightly iridescent 1.3 AN-CC- 126-0852, Lauren 1 Ferrous Can Food Storage Cut Rusty 1 0854-0856, Walkling completely 0859 open, lid missing; hand sealed, solder inside can 1.4 AN-CC- 126-0857- Lauren 1 Iron Safety Pin Personal Clothing Slight Gray and rusty 1 0858 Walkling corrosion, not high amounts 1.5 AN-CC- 126-0860- Lauren 1 Ferrous Can Food Storage Hole-in-top Rusty 1 0863 Walkling can, hand sealed and soldered; lid still attached, opened along edge

135

1.6 AN-CC- 126-0864- Lauren 1 Ferrous Can Food Storage Hole-in-top Rusty 1 0867 Walkling can; hand sealed and soldered; lid missing, opening warped and edges bent inwards 1.7 AN-CC- 126-0868- Lauren 2 Ferrous Can and Food Storage Slip cover can Rusty 1 0873 Walkling lid with lid present; machine sealed and soldered; opening warped, lid not able to fit 1.8 AN-CC- 126-0874- Lauren 1 Obsidian Projectile Tool Hunting Mt. Hicks Black-clear 1 0875 Walkling Point obsidian, type unknown 1.9 AN-CC- 126-0878 Lauren 13 Obsidian Flakes Debitage Tools Representative Black, black- 1 Walkling sample from clear stripes Obsidian Scatter 2; 6 Mt. Hicks obsidian flakes, 7 Bodie obsidian flakes

136

1.10 AN-CC- 126-0879- Lauren 3 CCS Core and Debitage Tools Found east of White, dark 1 0880 Walkling flakes Obsidian red, light pink Scatter 2; 1 white chert core, 1 dark red chert flake, 1 light pink worked flake 1.11 AN-CC- 126-0881- Lauren 2 Charcoal Charcoal N/A N/A 1 fragment Black-gray 1 0882 Walkling fragments highly fragile, other more intact 1.12 AN-CC- 126-0881- Lauren 1 Basalt Fire N/A N/A Most of burnt Black, light red 1 0882 Walkling Cracked area on Rock posterior (see (FCR) in 126-0881) 1.13 AN-CC- 126-0881- Lauren 1 Bone Burnt Food N/A Taxon Light gray 1 0882 Walkling faunal unknown, remains curved inwards (see 126-0882) 1.14 AN-CC- 126-0883- Lauren 2 Stone- Pipe Personal Recreation Seriations Beige 1 0886 Walkling ware fragments along fragments' length; from pipe bowl; burn marks on inside of fragments

137

1.15 AN-CC- 126-0887- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-cap, Rusty 1 0890 Dale can opener, crimped and stamped 1.16 AN-CC- 126-0891 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Stamped Rusty 1 Dale 1.17 AN-CC- 127-0893- Leo 1 Obsidian Flake N/A N/A Signs of Black/clear 1 0894 Demski (Mt. retouch Hicks) present, tertiary flake, proximal fragment 1.18 AN-CC- 127-0895- Leo 1 Chert Flake N/A N/A Cortex present White with 1 0896 Demski on dorsal side black spots (secondary flake), nearly complete, but parts of bulb missing 1.19 AN-CC- 127-0898- Leo 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-cap, Rusty, hand 2 0901 Demski hand soldered solder present seam and cap, imperfection from solder near top, stamped and crimped, knife cut

138

1.20 AN-CC- 127-0925- Emily 1 Obsidian Projectile Hunting Processing Proximal Black/clear 1 0926 Dale (Mt. Point – fragment Hicks) Cotton- wood Triangular 1.21 AN-CC- 127-0927 Emily 1 Glass Bead Personal Decoration 0.4 cm x 0.15 White 1 Dale cm 1.22 AN-CC- 127-0928- Emily 1 Glass Glass Personal Storage Neck and Olive/amber 1 0930 Dale bottle shoulder fragment fragment, dimples on surface, thick seam (0.3 cm) run along length 1.23 AN-CC- 127-0931- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food 10.3 x 9 cm, Rusty 1 0934 Dale flat seam, top completely removed, flanges on top and bottom, solder imperfection on bottom and seam; folded in on itself, open along seam 1.24 AN-CC- 127-0935 Emily 2 Iron Can Storage Food Found near Rusty 1 Dale lid/bottom 1.23, lid and

139

bottom broken, some solder on lid? 1.25 AN-CC- 127-0936- Emily 3 Glass Glass Storage Decoration Mold Aqua 1 0937 Dale bottle decoration fragments present; one fragment contains multifaceted and raised "x" design; molded insweep design, cross- shaped? Found east of Rock Ring #2 1.26 AN-CC- 127-0942- Emily 15 Glass Glass Storage Decoration Related to Aqua with 1 0943 Dale bottle scatter near molded designs fragments 1.23; 1.25 southeast of 1.26; Base fragments: 0.6 cm thick, Body fragments: 0.3 cm thick; molded with faceted body (linear designs with semi-

140

circular patterns along length); base fragments have large bubbles, body fragments have smaller bubbles; near Rock Ring #2 1.27 AN-CC- 127-0944- Emily 7 Glass Glass Storage Decoration Faceted, Aqua with 1 0945 Dale bottle paralleled molded/raised fragments bottle with pattern molded pattern; 0.3 cm thick; pattern similar to 1.25-1.26 scatters; two pieces with crown motif? South of Rock Ring 2 1.28 AN-CC- 127-0949 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food In-situ, Rusty 1 Dale partially buried; stamped and crimped; type unknown

141

1.29 AN-CC- 127-0950- Emily 11 Obsidian Debitage N/A N/A From sample: Black, 1 0954 Dale and Chert scatter 10 obsidian (8 butterscotch/br sample Mt. Hicks, 2 own Bodie; 8 tertiary, 1 pressure flake, 1 retouch), 2 chert (1 white, 1 butterscotch; 2 tertiary) 1.30 AN-CC- 127-0955- Emily 1 Basalt FCR Personal Cooking Found within N/A 1 0956 Dale Obsidian scatter 1 1.31 AN-CC- 127-0957- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Personal Storage Hole-in-top; Rusty 1 0958 Dale removed with can opener, highly bent on itself; some hand solder on top present; north of Rock Ring 1 1.32 AN-CC- 127-0959 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-cap, Rusty 1 Dale hand soldered; hole in top near outer ring, solder bob in center; in-situ, bottom not present; length bent;

142

left can in photo; north of Rock Ring 1 and mahogany tree

1.33 AN-CC- 127-0959 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food In-situ, top Rusty 1 Dale and seam not present; bottom flanged; length slightly bent; north of Rock Ring 1 and mahogany tree; right can in photo 1.34 AN-CC- 00657- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Hole-in-top; Rusty 1 00658 Dale punctured opening in center, circular; 5.5 cm in diameter; slight curve to edges; north of Rock Ring 1

143

1.35 AN-CC- 00659- Emily 1 Steel Non- Construction N/A Folded in two Gray 1 00660 Dale ferrous with hole strip punched through one end; north of Rock Ring 1; 2 cm wide x 0.7 cm diameter hole 1.36 AN-CC- 00661- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-cap; Rusty 1 00665 Dale cylindrical, 11.6 cm tall x 9 cm diameter; can opener opening with bottom removed; flanged edges on both ends; small solder blob on bottom; heavily hand soldered seam; found within Can Scatter 1

144

1.37 AN-CC- 00666- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Mostly buried; Rusty 1 00667 Dale machine soldered side seam; cylindrical, 13 cm tall; flanged top and bottom; top removed with slight lip, paint can?; located in Can Scatter 1 1.38 AN-CC- 00668- Emily 1 Iron Bucket Processing Storage 22 cm tall x Rusty 1 00671 Dale 21.5 cm at base; has three simple seams, curled lip; two handles, but no wire connecting them; holes punched on opposite sides of where handles are; broken down one seam and bent in on itself, impossible to

145

measure top diameter; located in Can Scatter 1 and near 1.37

1.39 AN-CC- 128-0960- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-cap; 1 0962 Dale cylindrical: 14.9 cm; mostly buried; top and bottom intact; flanged top and bottom; hand soldered dot on top center; small hole in bottom; within Can Scatter 1 1.40 AN-CC- 128-0963- Emily 1 Leather Shoe Personal Adornment Fragile and Black 1 0964 Dale leather dry; no fragment discernible markers;

146

located in Can Scatter 1

1.41 AN-CC- 128-0965 Emily 2 Glass Glass N/A N/A Colorless, flat Colorless 1 Dale fragments glass fragments; 2 mm thick; located within Can Scatter 1 1.42 AN-CC- 128-0966- Emily 2 Glass Glass Storage Food Amethyst Light purple 1 0967 Dale bottle (solarized) fragments bottle glass fragments; smaller piece has seam, larger one has slight lip, part of neck and shoulder; 1 mm thick; located in Can Scatter 1

147

1.43 AN-CC- 128-0968- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-top; Rusty 1 0972 Dale cylindrical: 12.1 cm x 9.2 cm diameter; flanged top, but bottom side extends over base; top completely removed with can opener; simple side seam, heavily hand soldered, same as bottom and around the base at the sides; side seam broken; solder blob on bottom; located in Can Scatter 1 1.44 AN-CC- 128-0973- Emily 3 Glass Glass Storage Food Amber glass Amber 1 0974 Dale bottle fragments; 1 fragments base piece, 2 body pieces; 6.5 mm; located in Can Scatter 1

148

1.45 AN-CC- 128-0975- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food In-situ; Rusty 1 0976 Dale cylindrical: 12 cm tall; flanged top and bottom; top removed with can opener; side seam not present; located in Can Scatter 1 1.46 AN-CC- 128-0977- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 0982 Dale 11.3 cm tall x 8.6 cm diameter; top removed with can opener; machine soldered side seam side seam; flanged top and bottom; slight imperfection on flange on bottom; located in Can Scatter 1

149

1.47 AN-CC- 128-0986- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Hole-in-top; Rusty 1 0987 Dale removed by can opener; large solder blob on middle bottom and edges; located in Can Scatter 1 1.48 AN-CC- 128-0990- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: 1 0993 Dale 12.2 cm tall x 10.1 cm diameter; flanged top and bottom; top removed with can opener; hand soldered side seam; located in Can Scatter 1 1.49 AN-CC- 128-0994 Emily 1 Iron Cut nail Construction N/A Partially cut Rusty 1 Dale nail; located in Can Scatter 1 1.50 AN-CC- 128-0995 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 Dale 11.6 cm tall; flanged top and bottom; top removed with can

150

opener; cut in side, possibly from knife; mostly buried and located in Can Scatter 1 1.51 AN-CC- 128-0996 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-cap; Rusty 1 Dale cylindrical: 12.1 cm tall x 10.1 cm diameter; top partially removed with can opener and bent back; flanged top and bottom; hand soldered side seam and bottom; located in Can Scatter 1 1.52 AN-CC- 128-1000- Emily 1 Iron Bucket Storage Transportation Wire handle; Rusty 1 1001 Dale handle originated from 1.53; bump running around side along rim (on one side of handle); about 2.5 cm from

151

top; located in Can Scatter 1

1.53 AN-CC- 128-1002- Emily 1 Iron Bucket Processing Storage 17.4 cm tall x Rusty 1 1005 Dale 16.9 cm diameter at base; flanged top and bottom; simple side seam with hand solder; remains of solder attachment for handle present near seam; located in Can Scatter 1 1.54 AN-CC- 128-1006 Emily 4 Obsidian Flakes N/A N/A All 4 flakes Black 1 Dale (Mt. tertiary; Hick's) retouch present on 1 flake (left most flake); usewear present on 2 flakes (middle and right

152

flake); located in Can Scatter 1

1.55 AN-CC- 128-1007- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Flanged end; Rusty 1 1008 Dale cut into triangle (quarter of lid); located in Can Scatter 1 1.56 AN-CC- 128-1009- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1010 Dale 11.9 cm tall; mostly buried; flanged top and bottom; length crushed; top likely removed with can opener; located in Can Scatter 1 1.57 AN-CC- 128-1011 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Mostly buried; Rusty 1 Dale cylindrical: 12.6 cm tall; flanged at top and bottom; top removed with can opener;

153

located in Can Scatter 1

1.58 AN-CC- 128-1012 Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Mostly buried; Rusty 1 Dale removed with can opener; from 1.57?; located in Can Scatter 1 1.59 AN-CC- 128-1013 Emily 1 Glass Pane-glass Decoration N/A Pane (flat) Rusty 1 Dale fragment colorless glass, 3 mm thick; located in Can Scatter 1` 1.60 AN-CC- 128-1014- Emily 1 Glass Bottle Storage Food Body and base Colorless/ 1 1015 Dale glass fragment; purple fragment colorless except for edges (Amethyst) that were solarized; pockmarked on surface; located in Can Scatter 1

154

1.61 AN-CC- 128-1016, Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-cap; Rusty 1 1018-1020 Dale cylindrical: 11.9 cm tall x 10.2 cm diameter; flanged top and bottom; simple side seam with machine solder; top removed with can opener and found next to can with solder missing (1.62); eroded hole in side; located in Can Scatter 1 1.62 AN-CC- 128-1016- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Hole-in-cap; Rusty 1 1017 Dale removed with can opener and found next to can (1.61); solder present in middle and edges of lid; puncture opening in middle;

155

located in Can Scatter 1

1.63 AN-CC- 128-1021 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Mostly buried; Rusty 1 Dale cylindrical: 12.2 cm tall x 9.8 cm diameter; top removed with can opener; located in Can Scatter 1 1.64 AN-CC- 128-1022- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Flattened with Rusty 1 1023 Dale both ends removed; 2 can lids (1.65 and 1.66) next to it, only one fits can; simple side seam undone; ridge running along edge about 1.5 cm from the top; 16.7 cm tall; located in Can Scatter 1

156

1.65 AN-CC- 128-1024- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Flanged edge; Rusty 1 1025 Dale 10.9 cm diameter, belongs to and was located near 1.64; located in Can Scatter 1 1.66 AN-CC- 128-1024- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Flanged edge; Rusty 1 1025 Dale 7.7 cm diameter; located near 1.64 and in Can Scatter 1 1.67 AN-CC- 128-1026- Emily 1 Rubber Shoe sole Personal Clothing Rubber shoe Light gray 1 1027 Dale fragment sole fragment; crack down middle; wear on one side from use; located in Can Scatter 1 1.68 AN-CC- 128-1028- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food 10.1 cm Rusty 1 1029 Dale diameter; flanged end; large "X" cut in top with knife; located in Can Scatter 1

157

1.69 AN-CC- 128-1030 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Mostly buried; Rusty 1 Dale flanged on bottom; located in Can Scatter 1 1.70 AN-CC- 128-1031- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1034 Dale 11.5 cm tall x ~10.5 cm diameter on base; flanged bottom and top; top removed with can opener; machine soldered side seam; located in Can Scatter 1 1.71 AN-CC- 128-1035- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1040 Dale 12 cm tall x 10 cm diameter; flanged on top and bottom; top removed with can opener, lip of top remaining; machine soldered side seam; can

158

contains burnt materials (pine nut casings, pine needles, charcoal), from only can and not from surrounding environment; located in Can Scatter 1 1.72 AN-CC- 128-1041- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1044 Dale 12.2 cm tall x 10.9 cm diameter; flange on top and bottom, crimped and stamped; top removed with can opener; solder blob near top and bottom; side seam hand soldered; located in Can Scatter 1

159

1.73 AN-CC- 128-1045- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1048 Dale 12.5 cm tall x 9.3 cm diameter; top completely removed (paint can?); simple side seam hand soldered; bottom side extends over bottom (see 1.43); cut along perimeter of base, someone trying to open it?; solder on bottom edge, extends to bottom; located in Can Scatter 1 1.74 AN-CC- 128-1049- Emily 1 Iron Wire N/A N/A Thin, flat Rusty 1 1050 Dale fragment ferrous strap; 2 mm wide; broken hoop for barrel?; located in Can

160

Scatter 1, 1.75 and 1.76 1.75 AN-CC- 128-1051- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1053 Dale 16.2 cm tall x 10.9 cm diameter; top completely removed (paint can?); ridge around side about 1.7 cm from top; flanged bottom, simple seam; located in Can Scatter 1 1.76 AN-CC- 128-1054- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Sanitary can; Rusty 1 1058 Dale cylindrical: 8.2 cm tall x 6.6 cm diameter; ridged sides; top opened with can opener and folded back; crimped seam and stamped; located in Can Scatter 1

161

1.77 AN-CC- 128-1059- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Hole-in-cap Rusty 1 1060 Dale lid; removed with can opener; 8.3 cm diameter; solder dot in middle (cap); located in Can Scatter 1 1.78 AN-CC- 128-1061 Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Mostly buried; Rusty 1 Dale flanged top and bottom (crimped and stamped); top removed with can opener; machine soldered side seam; cylindrical: 11.9 cm tall; located in Can Scatter 1 1.79 AN-CC- 128-1062- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1065 Dale 12.3 cam tall x 10.3 cm diameter; flanged at top and bottom (crimped and stamped);

162

hand soldered side seam, solder blobs near top and bottom; top removed with can opener; located in Can Scatter 1 1.80 AN-CC- 128-1066 Emily 1 Iron Wire Construction N/A Around 1.5 Rusty 1 Dale mm thick; twisted to form loop; located in Can Scatter 1 and near 1.78 and 1.79 1.81 AN-CC- 128-1067 Emily 1 Leather Shoe Personal Clothing Parallelogram Black 1 Dale leather shaped shoe leather scrap; dry, brittle, no discernible markers; located in Can Scatter 1 1.82 AN-CC- 128-1068- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Hole-in-cap; Rusty 1 1069 Dale removed with can opener; solder blob in center; 7.2 cm diameter;

163

located in Can Scatter 1

1.83 AN-CC- 128-1070- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Cut with knife Rusty 1 1071 Dale fragment to make triangle; part of opening present, remains of solder along opening; located in Can Scatter 1 1.84 AN-CC- 128-1072- Emily 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Flanged end Rusty 1 1073 Dale (stamped); center cut with can opener, but fell off can; 10.1 cm diameter; located in Can Scatter 1 1.85 AN-CC- 128-1074- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Buried; Rusty 1 1075 Dale cylindrical; flanged bottom (stamped); hand soldered seam, solder blob in middle

164

of seam; could not measure; located in Can Scatter 1 1.86 AN-CC- 128-1076- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1078 Dale 12.1 cm tall; unrolled; top and bottom missing, except for part of top flange and opened with can opener; seems to have been opened along simple seam; located in Can Scatter 1 1.87 AN-CC- 128-1079- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1082 Dale 12.4 cm tall x 10.7 cm diameter; flange on top and bottom (stamped); simple crimped side seam, no solder; top removed with

165

can opener; located in Can Scatter 1 1.88 AN-CC- 128-1083- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: Rusty 1 1086 Dale 12.2 cm tall x 10.2 cm diameter; flanged top and bottom (stamped); crimped and machine soldered seam; top removed with can opener; located in Can Scatter 1 1.89 AN-CC- 128-1087- Emily 1 Iron Can Storage Food Cylindrical: 8 Rusty 1 1090 Dale cm tall x 5.8 cm diameter; simple and lapped side seam with hand solder; top completely removed (paint can?); edge on side about 9 mm

166

from top; bottom side hangs over bottom like 1.43 and 1.73; located in Can Scatter 1

1.90 AN-CC- 128-1096- Emily 1 Obsidian Projectile Food Hunting Cottonwood Rusty 1 1101 Dale (Mt. Point triangular, part Hick's) of proximal missing; located in Can Scatter and by 1.61 1.91 AN-CC- 128-1102- Emily 1 Glass Bead Personal Decoration Glass trade 1 1103 Dale bead; circular, white interior around hole, translucent red exterior; located in Can Scatter 1 and near 1.61

167

1.92 AN-CC- 130-1117- Adam 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-cap; Rusty 1 1120 Caulkins stamped top and bottom; top removed with can opener; crimped simple seam, no solder; side highly corroded; solder blob in bottom center; length crushed; located in Artifact (Trash) Scatter 1 1.93 AN-CC- 130-1131- Adam 1 Glass Glass Personal Decoration Possible Aqua 1 1133 Caulkins bottle flaked glass, fragment some retouch present on one side; large bubble in fragment; related to 1.23 and 1.26; located near Rock Ring #2

168

1.94 AN-CC- 130-1143- Adam 1 Iron Horse- Animals Farming 13 cm wide x Rusty 1 1147 Caulkin shoe 13 cm long; base 8 cm wide, top of shoe 10 cm wide; 1 cm thickness at top, 0.5 cm thickness at bottom; seven holes along bottom half, metallic flange on bottom; four on one side, three on the other; near Rock Ring 2 1.95 AN-CC- 130-1148- Adam 1 Iron Belt Personal Adornment Suspender Rusty 1 1154 Caulkin buckle buckle; Approximatel y 2.6 cm wide x 2.3 cm long; double- pronged tongue, no frame present but insert for belt present; within Artifact Scatter 1

169

1.96 AN-CC- 130-1148- Adam 1 Iron Buckle Personal Adornment Shoe buckle; Rusty 1 1154 Caulkin single-framed double- pronged tongue; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.97 AN-CC- 131-1155- Melody 1 Glass Glass Storage Food 11.5 cm long, Olive green 1 1159 Zionich bottle finish fragment diameter 2.8 (neck) cm; part of shoulder broken; Grooved ring finish, excess glass on interior of neck where attached; air bubbles visible, hand blown; copper used for color; most likely part of 1.98; within Artifact Scatter 1

170

1.98 AN-CC- 131-1155- Melody 1 Glass Glass Storage Food Bottle base Olive green 1 1156, 1160- Zionich bottle (includes heel, 1167 fragment push up, (base) portion of body), base diameter 8.3 cm; thick glass, no visible seam, glass hand blown but uniform; pontil mark present; copper used in color; most likely part of 1.97; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.99 AN-CC- 131-1155- Melody 1 Obsidian Retouched Debitage Processing Tertiary; Black/transluce 1 1156, 1168- Zionich (Mt. Flake retouch on left nt 1174 Hick's) margin, worked on all edges; black bands run vertical along flake length; within Artifact Scatter 1

171

1.100 AN-CC- 131-1177- Melody 2 Glass Glass Storage Food Larger Olive green 1 1178 Zionich bottle fragments, fragments thick; air bubbles present; curve and thickness matches bottle base from 1.97 and 1.98; copper used for color; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.101 AN-CC- 131-1179 Melody 4 Glass Glass Storage Food Small, thinner Olive green 1 Zionich bottle glass; possible fragments body or neck fragments from same vessel as 1.97 and 1.98; copper used for color; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.102 AN-CC- 131-1180- Melody 1 Iron Can Storage Food Crimped and Rusty 1 1184 Zionich stamped; machine soldered simple side seam; opened with knife, lid

172

missing; diameter 10 cm, length 12 cm; hole corroded in side; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.103 AN-CC- 131-1185- Melody 1 Iron Metal cap Storage N/A Two holes in Rusty 1 1186 Zionich body (one large, one small); diameter 4 cm; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.104 AN-CC- 131-1187- Melody 1 Leather Shoe Personal Clothing Brittle, dry; no Black 1 1189 Zionich leather discernible fragment markers; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.105 AN-CC- 131-1190- Melody 2 Leather Shoe Personal Clothing Small, dry, Black 1 1191 Zionich leather brittle, no fragments discernible markings, highly frayed; possibly from same shoe as 1.104; within Artifact Scatter 1

173

1.106 AN-CC- 131-1192- Melody 1 Charcoal Charcoal Processing Fire Unknown Black/gray 1 1193 Zionich fragment source, no fire pit or signs of fire in immediate vicinity; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.107 AN-CC- 131-1194 Melody 7 Charcoal Charcoal Processing Fire Unknown Black/gray/whi 1 Zionich fragments source, no fire te pit or signs of fire in immediate vicinity; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.108 AN-CC- 131-1195- Melody 1 Iron Can Storage Food Lapped and Rusty 1 1198 Zionich stamped; 12 cm length, 10 cm diameter; length crushed; lid removed, opened with can opener; bottom partially removed from can, rim loose;

174

within Artifact Scatter 1

1.109 AN-CC- 131-1199- Melody 1 Iron Can Storage Food Crimped and Rusty 1 1203 Zionich stamped; length 11.4 cm, diameter 8.9 cm; opened with can opener; length crushed; hand soldered simple side seam; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.110 AN-CC- 131-1204- Melody 1 Plastic- Comb Personal Hygiene 6 cm long, 3.1 Black 1 1208 Zionich like? fragment cm wide; one tooth present; imprint along length; Imprint: "- EARS PATENT MAY 1861 or 1881?"; within

175

Artifact Scatter 1

1.111 AN-CC- 131-1209- Melody 1 Iron Metal N/A N/A Trapezoidal Rusty 1 1210 Zionich fragment fragment; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.112 AN-CC- 131-1209- Melody 1 Nickel? Metal N/A N/A Small, circular Gray/rusty 1 1210 Zionich fragment fragment; most likely a button; non- ferrous; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.113 AN-CC- 131-1211- Melody 3 Leather Shoe Personal Clothing Dry, brittle, no Black 1 1212 Zionich leather discernible fragments markers; similar 1.104 and 1.105; three punched holes in one piece (left piece in photos); within Artifact Scatter 1 1.114 AN-CC- 131-1213 Melody 6 Charcoal Charcoal Fire N/A Unknown Black/gray/whi 1 Zionich fragments source, no te

176

remains of fire or fire pit within immediate vicinity; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.115 AN-CC- 131-1214- Melody 4 Iron Wire Construction N/A One circular Rusty 1 1219 Zionich fragments fragment, one bent in two; two fragments, one gauge wire, twisted out of shape with hook/loop at one end; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.116 AN-CC- 131-1214- Melody 1 Rusty Metal disc N/A N/A Semi-circular Rusty 1 1217 Zionich fragment; imperfection in center; button?; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.117 AN-CC- 131-1220- Melody 1 Iron Metal cap Storage N/A 4 cm diameter; Rusty 1 1221 Zionich within Artifact Scatter 1

177

1.118 AN-CC- 131-1222- Melody 1 Leather Shoe Personal Clothing Brittle, dry; Black 1 1225 Zionich leather tightly curled fragment in on itself; punched holes for stitching visible along one curled edge (131- 1225); within Artifact Scatter 1 1.119 AN-CC- 131-1226- Melody 1 Iron Horse- Animal Adornment 12.1 cm Rusty 1 1229 Zionich shoe length, 10.7 cm width, top width 9 cm, base width 4 cm; 8 holes present, 4 on each side; two nails present in upper holes; within Artifact Scatter 1 1.120 AN-CC- 131-1230- Melody 1 Obsidian Flake N/A N/A Tertiary; Black/ 1 1232 Zionich (Mt. medial translucent Hick's) fragment; no evidence of working and retouch; within Artifact Scatter 1

178

1.121 AN-CC- 131-1235- Melody 3 Shell Shell N/A N/A Surface Beige/white 1 1236 Zionich fragments smooth and glossy; underside matte; cross- section of edges rough and texture; larger pieces more noticeably curved 1.122 AN-CC- 131-1237- Melody 1 Iron Can Storage Food Mostly Rusty 1 1239 Zionich flattened, slightly curved in center; length: 28.2 cm, width: 11.4 cm; small area of solder on one corner; no other evidence of edges being joined; type unknown

179

2.1 AN-CC- 132-1240- Leo 1 Rhyolite Metate Processing Food Roughly- White/pink 2 1243 Demski triangular; length of groove: 23.6 cm, width in center: 11.3 cm, side 1: 24.2 cm, side 2: 28.4 cm, side 3: 28.4 cm, thickness: 6.5 cm; grinding groove follows natural grain of the rhyolitic material 2.2 AN-CC- 132-1245- Leo 1 Chert Core Production Lithics Cortex on one White/black/or 2 1246 Demski side; heavily ange napped on the other; length: approximately 6 cm, width: approximately 5 cm; west of metate 2.3 AN-CC- 132-1247, Leo 1 Glass Glass Storage Food/drink Length: Olive green 2 1249-1250 Demski bottle approximately fragment 6 cm, width: approximately

180

5 cm; based on curvature fragment from shoulder/neck; bubbles visible, possibly hand blown; northwest of metate 2.4 AN-CC- 132-1253- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Length: Pink 2 1254 Demski Flake approximately 2.5 cm, width: approximately 2 cm; tertiary flake; no evidence of retouch or working; north of metate and separate from chert scatter 2.5 AN-CC- 132-1255- Leo 2 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Two pieces White 2 1256 Demski flake separate from fragments scatter; one flake tertiary and nearly complete (right), one tertiary and flake fragment

181

(left); no evidence of working or retouch

2.6 AN-CC- 132-1261, Leo 1 Chert Core Lithics Production Approximatel White/orange/b 2 1264-1265 Demski y fifty percent lack cortex; one side shows heavy napping, making core slightly concave; northwest of metate 2.7 AN-CC- 132-1266- Leo 4 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A All four Black 2 1268 Demski (Mt. Flakes tertiary flakes, Hick's) sample from Obsidian Scatter 1; no evidence or working or retouch; Mt. Hick's obsidian (all black) 2.8 AN-CC- 132-1272- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Separate from Gray 2 1273 Demski Flakes chert scatter; tertiary flake;

182

no evidence of retouch or working 2.9 AN-CC- 132-1272- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Separate from White 2 1273 Demski Flake scatter; tertiary flake; no evidence of retouch or working 2.10 AN-CC- 132-1274- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Separate from White 2 1275 Demski Flake scatter; tertiary flake; no evidence of retouch or working 2.11 AN-CC- 132-1276- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Separate from White 2 1277 Demski Flake scatter; tertiary nearly complete flake; no evidence of retouch or working 2.12 AN-CC- 132-1278- Leo 1 Obsidian Flake tool Processing N/A Example of Black/ 2 1281 Demski (Bodie) Bodie translucent obsidian (translucent with black stripes); bifacially

183

worked; retouch along 3 margins, one margin broken off 2.13 AN-CC- 132-1282- Leo 1 Obsidian Scraper Lithics Processing Retouched Black 2 1290 Demski (Mt. side length: Hick's) 7.4 cm, cortex edge: 7.4 cm, width: 4 cm and 2.8 cm; retouched along one edge and extensively in medial, opposite edge has cortex present; Mt. Hick's obsidian; created from large flake 2.14 AN-CC- 132-1292- Leo 13 Chert Lithic N/A N/A 12 tertiary, 1 Gray, 2 1296 Demski flakes secondary; no white/tan, evidence of white, retouching; gray/pink, part of Chert gray/white and Obsidian Scatter

184

2.15 AN-CC- 132-1292- Leo 6 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A 5 translucent, Black/transluce 2 1294, 1297- Demski (Bodie) flakes 1 striped; all nt 1300 tertiary flakes; no retouch present 2.16 AN-CC- 132-1301- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Fairly large; White/yellow 2 1302 Demski flake secondary flake, approximately 50 percent cortex 2.17 AN-CC- 132-1303- Leo 19 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A All small Black/transluce 2 1305 Demski (Bodie) flakes tertiary flakes, nt no evidence of retouch; either translucent or striped obsidian; no evidence of primary reduction in area near this debitage 2.18 AN-CC- 132-1306- Leo 15 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A All tertiary Black/transluce 2 1311 Demski (Bodie) flakes flakes, larger nt than debitage in 2.17; 4 clear, 11 striped; no evidence of retouch

185

2.19 AN-CC- 132-1312- Leo 1 Obsidian Flake tool Lithics Processing Made from Black/ 2 1315 Demski (Bodie) complete translucent tertiary flake; retouched along longer, curved edge; clear obsidian 2.20 AN-CC- 132-1316- Leo 1 Chert Core Lithic Processing No cortex White/black/ 2 1317 Demski production present; orange heavily reduced on one side 2.21 AN-CC- 132-1326- Leo 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Primary flake, Black/ 2 1329 Demski (Bodie) flake more than 50 translucent percent obsidian on dorsal side; no evidence of retouching; black with clear stripes 2.22 AN-CC- 132-1330- Leo 1 Iron Metal N/A N/A Folded into Rusty 2 1331 Demski fragment thirds; 1/3: 11.7 cm wide, 22.7 cm long, bottom portion rusted away, hole in top; 2/3: 11 cm wide, 25 long; 3/3: 11.7 cm

186

wide, 25 cm long; drilled hole at top; 4 solder drops on outside; top of scrap has 2 mm crimped edge, non- machine folded 2.23 AN-CC- 132-1332- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Nearly White 2 1333 Demski flake complete tertiary flake; separate from scatter; no evidence of retouch 2.24 AN-CC- 132-1334- Leo 1 Chert Utilized Processing N/A Made from Dark gray 2 1335 Demski flake secondary flake, less than 50 percent cortex present on left margin; retouched along two edges on distal portion 2.25 AN-CC- 132-1336- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Whole White 2 1337 Demski flake secondary flake, approximately

187

50 percent cortex present; no evidence of retouch 2.26 AN-CC- 132-1338- Leo 1 Chert Core Lithic N/A Approximatel White/yellow 2 1339 Demski production y 50 percent cortex; highly reduced core 2.27 AN-CC- 132-1340- Leo 1 Obsidian Lithics N/A N/A Nearly Black/ 2 1342 Demski (Bodie) flake complete translucent tertiary flake; no evidence of retouch; translucent with black stripe 2.28 AN-CC- 132-1343- Leo 1 Obsidian Utilized Processing N/A Made from Black/ 2 1347 Demski (Bodie) flake tertiary flake; translucent retouched on two edges, bifacial on longer edge; translucent with black stripes 2.29 AN-CC- 132-1349- Leo 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Diameter: 8.9 Rusty 2 1350 Demski cm; solder drop and residue on inner rim

188

2.30 AN-CC- 132-1351- Leo 11 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A 1 secondary, Black/ 2 1356 Demski (Bodie and flakes 10 tertiary translucent Mt. flakes; no Hick's) evidence of retouch; translucent with black stripes 2.31 AN-CC- 132-1357- Leo 1 Iron Can Storage Food Hole-in-top Rusty 2 1365 Demski with lid still attached, opened with can opener; length: 12 cm, diameter: 9 cm, lid diameter: 7 cm, hole-in- top: 4.5 cm; hand soldered simple seam 2.32 AN-CC- 132-1366- Leo 2 Iron Can rims Storage Food Partial can Rusty 2 1367 Demski rims; 1: diameter - 9.5 cm, thickness - 0.3 cm; 2: diameter - 10.5 cm, thickness - 0.4 cm

189

2.33 AN-CC- 132-1368- Leo 1 Obsidian Utilized Processing N/A Made from Black/ 2 1371 Demski (Bodie) flake nearly translucent complete tertiary flake; retouched on 2 edges (left and most of right margin); translucent 2.34 AN-CC- 132-1372- Leo 1 Chert Core Lithic N/A Off-white, White 2 1373 Demski production material more grainy than other white chert materials; small amount of cortex; heavily reduced in one side 2.35 AN-CC- 132-1374- Leo 1 Chert Core Lithic N/A Approximatel White 2 1375 Demski production y 50 percent cortex; heavily reduced 2.36 AN-CC- 132-1376- Leo 1 Chert Lithic N/A N/A Whole tertiary White 2 1377 Demski flake flake; no evidence of retouch

190

2.37 AN-CC- 132-1378- Leo 4 Glass Glass Storage N/A Clear, slightly Clear 2 1379 Demski bottle curved; most fragments likely from body of bottle 2.38 AN-CC- 132-1380- Leo 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Diameter: 9 Rusty 2 1381 Demski cm, rim: 0.3 cm; significant amount of solder on inside; lid pried off of can 2.39 AN-CC- 132-1382- Leo 1 Iron Can Storage Food Flattened; Rusty 2 1383 Demski length: 22.1 cm, height: 11.5 cm; hand soldered seam on cut side of can; solder residue on top, bottom, and surface area 2.40 AN-CC- 132-1384- Leo 1 Iron Can Storage Food Flattened; Rusty 2 1386 Demski length: 15 cm, height: 12 cm; hand soldered seam on inside and outside; no solder visible at top or bottom;

191

crack along bottom edge

2.41 AN-CC- 132-1387- Leo 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Diameter: 7 Rusty 2 1390 Demski cm, rim: 0.7 cm; crimped lid, not soldered; crimping visible along outside edge 2.42 AN-CC- 132-1391- Leo 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Hole-in-cap; Rusty 2 1393 Demski diameter: 9 cm, hole: 4 cm; opened with can opener; possibly ripped off can along edge 2.43 AN-CC- 132-1394- Leo 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Diameter: 11 Rusty 2 1395 Demski cm, rim: 0.2 cm; no evidence of soldering 2.44 AN-CC- 100-0244- Lauren 1 Leather Shoe Personal Clothing Fragile and Black 2 0247 Waklling Leather dry; two holes Fragment punctured into

192

leather on opposing edges 2.45 AN-CC- 100-0248- Leo 1 Obsidian Utilized Processing N/A Translucent; Black/ 2 0250 Demski (Bodie) Flake worked along translucent left margin; worked from tertiary flake 3.1 AN-CC- 133-1398- Lauren 1 Obsidian Utilized Processing N/A Clear with Black/ 3 1399 Walkling (Bodie) Flake black stripes; translucent made from secondary flake; retouch along right margin 3.2 AN-CC- 133-1401- Lauren 1 Obsidian Biface Lithic N/A Clear with Black/ 3 1403 Walkling (Bodie) production black stripes; translucent evidence of retouch along only edge 3.3 AN-CC- 133-1404- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Height: 7 in, Rusty 3 1407 Walkling lid diameter: 4.625; crushed along length; crimped seam, stamped bottom; ridge near top; metal rusted out near bottom

193

3.4 AN-CC- 133-1408- Lauren 1 Obsidian Utilized Processing N/A Made from Black/ 3 1409 Walkling (Bodie) Flake secondary translucent nearly complete flake; retouch along left margin; clear with black stripes 3.5 AN-CC- 133-1410- Lauren 1 Iron Mining Processing Mining Crushed along Rusty 3 1411 Walkling pan bottom; hole rusted into one side of the bottom; five crimped seams; rim crimped 3.6 AN-CC- 133-1412- Lauren 1 Obsidian Biface Lithic N/A Black Black 3 1413 Walkling (Mt. Production obsidian; Hick's) biface medial, no evidence of retouch, no cortex present 3.7 AN-CC- 133-1414- Lauren 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Black with Black/ 3 1415 Walkling (Bodie) flake translucence translucent distal tertiary flake fragment; no evidence of retouch or usewear

194

3.8 AN-CC- 133-1416- Lauren 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Whole tertiary Black/ 3 1417 Walkling (Bodie) flake flake, black translucent with translucence; no evidence of retouch 3.9 AN-CC- 133-1418- Lauren 21 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Black with Black/ 3 1420 Walkling (Bodie) Flakes translucence/ translucent translucent tertiary flakes and flake fragments; no evidence of retouch; flakes range from small to large; 133-1420 shows sample of obsidian scatter 3.10 AN-CC- 133-1421- Lauren 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Black whole Black 3 1422 Walkling (Mt. flake tertiary flake; Hick's) no evidence of retouch 3.11 AN-CC- 133-1423- Lauren 2 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Black with Black/ 3 1426 Walkling (Bodie) flakes translucence translucent distal and nearly complete flake fragments; no

195

evidence of retouch

3.12 AN-CC- 133-1427- Lauren 2 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A One black Black/ 3 1429 Walkling (Bodie) flakes with translucent translucence and distal, the other clear with black stripes and nearly complete; both tertiary flake fragments; no evidence of retouch 3.13 AN-CC- 133-1430- Lauren 3 Glass Glass Storage Food Two body Olive 3 1432 Walkling bottle fragments and fragments one base plus body fragment; no seams, maker mark, or finish present; some bubbles present in glass 3.14 AN-CC- 133-1433- Lauren 2 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Two nearly Black/ 3 1435 Walkling (Bodie) flakes complete translucent translucent

196

tertiary flakes; no evidence of retouch 3.15 AN-CC- 133-1436- Lauren 3 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Black with Black/ 3 1438 Walkling flakes translucence translucent tertiary nearly complete flakes; no evidence of retouch 3.16 AN-CC- 133-1439- Lauren 1 Leather Belt Personal Clothing Dry and Black 3 1440 Walkling leather fragile; six fragment holes present along length; charring on inside 4.1 AN-CC- 133-1451 Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Crushed, Rusty 4 Walkling height: 5 in, diameter: 4 in; crimped seam with machine solder; stamped bottom; top missing, opened with can opener

197

4.2 AN-CC- 133-1456- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Crushed, Rusty 4 1460 Walkling height: 5 in, diameter: 4 in; crimped seam and stamped bottom; lid missing, removable; ridge near top 4.3 AN-CC- 133-1461- Lauren 1 Iron Metal N/A N/A Bent in two Rusty 4 1462 Walkling band areas along band; crimped connection of band; possibly used for bucket 4.4 AN-CC- 133-1463- Lauren 1 Wood Modified N/A N/A Multiple Gray-brown 4 1467 Walkling tree limb branches (4) removed with ax; limb removed with ax 4.5 AN-CC- 133-1468- Lauren 1 Basalt Metate Processing Food Portable; Pink/gray 4 1470 Walkling length: 23.35 cm, width: 19.96 cm, thickness: 5.71 cm; worked area length: approximately 8 cm, worked

198

area width: approximately 6 cm

4.6 AN-CC- 133-1471- Lauren 1 Wood/ Lean-to Residence Shelter One wooden Rusty, 4 1474 Walkling metal remains support gray/brown (modified tree limb) with bailing wire wrapped around limb, woven onto tree (pinyon pine) branch and attached to same branch 4.7 AN-CC- 133-1475- Lauren 1 Iron Mule shoe Farming Protection Length: 12 Rusty 4 1476 Walkling cm, width: 8 cm; eight holes in shoe, four on each side; three nails woven through the holes; upturned heel and toe

199

4.8 AN-CC- 133-1477- Lauren 1 Iron Frying Pan Processing Cooking Base diameter: Rusty 4 1479 Walkling 23 cm, opening diameter: 34 cm; slightly bent on one side; missing handle; three bolts where handle would be 4.9 AN-CC- 133-1480- Lauren 1 Basalt Metate Processing Food Non-portable; Pink/gray 4 1481 Walkling length: 33.0 cm, width: 23.7 cm; surrounded by five rocks; worked area width: approximately 13 cm, worked area length: 18 cm 4.10 AN-CC- 133-1483- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Sanitary can; Rusty 4 1486 Walkling height: 4 3/4 in, diameter: 3 in; crimped seam and stamped top and bottom; lid missing,

200

seriations along lip

4.11 AN-CC- 133-1487- Lauren 1 Wood Lumber Construction Residence Coated with White/brown 4 1488 Walkling fragment flaking white paint on one side; lumber rotting 4.12 AN-CC- 133-1489- Lauren 1 Iron Iron bowl Food N/A Corroded Rusty 4 1490 Walkling bottom and dented along edge; base diameter: approximately 16 cm, opening diameter: 21 cm 4.13 AN-CC- 133-1491- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Height: 5 in, Rusty 4 1494 Walkling diameter: 4 in; hole-in-cap; imperfection along seam; lid still attached; machine soldered crimped seam;

201

stamped bottom

4.14 AN-CC- 133-1495- Lauren 21 Iron Metal N/A N/A 21 pieces of Rusty 4 1497 Walkling scatter corroded iron; sample of scatter (133- 1496-1497) 4.15 AN-CC- 133-1498- Lauren 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Tertiary whole Black/ 4 1499 Walkling (Bodie) flake flake; black translucent with translucence; no evidence of retouch 4.16 AN-CC- 133-1500- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Crushed, Rusty 4 1503 Walkling height: 4.5 in, diameter: 3 in; lid missing, ridge near opening; seam crimped and bottom stamped; corroded hole in side 4.17 AN-CC- 133-1504- Lauren 1 Wood Processed Construction N/A Green paint on Gray/brown, 4 1507 Walkling lumber two sides side; green fragment partially drilled hole on

202

one face; mild amounts of splintering present 5.1 AN-CC- 133-1509- Lauren 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Whole tertiary Black/ 5 1510 Walkling (Bodie) flake flake; black translucent with translucence; no evidence of retouch 5.2 AN-CC- 133-1511- Lauren 1 Obsidian Elko Food Hunting Black, whole Black 5 1512 Walkling (Mt. Projectile projectile Hick's) Point point; Length: 3.8 cm, width: 3.0 cm 5.3 AN-CC- 133-1513- Lauren 1 Obsidian Biface N/A N/A Biface medial Black/ 5 1514 Walkling (Bodie) fragment; translucent black with translucence 5.4 AN-CC- 133-1515- Lauren 1 Obsidian Elko Food Hunting Proximal Black/ 5 1516 Walkling (Mt. Projectile fragment; translucent Hick's) Point black with translucence; length: 2.8 cm, width: 3.0 cm 5.5 AN-CC- 133-1517- Lauren 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Proximal Black/ 5 1518 Walkling (Bodie) flake tertiary flake translucent fragment; no evidence of retouch; black

203

with translucence

5.6 AN-CC- 133-1519- Lauren 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Proximal Black/ 5 1520 Walkling (Bodie) Flake tertiary flake translucent/ fragment; no brown evidence of retouch; black with translucence; iron noted in flake by presence of brown stripes 5.7 AN-CC- 133-1521- Lauren 1 Iron Bucket Storage Transportation Crushed, three Rusty 5 1522 Walkling crimped seams present; stamped bottom; handle still attached by two bolts on each side of bucket; bottom starting to rust out 5.8 AN-CC- 133-1523- Lauren 11 Obsidian Obsidian N/A N/A Tertiary Bodie Black/ 5 1525 Walkling (Bodie and Scatter and Mt. Hick's translucent flakes; 133-

204

Mt. 1524-1525 Hick's) sample of five flakes from scatter 5.9 AN-CC- 133-1526- Lauren 1 Iron and Whiskey Storage Drink Opening not Rusty 5 1529 Walkling Tin flask rusted (tin); crimped seam and stamped top and bottom; height: 4.75 in, width: 4 in, thickness: 1.625 in 5.10 AN-CC- 133-1530- Lauren 2 Iron Wash bin Cleaning N/A Two crimped Rusty 5 1532 Walkling with seams and one bottom soldered seam fragment (metal soldered on seam, remains of where there may have been handle); fragment of bottom present; bottom diameter: 11 cm, opening diameter: 27 cm

205

6.1 AN-CC- 133-1534- Lauren 1 Plastic Button Personal Decoration Four-holed White 6 1535 Walkling button, modern item 6.2 AN-CC- 133-1538- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Drink Beer can, Rusty, blue, 6 1542 Walkling height: 3 5/8 white, yellow in, diameter: 2 1/4 in; crimped seam and stamped top; ring-tab opening; blue and yellow label with white letters and gray imperfection; words: 100-/- pe 6.3 AN-CC- 133-1543- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Drink Beer can, Rusty, white, 6 1547 Walkling height: 3 5/8 blue in, diameter: 2 1/4 in; crimped seam with stamped lid and bottom; ring- pull tab opening; blue faded label with white words; words:

206

CITRI-/D- /FLORID- /INGRED-/- ONCENTRA T-, Gra- with white circular design below word

6.4 AN-CC- 133-1548- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Drink Sanitary can, Rusty 6 1551 Walkling height: 4 3/4, diameter: 2 3/4; crimped seam and stamped top and bottom; knife cut opening (two holes); horizontal imperfections on length of can 6.5 AN-CC- 133-1552 Lauren 3 Iron Cans Storage Food All cans Rusty 6 Walkling crushed; 2 flat-top machine soldered seam; 1 hole-in-cap stamped and

207

crimped; all lids missing

6.6 AN-CC- 133-1553- Lauren 1 Wood Lumber Construction N/A Processed Gray/brown 6 1554 Walkling fragment lumber, splintering; part of hole present on one side, where nail used to be 6.7 AN-CC- 133-1555- Lauren 2 Iron Cans Storage Food Flat-top cans, Rusty 6 1556 Walkling 1 crimped seam with stamped bottom, 1 flat- top with hand solder crimped seam; lids missing for both 6.8 AN-CC- 133-1557- Lauren 1 Iron Metal N/A N/A Partially Rusty/black 6 1558 Walkling scrap rusted iron fragment, possibly flattened can 6.9 AN-CC- 133-1559- Lauren 3 Glass Glass Storage Drink Solarized Purple 6 1562 Walkling bottle amethyst fragments glass; two fragments shoulder and

208

body, one body fragment; chipping on one of body/shoulder fragment 6.10 AN-CC- 133-1563- Lauren 7 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Tertiary whole Black 6 1565 Walkling (Mt. flakes and nearly Hicks) complete flakes; all black 6.11 AN-CC- 133-1566- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Crimped Rusty 6 1568 Walkling seam, top and bottom missing; highly crushed 6.12 AN-CC- 133-1569- Lauren 1 Iron Can lid Storage Food Hole-in-cap Rusty 6 1570 Walkling lid; opened with can opener; solder on outside 6.13 AN-CC- 133-1571- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Flat-top can; Rusty 6 1574 Walkling crimped seam and stamped bottom; lid missing, removed with knife, length crushed

209

6.14 AN-CC- 133-1575- Lauren 1 Obsidian Lithic N/A N/A Translucent Black/ 6 1576 Walkling (Bodie) flake with black translucent stripes nearly complete tertiary flake 6.15 AN-CC- 133-1577- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Flat-top can Rusty 6 1583 Walkling with machine soldered crimped seam and stamped bottom; lid missing, opened with can opener 6.16 AN-CC- 133-1577- Lauren 1 Iron Can Storage Food Type Rusty 6 1581, 1584 Walkling unknown, bottom and top missing; hand soldered seam with solder along top; opened with can opener 6.17 AN-CC- 133-1585- Lauren 2 Glass Glass Storage Food Two body Light blue 6 1586 Walkling bottle fragments; fragments solarized aquamarine

210

6.18 AN-CC- 133-1587- Lauren 1 Glass Glass Storage Food Solarized Purple 6 1588 Walkling bottle amethyst fragment glass; body fragment