Forced Resettlement Campaigns in Northern Thailand During the Early Bangkok Period*
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Volker Grabowsky FORCED RESETTLEMENT CAMPAIGNS IN NORTHERN THAILAND DURING THE EARLY BANGKOK PERIOD* 1. Introduction the resurgent Mon kingdom ofPegu. Numerous Mon were resettled in Upper Burma, others fled In pre-colonial indianized Southeast Asia the across the Salween into Tenasserim province control of manpower, not the conquest of land, (Martaban) or even sought shelter in Siamese was the crucial factor for establishing, territory. Fifteen years later, Burmese mal consolidating and strengthening state power. treatment of the Mon provoked a new exodus to Thai, Burmese and Cambodian chronicles provide ample evidence of how Southeast Asian • This article is a revised version of my paper rulers launched successful attacks against weaker presented at the "5th International Conference on Thai neighbours in order to seize large parts of the Studies-SOAS, London, July 1993." In a different population and to resettle the war captives in form, the article was first published in Oriens Extremus their own realm. At the same time, the victorious I (1994). I am indebted to Saraswadee Ongsakul side was very often content to establish a loose (Chiang Mai) and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo (Chiang Mai) tributary relationship with the former enemy who shared generously their profound knowledge and whose resources of manpower had been reduced. expertise in discussions of the contents of some The victors derived many benefits from this important sources. I am further obliged to Harald kind of traditional warfare in demographic, Hundius (Passau), Hermann Kulke (Kiel), Ronald political, economical and cultural terms. The Renard (Chiang Mai), and Baas Terwiel (Hamburg) losers, on the other hand, suffered severely from for making valuable suggestions on earlier drafts of massive depopulations resulting in the devas this article. However, the responsibilities for the tation of cities and rural areas and, in statements contained in it remain with the author. Jeff consequence, a decrease in agricultural Boone (Chiang Mai) took great pains in polishing the production. Sometimes it took centuries until English, at the same time adding valuable suggestions. population losses and its concomitants, such as The maps were skilfully drawn to my specifications the devastation of rural areas and the decrease by Gunther Moosbauer (Passau), Walther Kaspar in agricultural production, could be overcome. Sickermann and Wolgang Diichting (Hamburg). The rulers of the Burmese Konbaung dynasty, Finally, I wish to express my deep gratitude to the for example, used systematically large-scale German Research Association (DFG) for financially deportations of war captives as an underlying supporting my research in Thailand and the U.K. in means of strengthening and expanding state 1992, and to the National Research Council ofThailand power. In 1757, King Alaunghpaya defeated (NRCT), which supported my research in Thailand. Journal ofthe Siam Society 87.1 & 2 (1999) 46 Volker Grabowsky Siam. Lower Burma began to recover from the Cambodia by Hue (1834-4 7) considerable ravages caused by warfare, forced resettlements numbers of Vietnamese settlers were sent into and voluntary emigration only in the second the new province of Tran Tay Thanh, as quarter of the 19th century. 1 Cambodia was renamed by Emperor Minh The structural backwardness of Laos can at Mang. This attitude was in sharp contrast to the least partially be explained by the drastic Siamese strategy of raiding Cambodia to measures taken by the Siamese in suppressing assemble manpower. the rebellion ofKing (cao, L{ll) Anu ofVientiane. The esteem in which a strong population The ruthless victors not only destroyed the Lao base ("manpower") was held and the relatively captial completely; in numerous mopping-up minor importance of land, with the notable operations Siamese troops depopulated Vien exception ofVietnam, can certainly be explained tiane and its hinterland. Furthermore, they raided by the chronic underpopulation of Southeast Central Laos between the Kading river and Asian river basins since ancient times. The Savannakhet. The massive resettlements of Lao control of land was apparently not the decisive populations across the Mekong to the Khorat factor for state power. The political status of a Plateau and even to the Central Plain (e.g., Thai miiang ( b31eJ~) depended on the patrimonial Lopburi, Suphanburi, Chachoengsao, Prachin ties of the population living in that territory. For buri) continued until the early 1850s.2 Within a example, the district of Phan, now a part of few decades after the suppression of the Cao Chiang Rai province, was until the beginning of Anu rebellion the demographic centre of gravity the 20th century an enclave ofLamphun. Settlers of the Lao country had moved from the trans from that miiang founded Miiang Phan in the Mekong territories (i.e. present-day Laos) to 1840s but maintained their allegiance to their the Khorat Plateau. "In the 30 years after the old overlord, the cao muang (L{llb!leJ~) of Cao Anu rebellion more than 100,000 people Lamphun. Old patrimonial bonds clearly proved were deported from the left bank. The present to be stronger than geographic or economic fivefold disparity between the populations of considerations, which would have favoured Laos and Thailand's lsan region is a result of political relations to Chiang Mai rather than to the deportations in the aftermath of the Cao Lamphun.5 Anu rebellion."3 The primacy of manpower can be best The Siamese campaigns in Laos, as well as exemplified by the following conflict between in neighbouring Cambodia, during the 1830s Nan, a Northern Thai tributary state of Siam, and 1840s were primarily directed against and Chiang Khaeng, a small miiang in Sipsong Vietnamese political expansion. As Kennon Panna, which became a part of French Laos in Breazeale has pointed out, "Thai notions behind 1896. In 1866, the ruler of the small Lii the restructuring of human resettlement to suit principality of Chiang Khaeng sent some of his political ends rather than local geography were subjects to neighbouring Miiang Sing, at that based in the time of Rama III on the idea that a time virtually unpopulated and covered with depopulated region would serve as a physical deep forests. Nan regarded Miiang Sing as a barrier against enemy attack." However, the dependency, because it had once deported the Vietnamese did not engage in the same sort of inhabitants of Miiang Sing. When the ruler of depopulation efforts as the Thai did. Hue was Chiang Khaeng claimed his exclusive rights to primarily concerned with acknowledgements of exploit Sing's rich natural resources, the ruler suzerainty by Lao rulers and did not envisage a ofNan threatened his rival that he would launch depopulation campaign either practical or a punitive campaign and deport the illegal desirable. Generally speaking, "there was never settlers to Nan. 6 Chiang Khaeng complied with any question of rounding up villagers and Nan's demand, at least temporarily. Two decades resettling them in Annam."4 Conditions in the later, in 1884, Cao Fa Sali No, the then ruler of densely populated Red River basin and the Chiang Khaeng, made a second, this time central Vietnamese coastal zones did not favour successful, attempt. More than 1,000 settlers an eastward flow of people from the Mekong were moved from Miiang Yu, the provisional basin. During the short-lived conquest of capital of Chiang Khaeng situated northeast of Journal ofthe Siam Society 87.1 & 2 (1999) Forced Resettlement Campaigns in Northern Thailand During the Early Bangkok Period 47 Miiang Y ong on the right bank of the Mekong, conceptual clarity: First, can we detennine the to settle pennanently in the fertile plain ofMiiang geographical and ethnic background of the war Sing that was situated on the east bank. 7 captives? Second, is it possible to quantifY the Forced resettlement campaigns were an extent of the forced resettlements? Third, where important aspect or even the main rationale of were the deportees resettled in their new wars in traditional Thailand and Laos and have homesteads? Lastly, what were the political, considerably shaped the linguistic and ethno demographic and economic implications on Lan graphic map of these countries. Khmer villages Na society as the whole? in Ratchaburi, Phuan settlements in Lopburi and Lao enclaves in Saraburi originate from 2. Sources deportations of war captives during the Thonburi and early Bangkok periods. Suffice is to say To reconstruct the history ofLan Na, especially that the existence in the Siamese heartland of the period of its restoration under Kawila, the large non-Siamese ethnic groups, though historian has to make use of a wide range of partially assimilated today, are of relevance for different source materials. They can be classified political scientists and social anthropologist into four categories: doing fieldwork in those areas. In this paper I 1. Local chronicles (tamnan, \illm-u) written examine the impacts of forced resettlements on in Dhanna script (tua tham, <if11m34 or state and society by using Thailand's upper tua miiang, <if1b$1D~) and kept in the north, the historical region ofLan Na, as a case numerous monastery libraries of the in point. region; Kep phak sai sa kep kha sai miiang, (u'iuN'n 2. royal chronicles (phra-ratcha phong 1<i<illbnu~h'hMlD~) is an old Northern Thai (Yuan) sawadan, 'V'l~::~l'l5'V'l~m1\11l~) and reports of saying, rendered by the late Kraisri Nimmanhae the Siamese government (cotmaihet, minda as "Put Vegetables into Baskets, put "il\111113-Jli'Jb'IWJ) on relations with its Northern People into Towns."8 This saying refers to one Thai principalities; of the most extensive deportations in Thai 3. contemporay reports of British officials history. The two centuries of Bunnese domi about their visits to Northern Thailand; nation was interspersed with various Lan Na 4. interviews with knowledgable infonn rebellions and short periods of autonomy. Large ants in communities of Lii, Khiin or parts of the Ping-Kuang basin, the agricultural Tai Yai (Shan) background.