Race Crime and Punishment
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Race, Rebellion, and Arab Muslim Slavery : the Zanj Rebellion in Iraq, 869 - 883 C.E
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2016 Race, rebellion, and Arab Muslim slavery : the Zanj Rebellion in Iraq, 869 - 883 C.E. Nicholas C. McLeod University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the African American Studies Commons, African History Commons, Ethnic Studies Commons, History of Religion Commons, Islamic Studies Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Medieval Studies Commons, Race and Ethnicity Commons, and the Social History Commons Recommended Citation McLeod, Nicholas C., "Race, rebellion, and Arab Muslim slavery : the Zanj Rebellion in Iraq, 869 - 883 C.E." (2016). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2381. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2381 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The nivU ersity of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The nivU ersity of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RACE, REBELLION, AND ARAB MUSLIM SLAVERY: THE ZANJ REBELLION IN IRAQ, 869 - 883 C.E. By Nicholas C. McLeod B.A., Bucknell University, 2011 A Thesis Submitted to The Faculty of College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts In Pan-African Studies Department of Pan-African Studies University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky May 2016 Copyright 2016 by Nicholas C. -
Introduction It Is the 51St Millennium, and the War Continues. There Was No Great Conflagration Or Calamitous Final Battle. Acro
Introduction It is the 51st Millennium, and the war continues. There was no great conflagration or calamitous final battle. Across the vastness of the galaxy, the Imperium died. Not with a bang, but with a whimper. The galactic empire of humanity crumbled, its enemies too many, too great and too terrible to imagine. The great conflict of Octavius had no victory, a war without end. In the fiery chasm of strife, the locust and the green holocaust fused, as beast looked upon barbarian and both saw the other as kin. The new entity spread with a speed undreamt of by ork or tyranid. War and hunger melded into a singular desire to ravage, rape and remake all in the image of the new devourer. The Devourer’s hybrid nightmares were regenerative, and spore-born, combining into a grand horror, which murdered the galaxy, leaving naught but fragments as it left. Metallic sentinels of unflinching dread rose up on some worlds, leaving them safe from the new devourer waaagh, but instead made them slaves to the silver sentinels, and fodder for their glowing metal gods. The Eldar who had held on to life for so long, slowly winked out of existence one craftworld at a time. Eventually, even the rumbling hearts of the avatars fell silent. For a time... In the dead craftworlds, something slithers through the infinity circuit to this day. Unfortunately, the great god of the dead, Ynnead, is trapped within this infinity circuit, howling its mournful song into the darkness, eternally hungry in its desire to wreak vengeance on She Who Thirsts. -
Michelle Alexander Revisioning Justice
Michelle Alexander: “The New Jim Crow.” April 18, 2015. Re-Visioning Justice. - open hearts and minds to think about what we can do to help end the system of mass incarceration - caste system - radical title; how can you say that after electing our first black president? o Wanted to challenge people o Imagine people to understand that we are not yet beyond our system of creating massive social and prison control o 300,000 to over 2 million inmates o most punitive nation in the world o unprecedented in world history o not simply a function of crime rates o crime is not the control; reality is much more disturbing and complex o even in age of “color-blindness,” we have managed to re-create a caste system o if you are born into a p0or community of color, you are born into a system that is under control ▪ your parents most likely have a criminal record ▪ legal discrimination for rest of lives: employment, housing, education, public benefits ▪ targeted by police • no matter what you’re doing • eventually, you will be caught for something • because you’re human, and you make mistakes – like all young people do • once arrested, swept into system from which real escape is only a dim hope • denied meaningful legal representation • threatened with harsh, mandatory, minimum sentences o yes, I’ll just take the plea. o Saddled with record where you are denied basic civil and human rights o Check felony box ▪ Housing ▪ Financial aid ▪ employment o you are trapped; not for a little while; for life - most people return to prison in matter of months/years -
Racial Critiques of Mass Incarceration: Beyond the New Jim Crow
RACIAL CRITIQUES OF MASS INCARCERATION: BEYOND THE NEW JIM CROW JAMES FORMAN, JR.* In the last decade, a number of scholars have called the American criminal justice system a new form of Jim Crow. These writers have effectively drawn attention to the injustices created by a facially race-neutral system that severely ostracizes offenders and stigmatizes young, poor black men as criminals. I argue that despite these important contributions, the Jim Crow analogy leads to a distorted view of mass incarceration. The analogy presents an incomplete account of mass incarceration’s historical origins, fails to consider black attitudes toward crime and punishment, ignores violent crimes while focusing almost exclusively on drug crimes, obscures class distinctions within the African American community, and overlooks the effects of mass incarceration on other racial groups. Finally, the Jim Crow analogy diminishes our collective memory of the Old Jim Crow’s particular harms. INTRODUCTION In the five decades since African Americans won their civil rights, hundreds of thousands have lost their liberty. Blacks now make up a larger portion of the prison population than they did at the time of Brown v. Board of Education, and their lifetime risk of incarceration has doubled. As the United States has become the world’s largest jailerand its prison population has exploded, black men have been particularly affected. Today, black men are imprisoned at 6.5 times the rate of white men. While scholars have long analyzed the connection between race and America’s criminal justice system, an emerging group of scholars and advocates has highlighted the issue with a provocative claim: They argue that our growing penal system, with its black tinge, constitutes nothing less than a new form of Jim Crow. -
Race and Drugs Oxford Handbooks Online
Race and Drugs Oxford Handbooks Online Race and Drugs Jamie Fellner Subject: Criminology and Criminal Justice, Race, Ethnicity, and Crime, Drugs and Crime Online Publication Date: Oct 2013 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.007 Abstract and Keywords Blacks are arrested on drug charges at more than three times the rate of whites and are sent to prison for drug convictions at ten times the white rate. These disparities cannot be explained by racial patterns of drug crime. They reflect law enforcement decisions to concentrate resources in low income minority neighborhoods. They also reflect deep-rooted racialized concerns, beliefs, and attitudes that shape the nation’s understanding of the “drug problem” and skew the policies chosen to respond to it. Even absent conscious racism in anti-drug policies and practices, “race matters.” The persistence of a war on drugs that disproportionately burdens black Americans testifies to the persistence of structural racism; drug policies are inextricably connected to white efforts to maintain their dominant position in the country’s social hierarchy. Without proof of racist intent, however, US courts can do little. International human rights law, in contrast, call for the elimination of all racial discrimination, even if unaccompanied by racist intent. Keywords: race, drugs, discrimination, arrests, incarceration, structural racism Millions of people have been arrested and incarcerated on drug charges in the past 30 years as part of America’s “war on drugs.” There are reasons to question the benefits—or even rationality—of that effort: the expenditure of hundreds of billions of dollars has done little to prevent illegal drugs from reaching those who want them, has had scant impact on consumer demand, has led to the undermining of many constitutional rights, and has helped produce a large, counterproductive, and expensive prison system. -
Ethno-Racial Attitudes and Social Inequality Editor's Proof
Editor's Proof Ethno-Racial Attitudes and Social Inequality 22 Frank L. Samson and Lawrence D. Bobo 1 Introduction (1997)). Within psychology we have seen an ex- 22 plosion of work on implicit attitudes or uncon- 23 2 Sociologists ordinarily assume that social struc- scious racism that more than ever centers atten- 24 3 ture drives the content of individual level values, tion on the internal psychological functioning of 25 4 attitudes, beliefs, and ultimately, behavior. In the individual. We argue here that, in general, a 26 5 some classic models this posture reaches a point committed social psychological posture that ex- 27 6 of essentially denying the sociological relevance amines both how societal level factors and pro- 28 7 of any micro-level processes. In contrast, psy- cesses shape individual experiences and outlooks 29 8 chologists (and to a degree, economists) operate and how the distribution of individual attitudes, 30 9 with theoretical models that give primacy to in- beliefs, and values, in turn, influence others and 31 10 dividual level perception, cognition, motivation, the larger social environment provides the fullest 32 11 and choice. Within the domain of studies of ethno- leverage on understanding the dynamics of race. 33 12 racial relations, each of these positions has mod- Specifically we argue in this chapter that ethno-ra- 34 13 ern advocates. From the sociologically determin- cial attitudes, beliefs, and identities play a funda- 35 14 istic vantage point Edna Bonacich trumpets the mental constitutive role in the experience, re-pro- 36 15 “‘deeper’ level of reality” exposed by class ana- duction, and process of change in larger societal 37 16 lytics (1980, p. -
Putting Structuralism Back Into Structural Inequality Anders Walker Saint Louis University School of Law
Saint Louis University School of Law Scholarship Commons All Faculty Scholarship 2019 Freedom and Prison: Putting Structuralism Back into Structural Inequality Anders Walker Saint Louis University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/faculty Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Criminal Law Commons, Criminal Procedure Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Walker, Anders, Freedom and Prison: Putting Structuralism Back into Structural Inequality (January 4, 2019). University of Louisville Law Review, Vol. 49, No. 267, 2019. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. FREEDOM AND PRISON: PUTTING STRUCTURALISM BACK INTO STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY Anders Walker* ABSTRACT Critics of structural racism frequently miss structuralism as a field of historical inquiry. This essay reviews the rise of structuralism as a mode of historical analysis and applies it to the mass incarceration debate in the United States, arguing that it enriches the work of prevailing scholars in the field. I. INTRODUCTION Structuralism has become a prominent frame for discussions of race and inequality in the United States, part of a larger trend that began in the wake of Barack Obama’s presidential victory in 2008. This victory was a moment -
Race and Criminal Justice in Canada
International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences Vol 11 Issue 2 July – December 2016 Copyright © 2016 International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences (IJCJS) – Official Journal of the South Asian Society of Criminology and Victimology (SASCV) - Publisher & Editor-in-Chief – K. Jaishankar ISSN: 0973-5089 July – December 2016. Vol. 11 (2): 75–99. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlikeHTU 4.0 International (CC-BY-NC-SA 4.0) License ,UTH whichT permits unrestricted non-commercial use ,T distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Race and Criminal Justice in Canada Charles Reasons 1 Central Washington University, United States of America Shereen Hassan, Michael Ma, Lisa Monchalin 2 Kwantlen Polytechnic University, Canada Melinda Bige 3 University of Victoria, Canada Christianne Paras 4 Fraser Region Community Justice Initiatives, Canada Simranjit Arora 5 Faculty of Law, Thompson River University, Canada Abstract The relationship between race and crime has long been a subject of study in the United States; however, such analysis is more recent in Canada. A major factor impeding such study is the fact that racial/ethnic data are not routinely collected and available in Canada, unlike the United States. The collection of such data would arguably undermine the multi-cultural mosaic of Canada as a place of acceptance and tolerance. However, the lack of such data bellies research suggesting that race plays a role in the Canadian criminal justice system. Using available, albeit, limited research studies and their data, the role of race is evident throughout the justice system. -
Nine Meals from Anarchy Oil Dependence, Climate Change and the Transition to Resilience
Nine Meals from Anarchy Oil dependence, climate change and the transition to resilience new economics foundation nef is an independent think-and-do tank that inspires and demonstrates real economic well-being. We aim to improve quality of life by promoting innovative solutions that challenge mainstream thinking on economic, environmental and social issues. We work in partnership and put people and the planet first. nef centres for: global thriving well-being future interdependence communities economy nef (the new economics foundation) is a registered charity founded in 1986 by the leaders of The Other Economic Summit (TOES), which forced issues such as international debt onto the agenda of the G8 summit meetings. It has taken a lead in helping establish new coalitions and organisations such as the Jubilee 2000 debt campaign; the Ethical Trading Initiative; the UK Social Investment Forum; and new ways to measure social and economic well-being. new economics foundation Nine Meals from Anarchy Oil dependence, climate change and the transition to resilience Schumacher Lecture, 2008 Schumacher North, Leeds, UK by Andrew Simms new economics foundation ‘Such essays cannot awat the permanence of the book. They do not belong n the learned journal. They resst packagng n perodcals.’ Ivan Illich Contents ‘Apparently sold financal nsttutons have tumbled. So, what else that we currently take for granted mght be prone to sudden collapse?’ Schumacher Lecture, 4 October 2008 Delivered by Andrew Simms Schumacher North, Leeds, UK To begin with – the world as it is 1 Nine meals from anarchy 3 Enough of problems 17 Conclusion 30 Endnotes 32 ‘Perhaps we cannot rase the wnds. -
America's Defense Meltdown
AMERICA’S DEFENSE MELTDOWN ★ ★ ★ Pentagon Reform for President Obama and the New Congress 13 non-partisan Pentagon insiders, retired military officers & defense specialists speak out The World Security Institute’s Center for Defense Information (CDI) provides expert analysis on various components of U.S. national security, international security and defense policy. CDI promotes wide-ranging discussion and debate on security issues such as nuclear weapons, space security, missile defense, small arms and military transformation. CDI is an independent monitor of the Pentagon and Armed Forces, conducting re- search and analyzing military spending, policies and weapon systems. It is comprised of retired senior government officials and former military officers, as well as experi- enced defense analysts. Funded exclusively by public donations and foundation grants, CDI does not seek or accept Pentagon money or military industry funding. CDI makes its military analyses available to Congress, the media and the public through a variety of services and publications, and also provides assistance to the federal government and armed services upon request. The views expressed in CDI publications are those of the authors. World Security Institute’s Center for Defense Information 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036-2109 © 2008 Center for Defense Information ISBN-10: 1-932019-33-2 ISBN-13: 978-1-932019-33-9 America’s Defense Meltdown PENTAGON REFORM FOR PRESIDENT OBAMA AND THE NEW CONGRESS 13 non-partisan Pentagon insiders, retired military officers & defense specialists speak out Edited by Winslow T. Wheeler Washington, D.C. November 2008 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Thomas Christie began his career in the Department of Defense and related positions in 1955. -
Overview of Race and Crime, We Must First Set the Parameters of the Discussion, Which Include Relevant Definitions and the Scope of Our Review
Overview CHAPTER 1 of Race and Crime Because skin color is socially constructed, it can also be reconstructed. Thus, when the descendants of the European immigrants began to move up economically and socially, their skins apparently began to look lighter to the whites who had come to America before them. When enough of these descendants became visibly middle class, their skin was seen as fully white. The biological skin color of the second and third generations had not changed, but it was socially blanched or whitened. —Herbert J. Gans (2005) t a time when the United States is more diverse than ever, with the minority popula- tion topping 100 million (one in every three U.S. residents; U.S. Census Bureau, 2010), the notion of race seems to permeate almost every facet of American life. A Certainly, one of the more highly charged aspects of the race dialogue relates to crime. Before embarking on an overview of race and crime, we must first set the parameters of the discussion, which include relevant definitions and the scope of our review. When speaking of race, it is always important to remind readers of the history of the concept and some current definitions. The idea of race originated 5,000 years ago in India, but it was also prevalent among the Chinese, Egyptians, and Jews (Gossett, 1963). Although François Bernier (1625–1688) is usually credited with first classifying humans into distinct races, Carolus Linnaeus (1707–1778) invented the first system of categorizing plants and humans. It was, however, Johan Frederich Blumenbach (1752–1840) who developed the first taxonomy of race. -
Explaining the Exceptional Behaviour of the Portuguese Church Hierarchy in Morality Politics
Shunning Direct Intervention: Explaining the Exceptional Behaviour of the Portuguese church Hierarchy in Morality Politics by Madalena Meyer Resende (FCSH-UNL and IPRI-UNL) and Anja Hennig (European University Viadrina) Abstract Why are the Catholic churches in most European countries politically active in relevant morality policy issues while the Portuguese hierarchy has remained reserved during mobilizing debates such as abortion and same-sex marriage, whose laws’ recent changes go against Catholic beliefs? The explanation could be institutional, as the fairly recent Portuguese transition to democracy dramatically changed the role attributed to the church by the former regimes. However, in Spain – whose case is similar to Portugal in matters of timing and political conditions – the hierarchy’s behaviour is different. This begs the question: what elements explain the exceptionality of the Portuguese case? This article shows that the Portuguese case illustrates an element usually not emphasized in the literature: the ideological inclination of the church elites. The article thus concludes that institutional access is a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the church to directly intervene in morality policy processes. A church may have access to influence political decision makers but, for ideological reasons, may be unwilling to use it. Keywords: Portugal, morality policy, Catholic church, Vatican Council II, abortion, gay-marriage, ideology, historical institutionalism Introduction the church from the policy-making arena. As we The recent debate in the Portuguese parliament will show, up until 2013, the Portuguese hierar- (July 2015) about restricting the 2007 liberal- chy showed great restraint during the process of ized abortion law in Portugal revealed a novum moral-political liberalization.