Nav War Crimes Disclosureact Cia Has No Objection
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Classified Advertising 643-2711
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The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
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Instauration-1986-06
Instauration® Tom Watson GOY. John Slaton THE REHABILITATION OF LEO FRANK Are the Rosenbergs next in line for posthumous pardons? D I must take issue with at least one statement in Cholly's column (Feb. 1986): "All your sug gestions for organizations would immediately be denounced as racist ...." The venomous In keeping with Instauration's policy of anonymD We have been on an ever accelerating binge charge of "racism" has been one of the most ity, most communicants will be identified by the of renaming things. If reality is too difficult to effective weapons of minority spokesmen to first three digits of their zip codes. handle, then label it something else. Garbage shame the Maj ority into inaction. A publication collectors become lisanitation engineers" and such as Instau ration should not be perpetuating, D A word to the wise for all intellectually hon students with IQs on a par with orangutans are even inadvertantly, a fear of name-calling and est people. The question of race must be called "exceptional." Morons become "slow an oversensitivity to what the "general public" opened in the universities and academic jour learners." The field of education (pasture thinks (if it thinks at all). nals for free discussion; this is according to the would be a better word) is replete with these Another negative attitude, in my opinion, ethics of science, which puts free inquiry above tragic inanities. suggests that about all we can do at this stage is political ideology. To fail to do this is to turn the 810 meditate and contemplate. -
The Politics of the Nazi Past in Germany and Austria
P1: JZZ 0521856833pre CUNY200B/Art 0521856833 October 7, 2005 21:45 This page intentionally left blank P1: JZZ 0521856833pre CUNY200B/Art 0521856833 October 7, 2005 21:45 The Politics of the Nazi Past in Germany and Austria This book argues that Germans and Austrians have dealt with the Nazi past very differently and that these differences have had important con- sequences for political culture and partisan politics in the two countries. Drawing on different literatures in political science, David Art builds a framework for understanding how public deliberation transforms the political environment in which it occurs. The book analyzes how public debates about the “lessons of history” created a culture of contrition in Germany that prevented a resurgent far right from consolidating itself in German politics after unification. By contrast, public debates in Austria nourished a culture of victimization that provided a hospitable environ- ment for the rise of right-wing populism. The argument is supported by evidence from nearly 200 semistructured interviews and an analysis of the German and Austrian print media over a twenty-year period. David Art is an assistant professor of political science at the College of the Holy Cross. He teaches courses in European politics, international relations, and globalization. He received his B.A. from Yale University and his Ph.D. from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. His cur- rent research focuses on the development of right-wing populist parties in comparative and historical perspective. i P1: -
The Waldheim Affair in Austrian Politics
The Waldheim Affair in Austrian Politics By James Wilkie This first-hand account of the internal Austrian situation by an outsider was not written for publication, but as a documentation of the background and the chronology of events which is essential for any objective commentary on the matter. The information has been generally updated to June 1993 with some later additions. The Waldheim affair stirred up an international uproar which at the time was generally agreed to have been the worst blow to Austria's image since the war. As things turned out, the setback was short-lived, despite attempts at home and abroad to keep the embers fanned, and Austria was soon riding the crest of another wave of international popularity and economic prosperity. The controversy was a matter of bewilderment to many Austrian voters. 80 per cent of the population is younger than 60 years of age, and a large number of the remainder were immigrants after the war. The events of the Second World War are something that happened two generations ago, and they are just not particularly interested in the awful dilemma faced by their grandparents all those years ago in the dim and distant past. Even today's 70-year-olds were uncomprehending 10-year-old children when Hitler's army marched into Austria, and the Austrians were informed that they were now German citizens of the Third Reich, Heil Hitler! That, of course, was the difference between Austria and all the other occupied countries. As the only German-speaking country to have been taken over by Hitler, Austria was assimilated to Germany, and not merely occupied, and therein lay the roots of the evil. -
Central Europe
Central Europe Austria National Affairs wo EVENTS DOMINATED THE Austrian political scene in 1986. One was the election of Kurt Waldheim as the country's president, which stirred up controversy within the country and abroad, forcing Austrians to confront a painful, largely unexamined past, and catapulted Austria's small Jewish community into a state of crisis. The second event was the election to Parliament later in the year, in which surprising losses by the two leading parties seemed to reflect a mood of growing uncertainty in the country. Elections Kurt Waldheim, former minister of foreign affairs and two-term secretary-general of the United Nations, was presented to the public as the presidential candidate of the People's party (Conservatives) as early as October 1985. The Conservatives, who had been in opposition since 1971, believed that the nomination of such a distin- guished figure virtually assured their victory. Their confidence was bolstered by the declining popularity of the Socialist party—in power for 16 years running—as a result of various scandals and unpopular decisions. In addition, the Socialist candi- date, Kurt Steyrer, minister of environmental affairs, had come under fire in Decem- ber 1985 for calling out the police to remove young demonstrators by force from a proposed electric-plant site near the Danube River. In contrast to Steyrer, Wald- heim was not only popular but was touted as "the man trusted by the world." In short, the Conservatives were certain that Waldheim would become the first non- Socialist in postwar Austria to hold the largely ceremonial but prestigious post of president. -
South Africa: Forge a Bolshevik P'artyj a Our Can Rea • a Art Ei Cains
No 81 July/August 1986 20p Monthly paper of the Spartacist League South Africa: Forge a Bolshevik p'artyJ a our can rea • a art ei cains On 12 June the white-supremacist regime clamped a nationwide 'state of emergency' on the seething black rebellion in South Africa. This totalitarian repression aimed above all to prevent the general strike called for 16 June, the tenth anniversary of the Soweto up riSing. However, that day millions of black workers defied police-state terror and shut down the apartheid economy. Due to Pretoria's draconian blackout on news and the cowardly self-censorship of the imperialist media, very little is known about what is now happening in South Africa. It is clear, however, that the organised black proletariat stands as the main force of resistance. Protest strikes against the arrest of trade union activists under the 'state of emergency' have continued, most notably in the diamond mines. And, as we go to press, the largest black trade union federation COSATU has announced a nationwide 'day of action' for 14 July. Even as the apartheid butchers carry out mass terror in the tO~TIships, they rightly point to the Thatcher government as their staunchest overseas apologist and ally. Yet the outrage felt among broad sectors of the population in Britain against the apartheid regime and the Thatcher government is channel led by Neil Kinnock's Labour Party and the liberal-Labourite Anti Apartheid Movement in to nothing more than building an obscene popular front for imperialist sanctions - ranging from Tory 'wets' (and even the queen) to the fake left.