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CONFEDERATE ARKANSAS S a STUDY in STATE POLITICS

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CONFEDERATE ARKANSAS S a STUDY in STATE POLITICS CONFEDERATE ARKANSAS s A STUDY IN STATE POLITICS APPROVED; Professor Minor Professor >ixector of the Department /t/flistory Bean : the Graduate School Cox, James L», Confederate Arkansas: A Study in State Politics. Master of Arts (History), August, 19?i, 106 pp., bibliography, ^-8 titles. Arkansas state politics during the Civil War was influenced by the preceding thirty years and many of the state's problems for which political answers were sought were similar to problems experienced in this period of political development. The war simply magnified and multiplied the problems faced by the state. This thesis is concerned with identifying the political forces in the state and their develop- ment, with investigating problems to which political solutions were sought and attempts made to solve these. Finally, an effort is made to determine the effectiveness of the various political moves made during the terms of Governors Rector and Flanagin. Research materials included a large number of general accounts and monograms, several articles, and newspapers, a few manuscript collec- tions, the official records of the Union and Confederate armies and all of the state records for the period that were available. The most helpful general accounts were David Y. Thomas' Arkansas and Its People and Arkansas in War and Reconstruction and John Helium's Biographical and Pictorial History of Arkansas, Valuable articles included Farrat Newberry's "Harris Flanagin" (Arkansas Historical Q,uari.e'rly), Jack B. Scrogg's "Arkansas in the Secession Crisis'" (Arkansas Hist"-r3 oal C;ua.r-- i§£i.Y • s"-;a eyewitness accounts by Alfred Carrig'-^ and Jesse Cyp'-'*^ i ^ th? LVMicatj or.s of th»=- Arli&acs« HLfivclcjl Assoc' at ion « The most helpful and most used materials were the state records, particularly the legislative records, which are available, primarily in manuscript, for the entire period and the Arkansas Gazette also avail- able for the entire period except for the period that it was suspended. The Kie Oldham Collection (MSS) available at the Arkansas History Commission also provided valuable material. Initial consideration is given to the development of a political machine and the forces countering it which culminated in the election of the insurgent Henry M. Rector to the governorship. Following Rec- tor's election the development of political control by the convention is considered. This period, was dramatized by the secession of Arkan- sas and the convention functioning in as an executive and legislative body until its termination. Next the politics and problems of Henry Rector's abbreviated term are discussed. Treated separately, although Rector was more concerned with it, is the civil-military conflict over martial law in the state which, although eased, continued even under the more tolerant Harris Flanagin, until the war's end. The final chapter is concerned with the administration of Harris Flanagin and the state government's increasing ineffectiveness, This thesis concludes that with a lack of resources and a lack of support from the Confederacy, the Arkansas state government could not and did not provide adequate answers to her many problems and deterio- rated into an inept institution by the war's end. CONFEDERATE ARKANSAS: 4 STUDY IN STATE POLITICS THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of jthe Requirements For the ^Degree of MASTER jOF ARTS | S|y I I | j James L. Cox, 3. Dent0*1 f Texas Aup;a.si • 19? 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. THE CONtfAY-JOHNSON DYNASTY AND THE ELECTION OF HENRY RECTOR 1 II. EMERGENCE OF CONVENTION CONTROL 18 III, POLITICS AND PROBLEMS UNDER HENRY RECTOR kO IV. CIVIL-MILITARY CONFLICT OVER MARTIAL LAW 65 V. HARRIS FLANAGIN AND THE POLITICS OF FUTILITY 79 BIBLIOGRAPHY 103 CHAPTER I THE CONWAY-JOHNSON DYNASTY AND THE ELECTION OF HENRY RECTOR To a large extent the geography of Arkansas determined its economic, social, and political development. The state is basically divided into two geographic regions: ' the southeastern lowlands and the northwestern highlands. Although much of the lowlands was heavily timbered, hindering the cotton planters, the river valley soil was rich, and navigable streams numerous. These streams generally run in a southeasterly direction emptying into the Mississippi. To the northwest lay the Ouachita and Ozark mountain ranges covered with low timber, and not as fertile as the southeastern lowlands. Property valuation sharply contrasted the two geographic sec- tions, suggesting not only the fertility of the lowland soil, but also the location of Arkansas' slave population. Of the seven leading counties in property valuation all but Pulaski were in the south and all had large slave populations. Phillips County led with real property valued at $8,760,722 and personal property valued at $9•508,^65, and was followed by Jefferson, Pulaski, Hempstead, Arkansas, Union and Desha. Washington, the leading northern county, was well down the list with real property valued at $2,877,396 and personal property valued at $2,927,790.1 In total cash value of farms again Phillips County led \j.S. Census Office, Eighth Census, i860, 4 vols. (Washington 186^-1866), IV, 296. with a total of $8,037>268. The five counties with the highest cash value of farms were all southern, had large slave populations and accounted for approximately one-third of the state's total cash value of farms.^ It was in the lowland counties where a majority of the slaves were located and most of the cotton was grown. However, every county had some slaves and all hut Benton County produced at least one bale 3 of cotton. There were six counties, all in the southeast, with larger slave populations than white: Phillips, Chicot, Union, Arkansas, L\, Lafayette arid Desha. However, not many people owned slaves In Arkan- sas. Out of the state's 57.244 families there were only 11,481 slave- holders; approximately one out of every five families owned slaves. There were few large slaveholders in the state; only sixty-six people owned 100 or more slaves; seven owned 200 or more; one owned 1000 or more. Predictably there were more slaveholders and larger slave holdings in the southern counties of Chicot, Phillips, Desha, Union, Arkansas, Lafayette and Jefferson.^ Large slave populations would indicate the existence of large farms and such was the case in Arkansas. Of the 307 farms in the state with between 500 a.nd 1000 acres, 158 were in the six counties with larger slave populations tnan white, and of the sixty-nine farms with 2Ibid.. II, 6-7. 3Ibld,, I, 12-17; II, 6-7. 4 Ibid.. I, 12-17. 5Ibld.. II, 224 „ over 1000 acres, forty were in these counties.^ It was on these farms that much of Arkansas cotton was raised, with Chicot County in the extreme southern corner of the state leading with an annual production 7 of 40,948 hales followed by Jefferson and Phillips. In contrast to the cotton economy of the southern lowlands the highland counties led in the production of tobacco and wool, important money crops of the state, and in most foodstuffs. Izard, Greene and Independence Counties led in the production of tobacco, while Washing- ton, Independence, Carroll, Lawrence and Benton were the leaders in the production of wool. Washington County also led the state in the pro- 8 duction of wheat, corn and oats. Arkansas was rural in composition, the largest city being Little Rock with but 3727 people. The only other cities with over 1000 popu- lation were Camden (2219), Ft. Smith (1530) and Pine Bluff (1396). The absence of cities is reflected in the fact that the eleventh largest city in the state was Spring Hill, Hempstead County, with a population 9 of 401. Nearly sixty per cent of the state's free population of 324,355 was born outside the state with the majority coming from the rural south, ^ The rural composition of the state is further reflected in the working force of the state; nearly sixty-nine per cent of the 6Ibid.. II, 193, 222. ^Ibid., II, 6-9. 8Ibid. ^Ibid.. I, 12-17. 10Ibid.. I, 20. 4 total working force was engaged in farm occupations. There were 48,475 farmers in the state, 8350 farm laborers, 438 planters and 1971 11 overseers. In i860 industry in the state, although growing, was in its infancy. The value of manufactured goods in the state was $2,880,578, with 518 manufacturing establishments employing 1831 men and 40 women. The state's leading industries were lumber, flour and meal, leather and tin, copper and sheet iron ware. Although Washington led all counties in both the number of manufacturing establishments (?4) and annual value of products ($390,904), industry in the state had not 12 established geographic patterns. To transport her products to market the state had to rely upon navigable rivers and dirt roads. The southeastern lowlands area was well supplied with navigable streams, but with the exception of White River the northwestern sector had to depend upon inadequate roads. The railroads of the state were of little value for they consisted solely of the 38.5 miles completed on the Memphis and Little Rock Railroad from Memphis to the St. Francis River. Only Oregon with 3.8 miles had fewer miles of railroad than did Arkansas.^ Arkansas suffered a social and political schism due to an eco- nomic division as well as the previously discussed geographic division. The northwestern highlands developed in much more equalitarian patterns 11Ibid.. p. 21. i2Ibid.. Ill, 15-22. 13Ibid,, IV, 337. than did the southern lowlands because of these great economic dif- ferences within the state. Out of the cotton growing southeast emerged the planter politician who predictably symbolized very divergent values, mores, motives, and needs from the more independent highland dirt farmers.
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