Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism in the Early Histories of Political Economy1
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Donald Winch Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism in the Early Histories of Political Economy1 One indication that political economy had acquired a secure place on the European map of knowledge by the end of the eighteenth century was the sound of the first shots being fired in disputes over the original nationality of the infant science. Then as now, these disputes concerned the respective claims of different founding figures and precursors classified according to nationality, priority, and relative importance. The chief contenders were, and have largely remained, French, Italian, and British, though for my purposes it will also be necessary to distinguish between English and Scottish writers. I shall not present new evidence designed to settle what have frequently been sterile debates, but I shall be particularly concerned -- to begin with at least -- with what has come to be known as Scottish political economy. In Britain, during the first two decades of the nineteenth century, there was an early association of the science with Scottish authors, chiefly but not solely as a result of Adam Smith’s Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. For those who had given the subject some thought, it could also be recalled that David Hume had published a penetrating sequence of essays on economic topics in 1752; that in one of those essays Hume had engaged in a learned dispute on the populousness of nations with a fellow-Scot, Robert Wallace; and that Sir James Steuart had published his Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy in 1767. It was entirely appropriate, therefore, that the first course of lectures on post-Smithian political economy should be given by Dugald Stewart, who for a decade after 1799 employed his Chair of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh for this purpose. The result of Stewart’s initiative was to produce for Smith a small band of Scottish-educated grandchildren in the shape of those who founded the Edinburgh Review in 1802, making it the main organ for disseminating the latest views on political economy for the next three 1 This essay first appeared in M. Albertone and A. Masoero (eds), Political Economy and National Realities, Torino: Fondazione Luigi Einaudi, 1994. 1 decades. When David Buchanan produced a critical edition of the Wealth of Nations in 1814, and two other Scottish-born economists, John Ramsay McCulloch and James Mill, emerged in the 1820s as the leading popularizers of the new science, the association with Scotland was complete. Indeed, it was strong enough to form part of an English caricature of the ‘Scotch pheelosopher’, where an interest in the subject went along with another Scottish style of thinking -- the pursuit of the origins and development of civil society from ‘rudeness to refinement‘ by means of a form of conjectural history in which universal psychological principles and social circumstances played twin illuminating roles.2 In retrospect, of course, the fact that McCulloch and Mill were both disciples of David Ricardo, the figure whose theories, along with those of Robert Malthus, were reshaping Smith’s legacy, may be more significant to the history of economic thought than their place of birth and education. This was a sign not merely that the science was capable of development, but that whatever it was that gave a distinctive Scottish flavour and breadth to the science was in the course of being diluted and narrowed as a result of the intellectual arena being shifted to London.3 In fact one could argue that having lost whatever significance it once had ‘Scottish political economy‘ has been reinvented in the late twentieth century. It has become a sophisticated term of interpretative art that has at least two different meanings, depending on the interests of those who employ it. When used by economists it becomes a means of recapturing historical, psychological, and sociological dimensions that have been lost to ‘English’, Anglo-American, and modern economics generally.4 Alternatively, and with different connotations, it has been widely employed by those who are chiefly concerned with the collective characteristics of another fairly recent coinage, the Scottish Enlightenment. Within the latter category falls the work of those cultural historians and political theorists 2 The term ‘Scotch pheelosopher‘ was coined by the radical publicist William Cobbett. For a somewhat better-informed contemporary caricature of Scottish political economy see Thomas Love Peacock’s novel, Crotchet Castle. 3 For studies of the early nineteenth-century fate of various Scottish intellectual enterprises, including political economy, see the first three essays in Stefan Collini, Donald Winch, and John Burrow, That Noble Science of Politics; A Study in Intellectual History, (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983), pp.23-126; and Biancamaria Fontana, Rethinking the Politics of Commercial Society: the Edinburgh Review, 1802-32, (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985), pp.1-111. 4 For a useful compendium of economists‘ views on this matter see Douglas Mair (ed), The Scottish Contribution to Modern Economic Thought, (Aberdeen University Press, Aberdeen, 1990), especially the contributions of A. L. Macfie, Sheila C. Dow and Terence Hutchison. 2 who are anxious to relate Scottish ideas to the social and political context of eighteenth- century Scotland, thereby adding greatly to our knowledge of the context in which these ideas took shape.5 But if inquiry is confined to contemporary usage and reputation we can still say that while there was an early association of political economy with Scotland, the attribution of qualities to it that are only explicable in terms of special Scottish circumstances and intellectual preoccupations during the eighteenth century is of fairly recent origin. *** When the Wealth of Nations had begun to make its way in the world -- a process that was slower than was once thought to be the case6 -- the question of Smith’s borrowings from other, chiefly French, authors began to be the subject of speculation and argument. Only three years after Smith’s death in 1790 Stewart found it necessary to answer this question in his Account of the Life and Writings of Adam Smith, and he opened his discussion with an acceptance of similarity followed by a counter-claim: ‘That [Smith’s] doctrine concerning the freedom of trade and of industry coincides remarkably with that which we find in the writings of the French Economists, appears from the slight view of their system which he himself has given. But it surely cannot be pretended by the warmest admirers of that system, that any one of its numerous expositors 5 One could date the beginning of such attempts to the first Marxist-inspired interpretations of why Scotland, despite its comparative economic backwardness, should have been the seed-bed for political economy and a stage-view of social development that bore a family resemblance to Marx’s materialist theory of history. Here the work of Roy Pascal (1938) and Ronald Meek is preeminent: for bibliography and comment see A. S. Skinner, ‘A Scottish Contribution to Marxist Sociology?‘ in I. Bradley and M. Howard (eds), Classical and Marxian Political Economy, (Macmillan, London, 1982), pp. 79-114. More recently detailed work has been undertaken on the social and cultural history of the Scottish Enlightenment, where the work of three representative authors can be mentioned: N. Phillipson, ‘Culture and Society in the Eighteenth- Century Province; The Case of Edinburgh and the Scottish Enlightenment‘ in L. Stone (ed), The University in Society, (Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1974), volume II, pp. 407-48; J. Robertson, The Scottish Enlightenment and the Militia Issue, (John Donald, Edinburgh 1985); and R. B. Sher, Church and University in the Scottish Enlightenment; The Moderate Literati of Edinburgh, (Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh,1985). For an indication of my reasons for differing with both the Marxist and more recent cultural and ‘ideological‘ attempts to interpret Adam Smith within a purely Scottish context see ‘Adam Smith’s "Enduring Particular Result": A Cosmopolitan and Political Perspective‘ in I. Hont and M. Ignatieff (eds), Wealth and Virtue; The Shaping of Political Economy in the Scottish Enlightenment, (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983), pp. 253-69. This collection also contains some of the best material illustrating the new approach by cultural historians to Scottish political economy. 6 For evidence of the slowness with which the Wealth of Nations actually made its way in the world see K. Willis, ‘The Role in Parliament of the Economic Ideas of Adam Smith, 1776-1800’, History of Political Economy, XIV (1979), 505-44; S. Rashid, ‘Adam Smith’s Rise to Fame; a Reexamination of the Evidence’, The Eighteenth Century, XXIII (1982), 64-85; and R. F. Teichgraeber, ‘"Less Abused than I had Reason to Expect": the Reception of the Wealth of Nations in Britain, 1776-90’, Historical Journal, XXX (1987), 337-66. 3 has approached to Mr. Smith in the precision and perspicuity with which he has stated it, or in the scientific and luminous manner in which he has deduced it from elementary principles.’7 Stewart also noted that French economists had published their views on freedom of trade before Smith, mentioning Turgot’s articles in the Encyclopédie in 1756 in particular. On this question of priority Stewart first called upon the recollections of those who had attended Smith’s Glasgow lectures in the early 1750s, but fortified them by citing a document in which Smith himself laid claim to having first lectured on the importance of leaving trade to the ‘natural course of things‘ at Edinburgh in 1748 and in all the lectures he had given at Glasgow after he was appointed to a Chair at that university in 1752/3. At this time, Stewart emphasized, ‘there existed no French performance on the subject, that could be of much use to [Smith] in guiding his researches’, basing this statement on Du Pont de Nemour’s early exercise in the history of French economic thought published in the Ephèmérides du Citoyen in 1769.8 This citation was not as innocent as might appear at first sight.