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Subjectivity and Memory in the Case of Romeika-Speaking Communities of Trab- Zon, Turkey

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Subjectivity and Memory in the Case of Romeika-Speaking Communities of Trab- Zon, Turkey ORBIT-OnlineRepository ofBirkbeckInstitutionalTheses Enabling Open Access to Birkbeck’s Research Degree output Constitutive ambiguities : subjectivity and memory in the case of Romeika-speaking communities of Trab- zon, Turkey https://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/id/eprint/40283/ Version: Full Version Citation: Saglam, Erol (2017) Constitutive ambiguities : subjectivity and memory in the case of Romeika-speaking communities of Trabzon, Turkey. [Thesis] (Unpublished) c 2020 The Author(s) All material available through ORBIT is protected by intellectual property law, including copy- right law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. Deposit Guide Contact: email CONSTITUTIVE AMBIGUITIES Subjectivities and Memory in the Case of Romeika-Speaking Communities of Trabzon, Turkey Erol Sağlam PhD in Sociology Psychosocial Studies 2017 Birkbeck, University of London I hereby declare that this thesis is entirely my own work and contributions from other persons are fully cited and referenced. 2 ABSTRACT Studies in social sciences and humanities on Turkey tend to focus on margins and resistances (such as, modernist and nationalist impositions on minorities) and how the state was engaged in the construction of Turkishness as a homogeneous national identity. Although these endeavours are undeniably necessary and helpful, how Turkish subjectivities are constituted out of a multitude of local socio-cultural distinctions in different geographies has rarely been a matter of scholarly inquiry. Addressing this largely overlooked aspect of Turkish studies, this dissertation highlights different modalities of subject formation through the analysis of Romeika-speaking communities of Trabzon, in northeastern Turkey. Staunchly (Turkish) nationalist communities of the province have been “discreetly” speaking Romeika, a local variant of Greek with archaic linguistic features, in a number of valley systems for centuries. Through an ethnographic study conducted in 2015 in the Trabzon area, I demonstrate how subjectivities and socialities of these communities are configured in relation to historical, political, gendered, and religious dynamics in Turkey. In addition to producing an account of socio-cultural implications of an unstudied socio- cultural phenomenon, this dissertation helps us to go beyond monist and homogeneous representations of Turkish subjectivities to highlight their distinct, fragmented, and heterogeneous constitutions. I first discuss the private and discreet status of Romeika to trace it through locals’ nationalist imaginaries, gendered configurations, and approaches to the landscape. Then, I argue how local masculine subjectivities are produced through gendering of bodies across the Valley in close connection to the state and politics. Finally, I discuss religiosities in the area to highlight local patterns of piety in relation to Romeika, nationalism, the state, and local customs. Through these successive themes, I demonstrate the heterogeneous, fragmented, and performative constitution of subjectivities that approximate different registers of Turkishness. I conclude the analysis with the claim that the theme of Turkish subjectivity should be scrutinised further in order both to reveal distinct socio- cultural heritages within this parochial understanding of Turkish subjectivities and to account for how non-resistant subjectivities are produced out of these distinctions through alignments with nationalist and statist discourses in these local contexts in particular forms. 3 CONTENTS List of Figures, Tables, and Photos 6 Acknowlegdements 7 Chapter I. Introduction 8 Chapter II. Methodology and Ethics 24 Ethnography: Orientation, Surprise, and Methods 24 Ethics 39 Chapter III. Subjectivities: Limits, Modalities, and Ambiguities 45 Theoretical Trajectories: Foundations and Convergences 46 Tension and Ambiguity: “Moving Back and Forth” 64 Chapter IV. Site, Context, and History 69 Brief History: Trabzon and the Valley 69 Contemporary Site 73 Citizenship and Nationalism in the Turkish Context 78 Memory: How to Relate to the Past? 84 Chapter V. Romeika in the Valley: Prevalance, Toponyms, 91 and the Future Romeika and the Valley: Heterogeneous Prevalence 91 Toponyms and the Persistence of Geographical References 99 Future of the Language 102 Chapter VI. Romeika and Socialities: Gendered Differences 103 and Communal Privacy Unwanted Connotations and the Uncanny Character of Romeika 104 Gendered Moves across Languages and Variants 107 Discreet Presence of Romeika: Communal Privacy 118 Conclusion 125 4 Chapter VII. “Can’t You See?”: Discretion, Places, and Treasure Hunts 127 (In)Visibility of Romeika in the Valley 131 Landscapes and Treasure Hunts: Ways to See the Past and the 138 Present Conclusion 152 Chapter VIII. Spaces and Movements: Constructing Masculinities 154 Stately Spaces and Proximity: the Town Centre 159 Men in Public: Masculine Commute and Coffeehouses 166 Inducting Men as Citizens 172 Conclusion 177 Chapter IX. Masculinities, The State, And Conspiracies: 179 Like The State, Like The Citizen? Conspiracies in the Valley: Masculinities at Play 184 Embodying the State: Approximating Potency and Knowledge 193 Enacting the State and the Emergence of Sovereign Men 199 Conclusion 204 Chapter X. Religiosities In The Valley: History, Practices, And Norms 207 Tracing Islamic Practices and Integrating the Particular 210 Delegation of Religiosity to Aesthetic Reiterations 225 Pious Subjects at Play 234 Conclusion 242 Chapter XI. Conclusion 244 Bibliography 259 Appendix A: Ethics Committee Approval 284 Appendix B: Samples From Field Notes 285 5 FIGURES, TABLES, AND PHOTOS Figure I. Sketch Map of the Valley 93 Figure II. Sketch of the Town Centre and Institutions 162 Table I. Population of the Valley 73 Table II. Parliamentary Election Results 79 Photo I. Ruins of the Castle 139 Photo II. Toprak kaldırma 141 Photo III. A Treasure Document 146 Photo IV. Ogün Samast with Officers 179 6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Like many others, this dissertation is also a product of years-long collaboration, including not only my supervisors, but also my interlocutors in the field, friends, family, and others with whom I interacted before or through this process. Working with Dr. Silvia Posocco, I realize more every day, has been one of the best things to happen to me as she has always supported me throughout this puzzling process with her endless kindness and guidance. Her insights, intellectual curiosity, tireless tempo, and trust played a crucial role in the formation of this text. Professor Stephen Frosh, similarly, has enlightened my path for the last three years with his vast knowledge, insights, and help. His intellectual integrity and diligence will inspire me more in my future endeavours. I thank both for helping me out in this process. Many others should also be mentioned as they gave me a home in London since 2013. Daniel and Nicolas have been like brothers to me. Their kindness, care, generosity, and guidance will never be forgotten. Ida, Liz, Magda, Jonas, Eleonora, Marita, and Antonia enriched my life through their friendships, comments, questions, and stories. I sincerely hope to remain in touch with all of them. Birgül and Emine helped me a lot in London and enriched my life. Derya’s critiques, both as a friend and a fellow academic, were immensely important in the formation of this thesis. I am thankful to each and every one of them. My interlocutors in the Valley should also be mentioned, as I could not write this thesis without their hospitality and kindness. They opened their homes and shared intimate details of their lives with me. I am truly grateful, not solely as a researcher but as a friend as well. Christian has been with me, supporting me throughout this volatile process. I owe him much gratitude for his kindness and company. My parents and sisters have always supported me in my academic and non-academic engagements in life. My parents’ peculiar worldview and my sisters’ incessant critiques of “everything existing” profoundly and fortunately affected me. Their love gave me strength and only through the critical milieu they produced I emerged as who I am now. I am forever grateful to them. 7 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Two of my companions in this inconspicuous restaurant in Trabzon were Zeki and Fahri, both in their early fifties, knowing each other for decades as childhood friends. While we discussed my research and the upcoming parliamentary elections, a sudden silence pervaded the restaurant with almost all other guests, including the waiters, focusing on the TV and listening to the breaking news report: The Fenerbahçe team bus was just assaulted on its way from Rize to Trabzon airport by a group of locals that shot the bus driver to possibly kill and injure the team members. The hostility between Trabzonspor and Fenerbahçe was never a secret, as Fenerbahçe was accused of match fixing in the preceding years and of unjustly holding the league title at the expense of Trabzonspor. The issue was still alive but this attack was the most extreme result of the local discontent. And yet, everyone in the restaurant was seemingly more concerned about the image of Trabzon rather than the violence itself. Trabzon had been already and pervasively associated with nationalist and conservative violence, which made it a bit hard for me to grasp the level of anxiety locals displayed. What was at stake was made clear the following day: When the Fenerbahçe team landed in Istanbul, fans chanted all together, “Bastards of Pontos cannot browbeat
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