Head Shaping of the Ancient Maya at Wild Cane Cay and Moho Cay, Belize
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Determination of Late Postclassic Kaqchikel Maya Diet, Disease, and Cause of Death Through Analysis of Skeletons from Iximché, Guatemala
FAMSI © 1999: Stephen L. Whittington Determination of Late Postclassic Kaqchikel Maya Diet, Disease, and Cause of Death through Analysis of Skeletons from Iximché, Guatemala Research Year : 1995 Culture : Maya Chronology : Late Postclassic Location : Guatemala Site : Iximché Table of Contents Introduction Fieldwork Analysis List of Figures Sources Cited Introduction Iximché was the capital of the Kaqchikel realm, founded by refugees from the Quiché kingdom in the 1470s or 1480s ( Figure 1 ). The Quiché attacked and tried to conquer the city at least once. This attempt met with failure and the Kaqchikel captured many Quiché warriors. Spaniards under Pedro de Alvarado arrived in the highlands in 1524. With the Kaqchikel as allies, they conquered the Guatemalan polities which had been enemies of Iximché. On July 25, Alvarado founded the first colonial capital of Guatemala near Iximché. This action led to the outbreak of hostilities between the Kaqchikel and the Spanish and the ultimate destruction and abandonment of Iximché in 1526. George Guillemin, a Swiss archaeologist, excavated Iximché between the late 1950s and the early 1970s. His main interest was architecture, and his crews uncovered large expanses of the site, exposing and then restoring plazas, palaces, altars, and temples. Unfortunately, Guillemin was much less interested in analyzing the large amounts of materials that came from the digging. His excavation notes, archived at the Centro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoamerica (CIRMA) in Antigua, do not mention the location, associated artifacts, or basic layout of some complete skeletons. Even worse, for years the excavated materials were stored in what was essentially a chicken coop. Bags broke open, artifacts and bones from various contexts became mixed together, and tags with provenience information rotted away or became separated from their bags. -
Native Peoples of North America
Native Peoples of North America Dr. Susan Stebbins SUNY Potsdam Native Peoples of North America Dr. Susan Stebbins 2013 Open SUNY Textbooks 2013 Susan Stebbins This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. Published by Open SUNY Textbooks, Milne Library (IITG PI) State University of New York at Geneseo, Geneseo, NY 14454 Cover design by William Jones About this Textbook Native Peoples of North America is intended to be an introductory text about the Native peoples of North America (primarily the United States and Canada) presented from an anthropological perspective. As such, the text is organized around anthropological concepts such as language, kinship, marriage and family life, political and economic organization, food getting, spiritual and religious practices, and the arts. Prehistoric, historic and contemporary information is presented. Each chapter begins with an example from the oral tradition that reflects the theme of the chapter. The text includes suggested readings, videos and classroom activities. About the Author Susan Stebbins, D.A., Professor of Anthropology and Director of Global Studies, SUNY Potsdam Dr. Susan Stebbins (Doctor of Arts in Humanities from the University at Albany) has been a member of the SUNY Potsdam Anthropology department since 1992. At Potsdam she has taught Cultural Anthropology, Introduction to Anthropology, Theory of Anthropology, Religion, Magic and Witchcraft, and many classes focusing on Native Americans, including The Native Americans, Indian Images and Women in Native America. Her research has been both historical (Traditional Roles of Iroquois Women) and contemporary, including research about a political protest at the bridge connecting New York, the Akwesasne Mohawk reservation and Ontario, Canada, and Native American Education, particularly that concerning the Native peoples of New York. -
Chichen Itza Coordinates: 20°40ʹ58.44ʺN 88°34ʹ7.14ʺW from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Chichen Itza Coordinates: 20°40ʹ58.44ʺN 88°34ʹ7.14ʺW From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Chichen Itza ( /tʃiːˈtʃɛn iːˈtsɑː/;[1] from Yucatec Pre-Hispanic City of Chichen-Itza* Maya: Chi'ch'èen Ìitsha',[2] "at the mouth of the well UNESCO World Heritage Site of the Itza") is a large pre-Columbian archaeological site built by the Maya civilization located in the northern center of the Yucatán Peninsula, in the Municipality of Tinúm, Yucatán state, present-day Mexico. Chichen Itza was a major focal point in the northern Maya lowlands from the Late Classic through the Terminal Classic and into the early portion of the Early Postclassic period. The site exhibits a multitude of architectural styles, from what is called “In the Mexican Origin” and reminiscent of styles seen in central Mexico to the Puuc style found among the Country Mexico Puuc Maya of the northern lowlands. The presence of Type Cultural central Mexican styles was once thought to have been Criteria i, ii, iii representative of direct migration or even conquest from central Mexico, but most contemporary Reference 483 (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/483) interpretations view the presence of these non-Maya Region** Latin America and the Caribbean styles more as the result of cultural diffusion. Inscription history The ruins of Chichen Itza are federal property, and the Inscription 1988 (12th Session) site’s stewardship is maintained by Mexico’s Instituto * Name as inscribed on World Heritage List. Nacional de Antropología e Historia (National (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list) Institute of Anthropology and History, INAH). The ** Region as classified by UNESCO. -
3569 A. Cucina 29 42.Qxd
JASs Invited Reviews Journal of Anthropological Sciences Vol. 83 (2005), pp. 29-42 Past, present and future itineraries in Maya bioarchaeology Andrea Cucina & Vera Tiesler Facultad de Ciencias Antropológicas, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, km 1 Carretera Merida-Tizimin, 97305 Merida, Yucatán, Mexico; e-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Summary – During the first half of the last century, studies of Maya skeletal remains gave emphasis mainly to head shaping and dental decoration, while little or no attention was bestowed to the ancient Maya’s skeletal biology and bioarchaeology. It was not until the late 1960’s and early 1970’s that more comprehensive approaches started visualizing this ancient society from its biological and cultural aspects by perceiving skeletal remains as a direct indicator of past cultural interactions. The recent growth in skeletal studies was also a natural consequence of the emergence of “bioarchaeology” as a specific discipline. From then on, increasing numbers of studies have been carried out, applying more and more sophisticated and modern techniques to the ancient Maya skeletal remains. This works attempts to briefly review the research history on Maya skeletal remains, from the pioneering works in the 1960’s to the development of more conscientious approaches based on theoretical, methodological and practical concepts in which the individual is the basic unit of biocultural analysis. Although, ecological issues and the biological evidence of social status differences still remain central cores in Maya bioarchaeology, new methodologically and topically oriented approaches have proliferated in the last years. They contribute to the development of a more complete, wide-angled view of the intermingled biological and cultural dynamics of a population that has not disappeared in the past and that continues to raise the interest of scholars and the public in general. -
2006 “Agricultural Intensification, Water, and Political Power in The
AGRICULTURAL INTENSIFICATION, WATER, AND POLITICAL POWER IN THE SOUTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS LISA J. LUCERO ncient tropical societies, such as the Maya, are often relegated to the Aunknown or mysterious or, worse yet, are seen as a result of outside influ- ences because of the traditional bias in anthropology of largely focusing on civilizations in temperate areas. Wittfogel, for example, in his classic Oriental Despotism (1957), argued that complex societies are underwritten by an agri- cultural base supported by irrigation. Because the Maya are not known to have built large-scale irrigation systems, he claimed that the Maya were a “marginal agrarian” (Wittfogel 1957:182) despotic society since the karstic topography of the Maya lowlands is “unsuitable for irrigation agriculture” (Wittfogel 1957:184). In another classic piece, Meggers (1954) presented a model of envi- ronmental determinism in which she categorized tropical zones as not suitable to support civilizations because of poor agricultural soils. Meggers based this assumption on her studies in the Amazon jungle, where many areas of tropical forests are poorly suited for intensive agriculture (though recent scholarship indicates otherwise; see Erickson 2003). Consequently, Maya civilization arose as the result of outside influences and “did not last” but witnessed “700 years of decline” (Meggers 1954:819) because conditions were not suitable to support a complex society. As recently as 1998, Meggers was still “struck by the seeming contradiction between the complexity of Maya culture and the relatively low agricultural potential of their environment” (Meggers 1998: xii). In fact, the southern Maya lowlands have a high percentage of mollisols, which are “considered by agronomists to be among the world’s most important, naturally productive soils, with yields unsurpassed by other unirrigated areas” (Fedick 1988:106). -
2010 General Management Plan
Montezuma Castle National Monument National Park Service Mo n t e z u M a Ca s t l e na t i o n a l Mo n u M e n t • tu z i g o o t na t i o n a l Mo n u M e n t Tuzigoot National Monument U.S. Department of the Interior ge n e r a l Ma n a g e M e n t Pl a n /en v i r o n M e n t a l as s e s s M e n t Arizona M o n t e z u MONTEZU M A CASTLE MONTEZU M A WELL TUZIGOOT M g a e n e r a l C a s t l e M n a n a g e a t i o n a l M e n t M P o n u l a n M / e n t e n v i r o n • t u z i g o o t M e n t a l n a a t i o n a l s s e s s M e n t M o n u M e n t na t i o n a l Pa r k se r v i C e • u.s. De P a r t M e n t o f t h e in t e r i o r GENERAL MANA G E M ENT PLAN /ENVIRON M ENTAL ASSESS M ENT General Management Plan / Environmental Assessment MONTEZUMA CASTLE NATIONAL MONUMENT AND TUZIGOOT NATIONAL MONUMENT Yavapai County, Arizona January 2010 As the responsible agency, the National Park Service prepared this general management plan to establish the direction of management of Montezuma Castle National Monument and Tu- zigoot National Monument for the next 15 to 20 years. -
Chwa Nima Ab'aj ( Mixco Viejo)
1 2 Chwa Nima Ab’aj ( Mixco Viejo) “Recordación Florida”, o, “Historia del Reyno de Goathemala”, es una obra escrita por el Capitán Francisco Fuentes y Guzmán en 1690, o sea unos 165 años después de que fuerzas invasoras españolas ocuparan el territorio de la actual Guatemala. A Fuentes y Guzmán se le considera el primer historiador criollo guatemalteco, ya que en esta obra narra lo que se acredita como la primera historia general del país. Por los cargos ocupados: Cronista de Ciudad nombrado por el Rey, Regidor Perpetuo del Ayuntamiento y Alcalde Mayor tuvo acceso a numerosos documentos (muchos desaparecidos) que le permitió hacer esa monumental obra. Hoy día, con la aparición de otros antiguos documentos con narraciones tanto de indígenas, como de españoles y mestizos, algunos de los datos y hechos consignados en la famosa “Recordación Florida” han sido refutados, negados o impugnados, sin que por esos casos se ponga en cuestión la trascendencia de la obra del “Cronista de la Ciudad”. Esta obra es de capital importancia pues en ella se consigna por vez primera la existencia de Mixco, (Chwa Nima Ab’aj) así como los sucesos acaecidos en la batalla que finalizó con su destrucción por parte de los españoles. Sin embargo, a pesar de la autenticidad narrativa de Fuentes y Guzmán sobre la batalla librada para ocupar Mixco, el nombre que le dio a esta inigualable ciudadela ceremonial, así como los datos sobre la etnia indígena que la habitaba y defendió ante la invasión española, los Pokomames, han sido impugnados sobre la base de estudios antropológicos, arqueológicos y documentos indígenas escritos recién terminada la conquista. -
Mummies and Mummification Practices in the Southern and Southwestern United States Mahmoud Y
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Karl Reinhard Papers/Publications Natural Resources, School of 1998 Mummies and mummification practices in the southern and southwestern United States Mahmoud Y. El-Najjar Yarmouk University, Irbid, Jordan Thomas M. J. Mulinski Chicago, Illinois Karl Reinhard University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/natresreinhard El-Najjar, Mahmoud Y.; Mulinski, Thomas M. J.; and Reinhard, Karl, "Mummies and mummification practices in the southern and southwestern United States" (1998). Karl Reinhard Papers/Publications. 13. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/natresreinhard/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Natural Resources, School of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Karl Reinhard Papers/Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Published in MUMMIES, DISEASE & ANCIENT CULTURES, Second Edition, ed. Aidan Cockburn, Eve Cockburn, and Theodore A. Reyman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 7 pp. 121–137. Copyright © 1998 Cambridge University Press. Used by permission. Mummies and mummification practices in the southern and southwestern United States MAHMOUD Y. EL-NAJJAR, THOMAS M.J. MULINSKI AND KARL J. REINHARD Mummification was not intentional for most North American prehistoric cultures. Natural mummification occurred in the dry areas ofNorth America, where mummies have been recovered from rock shelters, caves, and over hangs. In these places, corpses desiccated and spontaneously mummified. In North America, mummies are recovered from four main regions: the south ern and southwestern United States, the Aleutian Islands, and the Ozark Mountains ofArkansas. -
Southern Lowland Maya Archaeology and Human Skeletal Remains
2 SouthernLowland Maya Archaeologyand Human SkeletalRemains: Interpretations from Caracol (Belize),Santa Rita Corozal (Belize),and Diane Z. Chase Tayasal(Guatemala) One classof data that is crucial to archaeologi- oretical difficulties involved in making intersite cal interpretations of prehistoric populations, comparisons. 1 their health, status,and demographicpatterns, is that derived from human burials. These are recoveredin what, at first glance,appear to be Caracol, Santa Rita Corozal, sizeablequantities in most excavationsat most and Tayasal: Temporal and Maya sites (Chase1994; Saul and Saul 1991, Skeletal Samples Tourtellot 1990a;Welsh 1988). Yet. how much Caracol, the largestof the three sites,is located do we know about the actual remains of the in the Vaca Plateauof Belizein the foothills of ancient Maya and how can excavatedsamples beused to defineancient populations? . the Maya Mountains at an elevation of over' 500 m. Long-term large-scaleexcavation was The sitesof Caracol,Santa Rita Cocozal,and started at Caracci in 1985 and hastaken place Tayasal are all Maya sites '° the southern every year since then (Chaseand Chase1987; lowlands. Each of these sites, however, is lo- D. Chase and A. Chase 1994). The earliest cated within a distinctive geographicarea and maintains a different history of human occu- pation. Investigationsat each site have.added I The author acknowledgesthe problems in comparing important information to our views of the health among archaeological populations as identified ancient Maya and, when taken together, pro- by Wood et al. (1992}. This discussion, however, will vide greater insight into both a broader in- place greater emphasis on an equally important phe- nomenon: determination of sampling problems through terpretation of the nature of ancient Maya correlation of osteological remains with other archaeo- populations and the methodological and the- logical information. -
Central America
Zone 1: Central America Martin Künne Ethnologisches Museum Berlin The paper consists of two different sections. The first part has a descriptive character and gives a general impression of Central American rock art. The second part collects all detailed information in tables and registers. I. The first section is organized as follows: 1. Profile of the Zone: environments, culture areas and chronologies 2. Known Sites: modes of iconographic representation and geographic context 3. Chronological sequences and stylistic analyses 4. Documentation and Known Sites: national inventories, systematic documentation and most prominent rock art sites 5. Legislation and institutional frameworks 6. Rock art and indigenous groups 7. Active site management 8. Conclusion II. The second section includes: table 1 Archaeological chronologies table 2 Periods, wares, horizons and traditions table 3 Legislation and National Archaeological Commissions table 4 Rock art sites, National Parks and National Monuments table 5 World Heritage Sites table 6 World Heritage Tentative List (2005) table 7 Indigenous territories including rock art sites appendix: Archaeological regions and rock art Recommended literature References Illustrations 1 Profile of the Zone: environments, culture areas and chronologies: Central America, as treated in this report, runs from Guatemala and Belize in the north-west to Panama in the south-east (the northern Bridge of Tehuantepec and the Yucatan peninsula are described by Mr William Breen Murray in Zone 1: Mexico (including Baja California)). The whole region is characterized by common geomorphologic features, constituting three different natural environments. In the Atlantic east predominates extensive lowlands cut by a multitude of branched rivers. They cover a karstic underground formed by unfolded limestone. -
A Study of Two Maya Tenons from Corozal
A Study of two Maya Tenons from Corozal By Ben Ward Anthropology 281 (Seeds of Divinity), Spring 2019 This paper concerns two Maya tenons that reside in the Williams College Museum of Art (WCMA). One, with accession number 1870.1.1 shows an anthropomorphic face with a peaked headdress, while the other, 1870.1.2., sports a zoomorphic face with humanoid head emerging from its jaws. These two sculptures were collected by Williams students during a trip to Honduras and Belize in 1870-1871, sponsored by the Williams Lyceum. Beyond this, very little is known about these sculptures due to the same reason that they are in the museum’s possession. While these students were in Central America two of the students went on a short trip to the small agricultural town of Corozal where they acQuired these two stone tenons and brought them back to Williams College. The detail we are given on the acQuisition of these pieces is both frustratingly vague and very telling for the times: Among the collections from Corozal were two stone heads, or images, exhumed near that town. They exhibit great antiQuity, and are evidently of the same origin as the sculptures found amid the ruins of the ancient temples and cities scattered throughout Central America, and are viewed with such intense interest by all travelers to this seat of fallen civilization.1 The only real useful information we get from this passage is that these tenons come from a Maya site near the town of Corozal.2 There seems to have been no interest in the sculptures’ true origin point and it is not even stated whether these statues were bought in Corozal or taken by these students directly from a site. -
Toward a Dakota Literary Tradition: Examining Dakota Literature Through the Lens of Critical Nationalism
Toward a Dakota Literary Tradition: Examining Dakota Literature through the Lens of Critical Nationalism by Sarah Raquel Hernandez B.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2001 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2005 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of English 2016 This thesis entitled: Toward a Dakota Literary Tradition: Examining Dakota Literature through the Lens of Critical Nationalism written by Sarah Raquel Hernandez has been approved for the Department of English Penelope Kelsey, Committee Chair Cheryl Higashida, Committee Member Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. Abstract Hernandez, Sarah Raquel (Ph.D., English) Toward a Dakota Literary Tradition: Examining Dakota Literature through the Lens of Critical Nationalism Thesis Directed by Professor Penelope Kelsey Dakota literature is often regarded as an extinct and thus irrelevant oral storytelling tradition by EuroAmerican, and at times, Dakota people. This dissertation disputes this dominant view and instead argues that the Dakota oral storytelling tradition is not extinct, but rather has been reimagined in a more modern form as print literature. In this dissertation, I reconstruct a genealogy of the Dakota literary tradition that focuses primarily (but not exclusively) upon the literary history of the Santee Dakota from 1836 to present by analyzing archival documents – Dakota orthographies, Dakota mythologies, and personal and professional correspondences – to better understand how this tradition has evolved from an oral to a written form.