King Hammurabi of Babylon

JACK M. SASSON

ACCORDING TO HIS own testimony, Hammurabi propriate to Hammurabi is doubtless because (Hammurapi) was destined for kingship since in books on world history, on the art of antiq­ time immemorial, when two powerful gods, uity, on the evolution of consciousness, or on Anu and Enlil, entrusted to a third god, Mar­ the spirit or ethics of law, we have long since duk, control over destiny, on Earth as in conceded to this Babylonian king the third heaven. At that time, too, the gods set Babylon attribute: champion of justice. Indeed, "Ham­ above all other lands, and its rule was made murabi" and "Lawgiver" have come to be prac­ everlasting. Here is how Hammurabi describes tically synonymous in most modern pub­ himself on an inscribed black basalt stele we lications. have come to call the Code of Hammurabi:

At that time, to give happiness to the people, Anum and Enlil pronounced my name "Hammu­ BABYLON rabi," me, the pious and god-fearing ruler, to de­ cree equity in the land, to eradicate the wicked Hammurabi, who ruled from 1792 to 1750 BCE, and the evil so that the powerful might not op­ came to the throne almost a hundred years after press the powerless, to rise like Shamash and illu­ mine the land for the black-headed (people). his ancestor Sumu-abum established his dy­ nasty at Babylon in 1894. At that time Babylon Primordial selection, self-praise, and dedica- was no major power, but its political history tion to justice combine readily in Mesopo­ went back at least to the time of the Agade (Ak­ tamian tradition: before Hammurabi at least kadian) Dynasty. One of its kings, Shar-kali­ two kings, Ur-Nammu of Ur (III) and Lipit­ sharri, built a temple to the deities Annunitum Ishtar of Isin, cover the same ground, albeit and II-aba in Babylon. During the Ur III period more succinctly, in the prologues to legal pre­ diverse persons were appointed ENSi, "gover­ scriptions they issued for their own people. If nor," of Babylon. The name of the city was we treat the three components of such senti­ written KA..DINGIR. (RA) in Sumerian, equivalent ments separately, we may note that the first to bab ilim in Akkadian, meaning "God's two items-divine preference and boast-are Gate," a name it held throughout its history. quasi-formulaic in Mesopotamian monumental Whether or not "God's Gate" is itself folk ety­ royal inscriptions; indeed they are featured in mology on a very ancient and no-longer­ inscriptions of rulers who, we now know, had understood name is still under discussion. Dur­ every reason to be modest about themselves. ing Hammurabi's time, Babylon was also That these two elements seem to us more ap- known in written form as TIN.TIR, and there is a

gOl History and Culture

"Hammurabi" or "Hammurapi"?

There is still a debate on how to read the king's nected the Babylonian Hammurabi with a king of name, and for this reason you will often find two Shinar named Amraphel (Genesis 14), they opted for spellings: "Hammurapi" and "HammurabL" It is -rapi as the second element. When documents in al­ generally accepted that the name contains two ele­ phabetic cuneiform were recovered from Ugarit (Ras ments: hammu and rap/bi. The issue has gotten Shamra) in the 1930S, a number of its kings of the complic~ted because some would treat the name as second half of the second millennium were seen to Babylonian (East Semitic) and others as Amorite be named cmrp, and this spelling was retrojected on (West Semitic). As the first element is undoubtedly the name of the famous king of Babylon, thus lead­ West Semitic, the second should also be treated as ing many to read his name cammu + rapi, meaning such. But, at this point the problems mushroom. "The (Divine) Kinsman/Uncle heals." The cuneiform script itself was invented for This interpretation is possible; but in this chapter Sumerian and adapted for Akkadian, so it is not well (as in the Cidlizations of the Ancient Near East ref­ suited to represent a number of consonants that oc­ erence set), the traditional "Hammurabi" is kept be­ cur in Semitic languages. Scribes use five to six dif­ cause there is no reason to assume that in different ferent cuneiform signs to write the name, most often cultures names with homonymic components must spelling it ha+am+mu+ra+bi. The sign that we have the same meaning. Moreover, Mesopotamian transcribe h"a represents a number of Semitic pho­ scribes exclusively used the sign for the syllable -bi nemes am~ng which were /:tet (a voiceless pharyn­ in "Hammurabi" (as almost always in other names geal) and cayin (a voiced pharyngeal). The difference with -rabi) even when they had another sign for -pi. between them, however, is significant because the In the West, in Alalakh (modem Tell Atchana), "hammu-" element would mean "heat" (hence scribes would sometime use GAL, the Sumerian word "Sun") if the first consonant was heard as a het (but meaning "vast, large," instead of the -rabi element possibly also "father-in-law"), but "people, nation" in "Hammurabi." Finally, in Babylonian traditions, or "paternal uncle, kinsman" if heard as an cayin. For presumably closer to a truer understanding of the the second element of the name, "mighty, vast" meaning of the name, "Hammurabi" was understood would be its meaning if read -rabi, but something to as kimta rapastu, "Vast Nation," again favoring -rabi do with healing if read -rapi. as the second element. In older literature, the tendency was to differ on the meaning of the first element (hence "Sun" or Moral: It is all right for people to use either spelling, "[Divine] Kinsman") but to understand the second provided that they not become dogmatic about their element as -rabi. But because some scholars con- choice.

likelihood that before the Agade period, it had to be seen there are those of first millennium a name that was pronounced *Baballr but Babylon. (See "Nabonidus" below.) Hammu­ written BAR.KI.BAR. In Hebrew the city was rabi's own capital, lying beneath the present called babel, allegedly because God "confoun­ remains, must have been much more modest in ded (balal) , the speech of the whole earth" size; but because of the rise of subsoil water (Genesis 11:9); but we get our own name for levels in the region, it is now largely heyond the city from the Greek translation of the Bible, archaeological inspection. For this reason al­ the Septuagint, where it was written babylon. most all of our information on Old Babylonian Babylon sat astride the Arakhtum-either a Babylon, that is the Babylon of Hammurabi's branch of the Euphrates or the great river itself dynasty, comes from material excavated in before it shifted its route-and its soil could be other sites under Hammurabi's control, corre­ among the most fertile in the ancient world if spondence recovered at capitals of powers constantly worked and watered. Its ruins are friendly or hostile to Babylon, copies done in divided among a number of tells that are now antiquity of inscriptions no longer extant, and partially walled-off for display to tourists visit­ monuments taken elsewhere as spoils of war. ing Iraq; but the immense remains that are still The most famous example in the last category

902 King Hammurabi of Babylon

46" E 34' N ~7 MESOPOTAMIA ~Y·Eshnunna cSf IN THE AGE OF o Baghdad HAMMURABI Sipp{lr. AKKAD EMUTBAL Kazallu~7.Kutha Babylon .Kish 200 km • Mashkan-shapir Dilbat """'"":======-100 mi • : NiPpur 12' N Isin

300 mi 35'N Uruk ••1 SUMER Lars~ Ur •

Malgium? Uncertain location o Baghdad Modern location 30'N area of detail 45'E

is the Code of Hammurabi, itself likely pro­ As the new dynasty was settling in Babylon, mulgated in two versions over a ten-year pe­ the major powers in the region were Isin (at riod, the second of which was produced in at modern Ishan Bahriyat) and Larsa (at modern least two copies. When in the twelfth century, Senkereh). After the Elamites sacked Ur to­ the Elamites raided Babylon, they took to their ward the end of the third millennium, these capital Susa (biblical Shushan, modern Shush) two cities successively-for a while even al­ one or perhaps two copies of the second ver­ ternatingly-took control of southern Mes­ sion. From there, in 1902 French archaeol­ opotamia. Most of our information on what ogists retrieved the Code of Hammurabi, now happened during his reign and that of one of the treasured objects of the Louvre. his immediate successors comes from what we call "year-dates," "year-names," or "year­ formulas." It was a common practice in south­ ern Mesopotamia for scribes to label each year BABYLON BEFORE HAMMURABI of their king's reign after a major royal activity occurring the previous year and to use such a We do not know how Sumu-abum (1894-1881), "year-date" when dating a legal or administra­ the dynasty's founder, came to Babylon. We tive document. For example, they would write: suspect that he was one of many Amorite tribal "Month Abum; day 12; year: Sumu-abum cap­ leaders who chose to move his dwelling from a tured Kazallu." In some cases an event was tent beyond the city walls to a palace within it. deemed so spectacular that scribes would initi­ Well after Hammurabi's own day, the new state ate a rising count from that moment. Thus, in was recognized as a joining of two groups: the the formulation of the year-dates Rim-Sin used urbanized Akkadians of previous generations after he conquered Isin, a rising count was kept and the Amorites who became sedentary when for the thirty-one years remaining in his reign: in the region. (See the chapter on the Amorites from "year: He conquered Isin" to "year 31 in Part 5, Vol. II.) after: He conquered Isin." History and Culture

Sumu-abum's first act was to begin rebuild­ cannot be easily stated. Of his successors, ing Babylon's fortifications, a task that occupied Sumula-EI (1880-1845), Sabium (1844-1831), almost everyone of his successors. He built and Apil-Sin (1830-1813), we can draw more or temples to Sin (the Ekishnugal and Enitenna), less similar profiles: they (re)built fortifications, carried out raids against neighboring towns, walls, and temples in Babylon and at neighbor­ such as Dilbat (modern Tell Dulaim), Kazallu, ing towns; founded military outposts bearing Elip, and the venerable city Kish. How much their names ("Fort-Sumu-Ia-EI"); built levees; effective control he had over these towns and (re)dug canals, some of which also were

Old Babylonian and Old Assyrian Periods

Isin Larsa Babylon Eshnunna Ekallatum

Ur-Ninurta (1923-1896) Abi-sare (1905-1895) Ipiq-Adad I Bur-Sin (1895-1874) Sumu-EI (1894-1866) Sumu-abum (1894- Sharriya 1881) Lipit-EnliI (1873-1869) Sumu-Ia-EI (1880- Warassa 1845) Irra-imitti (1868-1861) Nur-Adad (1865-1850) BeIakum Ila-kabkabu En iiI-bani (1860-1837) Sin-iddinam (1849- Sabium (1844- IbaI-pi-EI I Aminum 1843) 1831) Sin-eribam (1842- Ipiq-Adad II 1841) Sin-iqisham (1840- 1836) Zambiya (1836-1834) SilIi-Adad (1835) Naram-Sin Iter-pisha (1833-1831) Warad-Sin (1834-1823) Apil-Sin (1830-1813) Shamshi-Adad Urdukuga(1830-1828) Dannum-takhaz (1830-1776) Sin-magir (1827-1817) Rim-Sin (1822-1763) Damiq-ilishu (1816- Sin-mubaIIit (1812- Dadusha (?-1780) 1794) 1793) 1793 Larsa annexes Isin Hammurabi (1792- Yasmakh-Adad at Mari (c. 1796-1776) 1750) IbaI-pi-EI II (1779-1765) Ishme-Dagan (1775-?) 1766 Babylon, Mari, and Elam capture Eshnunna 1763 Babylon annexes Larsa 1761 Hammurabi defeats Zimri-Lim of Mari Samsu-iIuna (1749- 1738 Babylon loses southern Sumerian 1712) city-states 1720 Babylon loses Nippur and Isin Ahi-eshllkh (1711- Akhll"hina 1684) Ammi-ditana (1683- 1647) Ammi-saduqa (1646- 1626) Samsu-ditana (1625- 1595) 1595 Hittites raid Babylon

(Adapted from "The History of Ancient Mesopotamia" in Part 5, Vol. II) King Hammurabi of Babylon

named after activities of kings. They defeated Adad and Sons" above.) To the east, there was enemies of nearby towns, the same as those Eshnunna (Eshnunnak, modern Tell Asmar), a listed above, plus Barzi (= Borsippa; Sumu-Ia­ power that rarely held back its armies. Farther El), Kar-Shamash (Sabium), and Durmuti (Apil­ away in the same direction loomed Elam, a ma­ Sin). Occasionally we find Babylonian rulers at­ jor force that repeatedly struck into Mesopo­ tacking a major power such as Larsa (Sabium) tamia. Sin-muballit himself spent the last of his or meeting allies (Sabium, from Uruk). We can­ twenty years on the throne strengthening the not say too much more about these kings for walls of cities within his territory, no doubt they left us very few monumental inscriptions, awaiting a Larsa onslaught. One hundred bv and the documents stemming from their reigns forty miles (160 by 60 kilometers) would be ~ tend to be singularly circumspect about any in­ plausible estimate of the size of his kingdom. formation beyond trade agreements and juridi­ Hammurabi took power under these circum­ cal decisions. stances. With Sin-muballit, Hammurabi's father, Bab­ ylon really strove for panregional status. We have a very long letter that Anam (An-anam), ruler of Uruk (modern Warka, biblical Erech), THE REIGN OF HAMMURABI wrote to Sin-muballit. A generation or so be­ fore, a daughter of Sumu-Ia-EI had married a Hammurabi by no means inherited a "bad" sit­ king of Uruk and the two powers felt strongly uation. Although archaeology cannot recon­ enough about their bonds that they spoke of struct what Babylon looked like then, we do being "one House." Although there are reasons know that it contained a palace and many tem­ to take this particular letter to be fictive, quot­ ples, each with its own name: Apil-Sin had ing from it can illustrate the ethos of power pol­ rebuilt Eturkalamma ("Temple: Cattle-Pen of itics of the time. Anam writes, the Land"), dedicated to the triad Ishtar, Anu, and Nanay; for Marduk, Sumu-Ia-EI outfitted God knows that since we have come to know each and Sabium rebuilt Esagila ("Temple: Lifted other I have trusted in you as one would trust in Head") and its ziggurat Etemenanki, ("Temple: Ishtar, and my head has rested on your very own Base for the Universe"); at least since Sumu-la­ lap. For these reasons, for us to be in harmony, El's time, Enamkhe ("Temple of Plenty") had my opinion and yours should be the same. You must certainly know that before there could be been consecrated to Adad. And if we add to this peace and goodwill, a sacred oath must be taken, list of temples in Babylon itself those patron­ that until there is a "touching of the throat" ritual, ized in controlled territory-the temple of there can be no mutual trust, and that any sacred Shamash in Sippar (Sabium), of Ishtar at Elip oath must be renewed yearly. (You also know) (Apil-Sin), and of Zababa at Kish (Sumu­ that while for the past three to four years, soldiers la-El)-we would recognize that only a state· from Amnan-Yakhrurum (tribes) have been con­ with significant resources could build and stantly in this very House (dynasty), a sacred oath maintain them, feed and clothe their resident was never urged upon you by word of mouth or in gods, and support the priesthood they required. writing. Under these circumstances, because this Hammurabi eventually reigned for forty­ House is speaking frankly with you and respects three years (1792-175°), and by critically re­ your reputation, you must try to make things turn out well. viewing the formulas that were used from one year to the next, we acquire a fairly com­ We soon find Sin-muballit joining a coalition prehensive picture of his career. He consoli­ that included Isin and Uruk to check the rising dated his hold on the throne by issuing a mi­ power of Rim-Sin' s Larsa at Babylon's southern sarum (see below) in his first full year and, flank; but everyone except Babylon paid dearly during the next four, by refurbishing, endow­ for it. To his north a powerful kingdom was be­ ing, or building diverse temples in and out of ing forged by Shamshi-Adad who, although he Babylon, including the Ekishnugal (folk ety­ once took refuge in Babylon, could not be mology: "Temple: Universal Protection") for trusted to respect its frontiers. (See "Shamshi- Sin, the moon-god, featured in the names of his

90 5

King Hammurabi of Babylon

Hammurabi can now deservedly assume the hymns and prayers that are extant. However, ancient title "King of Sumer and Akkad." But when such conventional themes are replayed there is more: during his thirty-first year, Esh­ in the prologue and epilogue of the Code of nunna and its allies are once more defeated. Hammurabi, they emerge more concrete and During his thirty-second year, Mari falls to persuasive because they are set within an Babylon. When, two years later, in 1756, Baby­ imaginative retelling of Hammurabi's historical lonian armies reach from one edge of Assyrian triumphs. territory to another (Turukku and Shubartu), Was Hammurabi traditional, sincere, or Hammurabi can be said to have become the merely ingenious in using the Code as a vehi­ dominant power between Elam and the Eu­ cle by which to proclaim his attachment to jus­ phrates. Only to the west of that river, in the tice? Ancient rulers would obviously never kingdom of Yamkhad with its capital at Halab espouse injustice or inequity as a guidepost (Aleppo), could we find a force that compared for their reign. In fact, earlier kings of the Old to Hammurabi's Babylon. In the remaining Babylonian period occasionally proclaimed years of his reign, Hammurabi undertakes ma­ an anduriirum or a misarum, an edict meant jor rebuilding projects in areas that were proba­ to stem economic and social disintegration by bly devastated by floods or by constant war reverting to earlier (presumably less unstable) making. He also resettles people deported conditions. Immediately following such a de­ from conquered territory. In Babylon and in cree, the arrears of state agents would be ex­ towns under his control, such as Kish and Ur, cused and personal debts between private priestly refugees from diverse defeated cities, parties would be erased. Hammurabi's own including Isin, Uruk, and Larsa, are allowed to absorption with justice, however, is on another build temples in which they could continue the plane, for he chose to publicize this attachment worship of the gods of their ancestors. a number of times during his reign. Just months after coming to the throne, Hammurabi claims to have "established justice in his land" (first ASPECTS OF full year of reign = second year-date). Simi­ larly, the formula for his twenty-second year re­ HAMMURABI'S RULE calls the dedication of a "statue of Hammurabi (as) king of justice." Characteristically, Ham­ I nternal Rule murabi proclaims a misarum upon ascend­ We learn how Hammurabi ruled from consult­ ing Larsa's throne. In comparison, neither ing a variety of material: monumental inscrip­ Yakhdun-Lim nor Zimri-Lim of Mari, who tions, legal and administrative documents, and were equally devoted to righting wrongs, chose letters exchanged with contemporaries. Each of to mention justice among their many year­ these categories of information allows us a dif­ dates. After Hammurabi and because of the· ferent angle by which to focus on the ideology prestige of his precedence, the issuing of such and style of Hammurabi' s rule. decrees became more common during unstable There are a number of monumental inscrip­ periods. As to the Code, internal evidence tions that replay the themes mentioned earlier makes it unlikely that the copy we have now in this essay. Thus, after excavating or dredging was consecrated before his thirty-ninth year of canals, solidifying fortification walls, and dedi­ reign. cating shrines or temples, Hammurabi would The C ode itself is Hammurabi's most impres­ commission inscriptions in which he lyrically sive monumental inscription. Inspired by the harked back to primordial moments when gods gods, Hammurabi gives us principles by which such as Shamash of Sippar, Marduk of Babylon the just society he is fashioning will continue to and Borsippa, Zababa of Kish, Nergal of Kutha, find its equilibrium. These principles are in­ and Inanna of Zabalam (modern Ibzaykh) de­ tended not just for the ruling classes, but for all cide to favor him over all others. Echoes of his those thirsting for justice: "Any person feeling devotion to justice again occur in such inscrip­ wronged in a legal matter should go in front of tions and, less so, in the rhetorically related the statue of me as 'King of Justice' and also History and Culture

have my inscribed stela read out to him so that two of his officers, Sin-iddinam and Shamash­ he can hear my precious words and my stela khazir, the first apparently entrusted with can explain the case to him. By understanding higher authority than the second. They them­ his legal situation, he can be comforted." selves were probably Babylonians who were As well, the Code was to be a measure by given posts in Larsa after the city was annexed which future kings could gauge their own com­ by Hammurabi, and their correspondence mitment to equity. Once the Code was read to therefore reflects conditions in that area during them, naturally they would want to equal the the last decade of Hammurabi's reign. The political success Hammurabi had; but they problems these two officers handled reflected a would fail to do so unless they embraced his postwar reconstruction period when an admin­ drive for justice and kept true to the divinely istration that was not familiar with the local sit­ set standards he enunciated in the Code: "If uation nevertheless had to arbitrate among (such a leader) has intelligence and wishes to claims for landownership, taxation, completion guide his land aright, he should heed the words of ilkum-duty (work or money owed the state which I wrote on my stela, and it shall surely for diverse privileges), mercantile prerogatives, show him the road and the way." price control, and the like. Relevant to the The Code covers legal matters partially or se­ theme we are pursuing here is the pivotal role lectively. Its provisions are framed hypotheti­ of Hammurabi in resolving legal situations: he cally ("if this condition occurs then this is the can remit a case to local authorities, he can de­ consequence"), and the circumstances they de­ cide on a case pending more specific informa­ scribe are stated so precisely that they could tion, or he can simply issue a judgment. These provide guidance only by example or analogy. communications also reveal him to be im­ Additionally its form (an eight-foot tall black mersed in even the most trifling of decisions; basalt stone), its location (probably in a tem­ conversely they indicate how little room to ma­ ple, next to a statue of Hammurabi as "King of neuver Hammurabi gave his administrators. Justice"), and its script (highly archaic) must Here are four brief notes of Hammurabi have made it accessible only to the very (treated by M. Stol, Altbabylonische Briefe, learned, not at all the persons who normally sat vol. 9 [1981]): in judgment at the city or temple gate. These qualifications have caused a major debate about To Lushtammar-Zababa and Belanum: how precisely to deal with the Code: Does it Re: Sin-ana-Damru-lippalis, son of Maninum, collect laws or merely precedents? Was it ever captured by the enemy. Pay 10 shekels from the consulted or did it delight only the gods, who (treasury) of the Sin temple to the merchant and prompted it, and the master scribes, who drew (thus) ransom him. (no. 32) from its pristine rhetoric fine exercises for ad­ vanced students? There is no simple answer, To Shamash-khazir: and the same debate can be raised about most Let Ea-kima-iliya, the musician, keep control of legal formulations from antiquity, including his field as he did of old. Don't take a single what is found in the Hebrew Bible, for there is square foot from him! (no. 188) no easy match between our vocabulary and our principles of law and those of the Mesopo­ To Shamash-khazir: tamians. It cannot be doubted, however, that Qishtum and AwiI-iIi wrote to me, "30 bur of Hammurabi's Code contains immensely useful land assigned to us was taken from us and given information about Old Babylonian society and to Shamash-shatakalim. He did not farm what provides cultural anthropologists with precious they gave him, but handed it over to farmers who details on its behavior. (See also "Legal and did." This is what they wrote me. You and Shamash-mushallim must stand by. Social Institutions of Ancient Mesopotamia" in Qishtum, AwiI-iIi, and Shamash-shatakalim Part 4, Vol. 1.) should be summoned before you. Look into their The largest number of extant documents on grievance and come up with a final judgment for internal administration from Hammurabi's them. Then send me a report on that final judg­ reign was exchanged between the king and ment. (no. 190)

g08 King Hammurabi of Babylon

To Shamash-khazir: daughters to solve short-term political prob­ The provincial leaders of Emutbal have not yet lems. brought into Babylon their barley tax. Put pres­ The relationship between Zimri-Lim and sure and check on them so that they bring their Hammurabi was friendly, as they often shared barley tax into Babylon promptly. You will be common goals and common enemies. But in punished for their failure. (no. 192) the brutal political games that characterized the Old Babylonian period, the two kings had rea­ Politics: Babylon and Mad son to be suspicious of each other. A traveling We have relied on Hammurabi's year-dates and merchant sent Zimri-Lim a report that cannot inscriptions to follow his fortunes in conquests be given a specific date: "As Hammurabi is­ and annexation of territories. Such documents sued orders, he could not shed enough tears, are not likely to be revealing about the king's and he kept on begging God to despise my personality. We are, therefore, very fortunate lord. This is what he also said, '2 months is long that letters from the archives of Mari have come enough for me to return the favor and force him to fill that gap. squat to the ground.''' A letter from Mari diplo­ Hammurabi was in communication with Mari mats reads almost comically as Hammurabi and kings from his earliest years on the throne. We a delegation from Mari try to maneuver each do not know whether it was during his reign other into a more advantageous formulation of that a Mari princess (possibly Yakhdun-Lim's the sacred oath that preceded the ratification of daughter) was sent as a naditum, a woman not a treaty. A dispute over control of a town on the allowed to have her own children, to a Sippar Euphrates named Hit, important as a trading as cloister dedicated to the worship of Shamash. A well as a religious center, simmered for a long brief note from Yasmakh-Adad, his "brother" time. A letter from one of Zimri-Lim's most (that is, an ally of equal status), discusses the trusted omen interpreters, Asqudum, pulled no movement of a caravan passing through Baby­ punches: "My lord sent me the gist of the letter lon when returning from Tilmun (Dilmun). But that Hammurabi, king of Babylon, wrote to we are best informed through the numerous him. My lord will surely come to realize how and often loquacious dispatches the next king, exaggerated is his information and how full of Zimri-Lim, received from his ambassadors at lies are his words! Does my lord not know how the court of Hammurabi, and they paint a vivid badly Hammurabi king of Babylon wants to portrait of the "Lawgiver," showing him to be a make an alliance with my lord?" man of many moods, who could turn mercurial Zimri-Lim indeed knew it and in the Mari and affable within the same interview. They archives was found a rough draft for an oath to also give us information on his inner circle of seal a treaty that read, advisers and ministers. We have learned that Hammurabi's eldest son, Sumu-ditana, fre­ Swear by Shamash of Heaven! Swear by Adad of quented Mari officials, that he lived in one of Heaven! These are the gods that Hammurabi, son Mari's provincial palaces (at nearby Terqa) of Sin-muballit, king of Babylon, invoked (when where his household included a group of Baby­ taking the following oath), lonian artisans. Another son, Mutu-numakha, "From now on, as long as I live, I shall in­ was also sent to Zimri-Lim, but with a plea to deed be enemy of Siwa-palar-khukhpak (king send him to Yamkhad or Qatna (modern Tell of Elam). I shall not let my servants or my Mishrifeh in Syria) ifZimri-Lim did not wish to messengers mingle with his servants, and I keep him. From other sources, we know that shall not dispatch them to him. I shall not make peace willi Siwa-palar-khukhpak willi­ Hammurabi had a sister who lived in a cloister out the approval of Zimri-Lim, king of Mari at Sippar and at least one daughter whom he and the Khana-Iand. If I plan to make peace married off to Silli-Sin, a king of Eshnunna, with Siwa-palar-Khukhpak, I shall certainly whose rise was as quick as his fall, for he soon consult with Zimri-Lim, son ofYakhdun-Lim, became a victim to his own father-in-Iaw's king of Mari and the Khana-Iand. If it is not a machinations-an arrangement that was not peaceful condition, we shall make peace unusual in a period when many kings used (only) jointly. What I have sworn by my gods,

gog History and Culture

Shamash and Adad, to Zimri-Lim, son of This is what I told him and he answered me, Yakhdun-Lim, king of Mari and the Khana­ "Among my allies there is no one who could Land, I will faithfully fulfill, joyfully and in compare to how much Zimri-Lim has done complete sincerity." me favors and honored me. I want to satisfy him by matching his favors. An eternal bond At one point during the dispute, Hammurabi must keep us together. Please, review the met two of Zimri-Lim's ambassadors in Sippar, previous stipulations before I answer you." where the god Shamash resided, and the report I replied, "It is for you to review them"; and they sent back to Mari, although accented to when he said, "Very well, I will do so, but men­ display their own cleverness, is worth sampling tion the cities for which I must take an oath," I because it captures the flavor of Hammurabi's said, "Hit, Kharbe, and Yabliya." "You must not mention Hit!" he said. "The situation is similar to speech making, what had happened when Shamshi-Adad forced We reached Greater Sippar, and Yansib-Adad, my Rapiqum out of the king of Eshnunna's control lord's servant, delivered my lord's message to and gave it to me. Since then my garrison stayed Hammurabi. As he was doing it, Hammurabi kept there and must remain there even now. As on listening, without objecting, during the entire Shamshi-Adad's garrison stayed there ever since message. Until Yansib-Adad completed his re­ then, Zimri-Lim's garrison can stay also. Just as port, Hammurabi was very attentive; but then he my garrison and his have stayed jointly there, addressed us, these garrisons (of ours) should be merged as "Has this House, then or now, ever trans­ one." (Published by D. Charpin, Archives episto­ gressed against Mari? Furthermore, has there laires de Mari I/z, pp. 364-367, no. 449) ever been a single conflict between Mari and The dispute about Hit seemed beyond solu­ this House? Mari and Babylon, then as now tion, and the two allies remained suspicious of are one House-and one finger-that cannot be led astray(?). Even as now Zimri-Lim each other even as they cooperated on many of keeps me abreast of every event and is forth­ the fronts Hammurabi opened, year after year, right with me. Previously did not his father against Eshnunna, Elam, and Ekallatum ("As­ and grandfather (Yakhdun-Lim and Yaggid­ syria"). For the conquest of Larsa-a defining Lim) keep this House abreast of every event? moment for Hammurabi and his dynasty­ Ever since Zimri-Lim moved to support me Zimri-Lim dispatched troops to Babylon. From and began to communicate with me, no trans­ his diplomats and generals, we gather details gression or attack on him has been attributed about Hammurabi's strategy: how he lulled to me. I have been entirely beneficial to him Rim-Sin into imagining him an ally against and he is deeply aware of how beneficial I Elam; how he sent a loyal minister to advise have been to him." Rim-Sin's brother, Sin-muballit, who ruled Once he said these and many such agreeable words, I replied, from Larsa's other major fortification, Mashkan­ "Indeed you have in no way transgressed shapir (Tell Abu Dhuwari); how skirmishes at against my lord, and my lord has in no way Babylon's frontier were deemed a reason for transgressed against you; you have been war; and how, after consulting the gods Sham­ well-disposed to my lord and he has been ash and Marduk, Hammurabi felt justified to well-disposed toward you. He has honored open major hostilities. "Go," he was quoted by you and has promoted your excellent reputa­ one Mari official as telling his troops setting tion. Of the kings allied to you . . . there is forth on their journey, "may God guide you. If not one who has been more beneficial to you as you reach (Mashkan-shapir), it opens its and has honored you more than my lord. gates for you, accept its truce. Even if he had Upon your request, he once arrested and broken the oath of Shamash and Marduk, in no conveyed to you ambassadors from Esh­ nunna! ... Now then, matching the favors way should you violate this city. But if the city my lord has showered on you and the way he does not open its gates, send me a message." has honored you, give him satisfaction: put The letters also tell us that Hammurabi ac­ yourself under oath regarding the towns that cepted the surrender of Mashkan-shapir and, the viceroy of Elam, your 'father,' has given after subjecting Larsa to a six-month assault my lord, and may utter sincerity prevail." with ramps, battering rams, and towers, he cap-

910 King Hammurabi of Babylon

tured the city. From yet another Mari diplomat, The archaeology of Mari itself has produced no we learn that Rim-Sin, undoubtedly a very old evidence of a siege or a brutal attack. Further­ man after sixty years as king, was taken alive; more, we do not know why Hammurabi de­ but we can only guess about his fate. cided not to annex it, as he did many other cit­ As the siege stretched out, Zimri-Lim began ies. In the Code, Hammurabi prides himself on to worry about a timely release of his men, for having spared the people of Mari, but we do he faced difficulties with a number of vassal not know what he did with its population: did states. From this period, a remarkable series of he move it to another corner of his realm? What letters was exchanged between Zimri-Lim and we know, rather, is that he dispatched a num­ trusted palace officials, including his wife ber of administrators and scribes (two broth­ Shiptu, trying to pin down Hammurabi's intent. ers among them) who, during the next two Here are brief excerpts (published in J.-M. years (1760-1758), methodically catalogued and Durand, Archives epistolaires de Mari Ill): carted away Mari's treasures and useful ar­ chives. They then dismantled its walls and put Zimri-Lim to Shiptu: it to the torch. Make an oracular inquiry about Hammurabi of Babylon: "Will this man die? Will he come to terms with us? Will he start a war against us? When I go north, will he besiege us? What?" Ask about his man, and when a first time you have HAMMURABI'S SUCCESSORS inquired, then do so once more, and write me whatever you gather about him. (no. 18Sb, pp. 368-369) Hammurabi became gravely ill late in his reign and was forced to hand over power before he Shiptu to Zimri-Lim: died. A number of inscriptions, originally at­ Regarding news of Babylon, I gave potions to tached to gifts to the gods, have survived that the men and posed my (oracular) questions. are dedicated "for the well-being of Hammu­ (Their answer:) Though this man is plotting much rabi." They may have come from this period. against this land, he will not prevail. My lord will see what God will do to this man. You will cap­ Our documentation on the kings that followed ture him and stand over him. His days are num­ him includes several royal inscriptions and is bered; he will not live long. My lord should know rich in private letters and contracts. The politi­ this. (no. 212, pp. 440-441) cal story they reveal is that of a dynasty that experienced numerous ebbs and restorations. Erih-Sin, a diviner, to Zimri-Lim (The report is sent from Babylonian territory!): Samsu-iluna (1749-1712), Hammurabi's son, be­ Yet another time, I repeated the (oracular in­ gan to experience problems within a decade of quiry): "The army which my lord dispatched to his father's death. (Why Hammurabi was not. Hammurabi: This army, will Hammurabi not stir succeeded by his oldest son Sumu-ditana is a it to revolt, not crush it, not have it crushed? Will minor puzzle: did the latter not survive his fa­ he not detain it in captivity-whether harmful or ther?) At that time a major insurrection took peaceful? Having left Mari's gate intact, will it re­ place throughout the empire, and it was led by enter Mari in full force? (no. lOob, pp. 264-266) a Rim-Sin who obviously took up the name of Larsa's final king. The rebellion, one of many Yet, the extensive administrative documenta­ more to come, lasted at least four years. tion we have from Zimri-Lim's final year on the Martial activities did not stifle the creativity throne does not indicate that the palace was of Babylonian scribes as they prepared a series preparing for warfare. How Mari fell to Baby­ of inscriptions to commemorate diverse build­ lon, then, is not at all clear: had Zimri-Lim died ing activities. Among the more striking is one while campaigning elsewhere, and the city dubbed today "Samsu-iluna C" that was com­ opened its gate to the Babylonians? We know posed in two languages (Sumerian and Ak­ that tradition did not deem Zimri-Lim a kadian) to celebrate his fortification of Kish. In "loser," for his name was assumed by a re­ that text, times immemorial and historical can­ gional king of Khana less than a century later. not be parted from each other, barriers be-

911 History and Culture

tween gods and people are dropped, and actual Glorify the Goddess, most exalted of goddesses, events are telescoped into a perfect realization May she be praised, mistress of mankind, of one hero's unmatched deed. greatest of divinities; The god Enlil wished to strengthen and Glorify Ishtar, most exalted of goddesses, may beautify Kish, and ordered Zababa and Ishtar she be praised, Mistress of womankind, greatest among (its patrons) to inspire his favorite king, Samsu­ divinities. iluna, and to vanquish his enemies so that he She of delight-wrapped in love, could rebuild a temple worthy of them. Happy Adorned by allure, desire, charm; to comply, the gods told Samsu-iluna ("of di­ Ishtar of delight-wrapped in love, vine seed eternal, of royal stock") to fear noth­ Adorned by allure, desire, charm. ing for they would fight on his right and hum­ ble his foes. Thus fortified, Samsu-iluna Honeyed of lips, life at her mouth, overwhelmed his enemies quickly. ("The year Laughter sweeps over her body; was not half over when he slew Rim-Sin . . . Dazzling, with beads set on her head, and heaped dirt upon his cadaver; likewise, he Glowing with blush, eyes speckled in many slew 26 rebel kings who opposed him.") Within hues. the same year, Samsu-iluna rebuilt Kish and dug a moat around it. As a result, Zababa and The king, favorite of the gods and love of their Ishtar, the inscription anticipated, would cer­ hearts, tainly want to grant Samsu-iluna, "their twin Munificently immolates undefiled animals; brother," a healthy and long life that matched Ammi-ditana, as the pure sacrifice of his hands, that of the gods Sin and Shamash. Gorges them with fattened bulls and sheep. Of the reigns of the remaining kings in the dynasty, Abi-eshukh (1711-1684), Ammi-ditana From her consort Anum, she asks for him (1683-1647), Ammi-saduqa (1646-1626), and Life, healthy and long; Samsu-ditana (1625-1595), we can give many On Ammi-ditana, numerous years of life, political and economic details, but few that Ishtar bestows and awards. make any ruler stand out: they fought rebel­ At her beck, she makes submit lions and incursions, redug canals, and rebuilt The Earth's Four Corners, to his feet; fortresses. Abi-eshukh is remembered in the The world's inhabited regions chronicles and in an as yet unplaced year-date She hitches to his yoke. as a king who tried but failed to capture an en­ emy by deflecting the waters of the Tigris. Her heart's desire, a song to charm her From his reign, we have a hymn and fragments Being perfect at his mouth, he fulfilled the of love lyrics addressing the erotic divine pair, command ofEa (who), Nanay and Muati. His successor, Ammi-ditana, On hearing praise for her, lauded Ammi-ditana, has left us one of the best-crafted Akkadian "May he live long, his king (Anum) should prayers, and it deserves our momentary at­ always love him." tention. a Ishtar, for Ammi-ditana, your loving king, Babylonians symbolically matched numbers Grant life, healthy and long, to their gods. Thus, for obvious reasons, the May he live it full! moon-god Sin was often called "30," and Ishtar, less obviously, was equated with "15." This Ammi-saduqa succeeded Ammi-ditana, and poem consists of 15 stanzas and begins as a from his period come two documents that are of hymn to Ishtar, celebrating frankly her instinct capital importance, although neither he nor his for vigor and pleasure. It then describes her contemporaries might have granted them the place among the gods before settling on the merits that we do. The first is the best pre­ business at hand: a plea for Ammi-ditana, her served text of the three extant misarum edicts faithful lover. The following selections are (the others come from Samsu-iluna and a third taken from the beginning and end of the poem. king whose name is lost), picking up on tradi-

912 King Hammurabi of Babylon

tional themes. (See above.) The second docu­ days of Agade, Ur, and Isin: sweethearts took ment probably reflects a memorial ritual (kis­ oaths about their love by "Nanay and Hammu­ pum) for which Ammi-saduqa's ancestors, rabi the king"; poets credited him with inspir­ harking back beyond Sumu-abum to personali­ ing divine poems ("Agushaya," a poem about ties legendary or eponymous, are conjured: the warrior Ishtar); chroniclers of much later times kept his memory alive. Especially after The turn of Amorite tribesmen; the turn of Khana­ his conquest of Larsa, his reputation was such tribesmen; the turn of Gutu; the turn of all those that in his own lifetime he was occasionally not mentioned on this tablet; also any soldier who has fallen on a difficult mission for his master; treated as a god (that is, his name was preceded princes; princesses; all people, from East to West, by the sign of divinity DINGIR/ilum, just as were who have no one to provide for them (in the after­ those of gods). People began to fashion names life) or invoke their names: Come close, eat this in which "Hammurabi" replaced the names of (food), drink this (beverage), and bless Ammi­ other gods. Thus, Hammurabi-bani ("Hammu­ saduqa, son of Ammi-ditana. rabi is a creator") was a name adopted by a cul­ tic functionary commissioned to transport Larsa A third document is not contemporaneous to goddesses back to Babylon. Several administra­ Ammi-saduqa, but was recovered from the pal­ tors had the name Hammurabi-ili:, meaning ace of Assurbanipal of Assyria. It belongs to the "Hammurabi is my god." Whether obsequious­ astrological series Enitma Anu Enlil and re­ ness (if not sycophancy) or sincerity inspired cords the appearance and disappearance of the such naming practices cannot be decided, but planet Venus, thus giving us a choice of several we could note that such names were much precise dates for his reign. (See also "Astron­ rarer later on. omy and Calendars in Ancient Mesopotamia" Two hundred years after Hammurabi came to in Part 8, Vol. III, and "Chronology: Issues and power, around 1595, an army from the distant Problems" in Part 5, Vol. II.) land of Khatti attacked and captured Babylon, Nothing suits better the reign of the dy­ carrying away its treasures. This spectacular nasty's final king, Samsu-ditana, than that he raid ended the dynasty that had ruled from left us no major inscription and that we are Babylon for three centuries. In the "acuum that still sorting out the sequence of his thirty or so ensued, the Kassites, an alliance of tribes that year-dates and evaluating the worth of the in­ came from the east, took over the shrunken formation that they carry. In truth, Babylon, its remnants of Hammurabi's empire. Their story territory shrunken to a fraction of the size Ham­ is told in another chapter of Civilizations of the murabi left at his death, seems to have reached Ancient Near East. political and economic exhaustion. Perhaps it is during this period of hard times that a certain Apil-Adad wrote a touching appeal to the "God of my father": BIBLIOGRAPHY Why are you so unconcerned about me? Who could give you anyone like me? Please write (the General god) Marduk, who loves you, to absolve my sin, so that I can face you and kiss your feet. Think Because during the 1980s new documents for Mari also of my family, of those old and young, then for have featured extensively Babylon and its king Ham­ their sake have mercy on me. May your help murabi, most comprehensive studies of Hammu­ reach me. rabi's politics are out of date: HORST KLENCEL, Konig Hammurapi und der Alltag Babylons (1991); HARTMUT SCHMOKEL, Hammurabi von Babylon: Die Errichtung eines Reiches, Berichte zur Weltge­ EPILOGUE schichte, vol. 11 (1958). The most accessible over­ views are still to be found in diverse encyclopedias Before he died, Hammurabi had attained a or compendia (for example, c. J. CADD, "Hammurabi level of personal prestige not seen since the and the End of His Dynasty" in vol. IIIl of The

91 3 History and Culture

Cambridge Ancient History, edited by I. E. S. ED­ form Studies 13 (1959). The letter comparing the var­ WARDS et al. brd ed. 1973]) and specialized dictiona­ ious powers at the time of Hammurabi was pub­ ries (for example, A. L. OPPENHEIM, "Hammurabi," in lished by G. DOSSIN, "Les archives epistolaires du vol. 2 of The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, palais de Mari," Syria 19 (1938). edited by G. A. BUTTRICK [1962], and SAMUEL A. MEIER, On the name "Hammurabi," see c. VIROLLEAUD, "Hammurapi," in vol. 3 of The Anchor Bible Dictio­ "Sur Ie nom de Hammurabi," Journal Asiatique 243 nary, edited by D. N. FREEDMAN [1992]). (1955); w. H. VA~ SOLDT argues for -rapi as second Monumental inscriptions of the Old Babylonian element, in Studies in the Akkadian of Ugarit: Dat­ period are collected in DOUGLAS O. FRAYNE, Old Bab­ ing and Grammar (1991). ylonian Period (2003-1595 BC), The Royal Inscrip­ tions of Mesopotamia: Early Periods, vol. 4 (1990); LAW AND JUSTICE and in E. SOLLBERGER and J.-R. KUPPER, Inscriptions The quotations from the Code are adapted from royales sumeriennes et akkadiennes (1971). THEOPHILE J. MEEK, "The Code of Hammurabi," in Letters written during the Old Babylonian dynasty Ancient Near Eastern Texts, edited by J. B. PRITCH­ F. R. KRAUS are published in the series edited by and ARD (3rd ed. 1969). For a bibliography on legal mat­ now by K. R. VEENHOF, Altbabylonische Briefe in ters see "Legal and Social Institutions of Ancient Umschrift und Obersetzung (since 1964). Most of Mesopotamia" in Part 4, Vol. I. On whether or not the correspondence with Sin-iddinam is given in the Code was a practical document, see w. F. LEE­ volumes 2 (R. FRANKENA, 1966) and 5 (F. R. KRAUS, MANS, "Quelques considerations a propos d'une 1972), with Shamash-khazir, in volumes 4 (F. R. etude recente du droit du Proche-Orient ancien," KRAUS, 1968) and 9 (M. STOL, 1981). A. L. OPPENHEIM Bibliotheca Orientalis 48 (1991). has translated some private letters largely from the Our information on royal edicts has increased in post-Hammurabi period in his Letters from Mesopo­ the time since N. LEMCHE'S "Anduriirum and Mi­ tamia (1967). sarum: Comments on the Problem of Social Edicts On Babylon and its physical location, see MCGUIRE and Their Application in the Ancient Near East," GIBSON, The City and Area of Kish (1972), and "The Journal of Near Eastern Studies 38 (1979). See now Archaeological Uses of Cuneiform Documents: Pat­ two articles by DOMINIQUE CHARPIN, "Les Decrets terns of Occupation at the City of Kish," Iraq 34 royaux a I'epoque paIeo-babylonienne, a propos d'un (1972). A. R. GEORGE, Babylonian Topographical ouvrage recent," Archiv fur Orientforschung 34 Texts, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, vol. 40 (1987), and "L'andurarum a Mari," MARl, Annales (1992), and House Most High: The Temples of An­ de Recherches Interdisciplinaires 6 (1990). cient Mesopotamia, Mesopotamian Civilizations, Excellent illustrations of Hammurabi's personal vol. 5 (1993), discusses the temples of Babylon, doing involvement in solving legal matters are given in so by name and alphabetically, in the second book. w. F. LEEMANS, "King Hammurapi as Judge," Sym­ bolae iuridicae et historicae Martino David Dedi­ Babylon Before H ammurabi catae, vol. 2 (1968). On royal involvement in legal A comprehensive new treatment is not yet written decrees, see ZHI YANG, "King of Justice," Aula Ori­ and the major book to consult is DIETZ O. EDZARD, Die entalis 9 (1991). "Was there a Sumerian Version of Zweite Zwischenzeit Babyloniens (1957). Edzard has the Laws of Hammurabi?" is a question A. w. SJOBERG contributed an overview of the period that is still poses in Aula Orientalis 9 (1991), upon finding a very useful, in J. BOTTERO et aI., eds., The Near East: fragment with Sumerian and Akkadian phrasings for The Early Civilizations, translated by R. F. Tannen­ material now found in the prologue of the Code. He baum (1967). thinks it is possible that there was such a version. The letter Sin-muballit received from Anam is edited by A. FALKENSTEIN, "ZU den Inschriftfunden ADMINISTRATION der Grabung in Uruk-Warka 1960-1961," Baghdader DOMINIQUE CHARPIN, "Le role economique du palais Mitteilungen 2 (1963). en Babylonie sous Hammurabi et ses successeurs," in Le systeme palatial en Orient, en Grece, et it The Reign of H ammurabi Rome, edited by E. LEVY, Universite des Sciences The year-dates of Hammurabi and of Samsu-iluna Humaines de Strasbourg, Travaux du Centre de re­ are given by A. LEO OPPENHEIM in Ancient Near East­ cherche sur Ie Proche-Orient et la Grece antiques, ern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, edited by vol. 9 (1987). For focus on individual city-states, see J. B. PRITCHARD (3rd ed. 1969), pp. 26g-271. On the RIVKAH HARRIS, Ancient Sippar: A Demographic year-dates of Samsu-ditana, see J. J. FINKELSTEIN, Study of an Old-Babylonian City (1894-1595 BC), "The Year Dates of Samsudi tan a," Journal of Cunei- Netherlands Institute of History and Archaeology in King Hammurabi of Babylon

Istanbul, vol. 36 (1975); M. VAN DE MIEROOP, Society toriae Elamicae: Melanges offerts a M.-]. Steve, and Enterprise in Old Babylonian Ur, Berliner Bei­ edited by L. DE MEYER, H. GASCHE, and F. VALLAT trage zum Vorderen Orient, vol. 12 (1992); and HORST (1986). KLENGEL, "Untersuchungen zu den sozialen Ver­ On the final days of Mari, see J. MARGUERON, "Les haltnissen im altbabylonische Dilbat," Altorien­ derniers moments du palais de Mari," Arts and talische Forschungen 4 (1976). Facts 3 (1984), and "La mine du Palais de Mari," On resettlements of refugees, see DOMINIQUE MARl, Annales de Recherches lnterdisciplinaires 6 CHARPIN, "Immigres, refugies, et deportes en Baby­ (1990). On Babylonian scribes in occupied Mari, see lonie sous Hammu-rabi et ses successeurs," in La D. CHARPIN "L'occupation babylonienne du palais de circulation des biens, des personnes, et des idees Mari," MARl 5 (1987). On census taking at Larsa after dans le Proche-Orient ancien, edited by D. CHARPIN its conquest, see M. BONECHI, "Conscription a Larsa and F. JOANNES, Recontre Assyriologique Interna­ apres la conquete babylonienne." MARl 7 (1993). tionale, vol. 38 (1992). On Marduk and his cult in Babylon, see WALTER The Successors of Hammurabi SOMMERFELD, Die Aufstieg Marduks, Alter Orient "Samsu-iluna C" is translated in the volumes by und Altes Testament, vol. 213 (1982). On prayers to D. O. FRAYNE (1990), pp. 384-388, and in E. SOLL­ Hammurabi, see A. w. SJOBERG, "Prayers for King BERGER and J.-R. KUPPER (1971), pp. 223-227, cited in Hammurabi of Babylon," Ex Orbe Religionum: Stu­ the general bibliography above. The poem to Ishtar dia Ceo Widengren Oblata, I (1972). For names with is partially translated by FERRIS J. STEPHENS, "Hammurabi" replacing the names of gods, see H. "Sumero-Akkadian Hymns and Prayers," in Ancient KLENGEL, "Hammurapi und seine Nachfolger im Near Eastern Texts, edited by J. B. PRITCHARD (1969), altbabylonis~hen Onomastikon," Journal of Cunei­ p. 383; a fuller treatment in English is in BENJAMIN R. form Studies 28 (1976). FOSTER, Before the Muses, vol. 1 (1993), pp. 65-67. On Ammi-saduqa's edict there is a very difficult Mari and Babylon book to consult, F. R. KRAUS, Konigliche Verfugungen The best overview of the relationship between Bab­ in altbabylonischer Zeit (1984), but articles by J. J. ylon and Mari as revealed by the Mari letters is by FINKELSTEIN remain significant, "Ammi~aduqa's DOMINIQUE CHARPIN in Archives epistolaires de Mad Edict and the Babylonian 'Law Codes,' " Journal of 1/2, Archives royales de Mari, vol. 26 part 2 (1988), Cuneiform Studies 15 (1961), and "Some New Mish­ chapter 3. The Mari prophecy and omens relating to arum Material and Its Implications," Studies in Babylon are edited by J.-M. DURAND, Archives episto­ Honor of Benno Landsberger on His Seventy-fifth laires de Mad Ill, Archives royales de Mari, vol. 26 Birthday, April 21, 1965, Assyriological Studies, vol. part 1 (1988). For a general overview, see H. 16 (1965). KLENGEL, "Halab-Mari-Babylon: Aspekte syrisch­ For the kispum funerary ritual cited, see J. J. FIN­ mesopotamischer Beziehungen in altbabylonischer KELSTEIN, "The Genealogy of the Hammurapi Dy­ Zeit," in De la Babylonie a la Syrie, en passant par nasty," Journal of Cuneiform Studies 20 (1966); A. Mad: Melanges offerts a Monsieur ].-R. Kupper a FINET, "Usages et rites funeraires en Babylonie," in l' occasion de son 70e anniversaire, edited by O. Thanatos: Les coutumes funeraires en Egee a ['age. TUNCA (1990). On the last days of Larsa, see MARC VAN du Bronze. Actes du colloque de Liege (21-23 avril DE MIEROOP, "The Reign of Rim-Sin," Revue d'Assy­ 1987), edited by R. LAFFINEUR (1987). Apil-Adad's let­ riologie 87 (1993). ter is treated as no. 141 in M. STOL, Altbabylonische Hammurabi's tirade against Zimri-Lim is cited Briefe, vol. 9 (1981); see also p. 157 in B. FOSTER, Be­ from J.-M. DURAND, "Espionnage et guerre froide: La fore the Muses, vol. 1 (1993). Fin de Mari," in Florilegium Marianum: Recueil d'etudes en l'honneur de Michel Fleury, edited by Miscellaneous J.-M. DURAND, Memoires de N.A.B.U., vol. 1 (1992). On whether Hammurabi is mentioned in the Bible, The draft of a treaty between Hammurabi and Zimri­ see FRANZ M. TH. DE LIAGRE BOHL, "King Hammur­ Lim is published by J.-M. DURAND, "Fragments re­ abi of Babylon in the Setting of His Tim-e (about joints pour une histoire Elamite," in Fragmenta His- 1700)," in Opera Minora (1953).

SEE ALSO Legal and Social Institutions of Ancient Mesopotamia (Part 4, Vol. I); The History of Ancient Mesopotamia: An Overview (Part 5, Vol. II); The Deeds of Ancient Mesopotamian Kings (Part 9, Vol. IV); and The Historiography of the Ancient Near East (Part 9, Vol. IV).